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Emily Farnum

 

SPECIFICATIONS: Medium. Tonnage, 1,119. Length, 194 feet; breadth, 35 feet, depth, 23 feet. Owner, W. Jones & Co. of Portsmouth, N.H.

PROBABLY NO SAILING SHIP built on the Piscataqua is more familiar to local people than the medium size clipper, the Emily Farnum, because of the fine model of her that has been on display in Portsmouth Savings Bank for many years. She was named for a sister of the principal owner, William Jones. In addition to W. Jones & Company, which had five-eighths, Richard Jenness had one-quarter; and her master, Captain William Parker, one-eighth. She was launched July 1, 1854, and was the last clipper built on the Piscataqua in that year. She was described as "a fine freighting ship of about 1200 tons." 40. Her first voyage put her into the guano trade, which had become, as noted earlier, an occupation for clippers. Her cruise to the Chincha Islands was uneventful and she returned to Philadelphia in June, 1855. Loading at New York for San Francisco, she sailed on October 11, 1855, and arrived "previous to April 5," 41 which would maker her passage in excess of 160 days. She went on to Calcutta, and for a while was in the East Indies trade. However, the Emily Farnum found a place for herself in the history books on October 3, 1862.

On that day she attained a distinction not granted to many vessels: the Emily Farnum was captured and released by the Confederate raider, the Alabama. Not that the raider's captain, Raphael Semmes, wanted to be charitable Ç far from it. Emily Farnum had sailed from New York on September 21, 1862, under Captain Nathan Parker Simes. She was carrying an assorted cargo to Liverpool. The morning of October 3, latitude 400 north, longitude, 500 30' west, roughly 300 miles southeast of Newfoundland, Captain Simes saw a vessel bearing down on him. When the stranger saw the American colors, she fired a warning shot, and ordered the Emily Farnum to heave to. With no chance of escaping the guns on the intercepting vessel, now flying the stars and bars, Captain Simes did as he was told. The Confederate captain sent over an officer with a boatload of armed sailors. The officer declared the Emily Farnum a prize of the warship Alabama, and ordered Simes to lower the American flag, which Simes refused to do, so the Alabama's officer did it.

While this was going on, the Alabama went after another ship which had the misfortune of coming up over the horizon. She was the Brilliant, a transatlantic packet, and she also hove to. Captain Simes was ordered to take the Emily Farnum's papers and go on board the Alabama. Captain Simes's private journal was later made available to William H.Y. Hackett, a Portsmouth lawyer who participated in the settling of the claims against the Alabama, long after the Civil War. Hackett said that Simes found a large number of prisoners, in irons, on the Alabama's deck

......The Captain [Simes] was told to stand between to guns, and after long waiting on the deck, was ordered down to the cabin where he saw the captain of the Alabama, who was enjoying his cigar and wine, but unmindful of the forms of hospitality to his visitor. He took Captain Simes' papers, and asked many questions about the ship, her cargo, owners, &c., and her value, where the cargo was owned, &c. Among the papers attached to a bill of lading was a certificate of the British consul in New York, showing that the goods on board were the property of John B. Spence, of Liverpool. When this was shown to Semmes, he declared it be "bogus," and that it was "prepared by the owners for the purpose of saving their vessel."42

No matter Semmes's protestations of the validity of the certificate, there's little doubt that that piece of paper helped in saving her from destruction. Nevertheless, Semmes continued his cat-and-mouse game with Captain Simes for a while longer. He boasted of his captures; that he had burned eleven whalers off the Western Islands, and had put 190 prisoners on shore in that vicinity. He continued to question his prisoner about the movements of the opposing armies; how many vessels were being added to the U.S. Navy, and so on. Semmes let Simes know that he already had fifty-four prisoners on the Alabama, and had plenty more manacles for the Emily Farnum's crew when the men came on board.

Finally Semmes tired of the game, and got down to business. After a conference with his clerk about the British consul's certificate, Semmes apparently decided that it would be impolitic to destroy British-owned property, so he asked Captain Simes if he would take all the prisoners then on the Alabama, plus the crew of the Brilliant, which vessel he planned to burn, and deliver them in Liverpool. Semmes spared no words in making it plain that he would rather have burned the Emily Farnum, but the logistics created by the prisoners, plus the technical questions raised by the consul's certificate, were inducing him to make the offer. It was quickly accepted by Captain Simes, who, after signing his parole, was allowed to return to his ship. The next day seventy-eight men were transferred to the Emily Farnum, being the captains, officers and crews of three vessels taken by the Alabama. As the Emily Farnum's crew, with plenty of assistance, shook out her sails and got under way for Liverpool, a pall of smoke from the burning Brilliant blackened the horizon.

The Emily Farnum fared much better than two other Portsmouth-built vessels captured and burned by Confederate raiders. The stories of the Express and the Shooting Star will be told later. The third vessel destroyed was the Rockingham, but she was not a clipper and her tale will have to wait for another volume.

The Emily Farnum went about her business for her Portsmouth owners until 1872 when she was sold for $30,000 and was rerigged as a bark. 43 The object behind rerigging was simple: it reduced the number hands needed to operate the vessel, and less overhead meant more profit from freights. In November, 1875, the Emily Farnum cleared San Francisco, heading for Departure Bay, Washington Territory. She ran into a gale the fifteenth, "which lasted 24 hours." The account continued:

......On the 18th the wind increased, accompanied by squalls and snow, and land was reported dead ahead. An attempt was at once made to stay the ship, which failed, and she was hauled to the wind, but, in endeavoring to weather Destruction Island, a heavy sea drove the vessel on the rocks, and at 12:30 she struck heavily

......An effort was made to launch the boats, but they were destroyed by the force of the waves...At 2:00 A.M. the vessel parted with the top part of her house, to which 14 men clung, lodging on the rocks, where they remained until morning. Thomas McGill swam from the rock to the main part of the island with a line, and a small raft was made and attached, by the means of which they reached shore two at a time. Before the raft, two of the men swam to the island, and John Hoaglin, a native of Sweden, and the Chinese were drowned in attempting the same feat. The survivors remained on the island for several days, living on flour and cabbage, until they were taken to the mainland by Indians. 44

A chronometer reading, made prior to the wreck, showed the Emily Farnum as being thirty-five miles offshore, such was the limited reliability of navigational instruments at the time. In a letter from Port Townsend, Washington Territory, written in 1888, it was said: Search is being made for the wreck of the bark Emily Farnum, which was lost 15 years ago. The vessel was laden with railroad iron for the Northern Pacific Railroad." To this was added the comment that neither the Emily Farnum "or her cargo of iron could be good for much after 15 years submersion in salt water."45

40. Rockingham Messenger.
41. Chronicle, May 1, 1856
43. Chronicle, Sept. 27, 1872
44. Marine History of Pacific Northwest, p. 229.
45. Chronicle, Oct. 4, 1888.

Brighton, Ray, Clippers of the Port of Portsmouth and the men who built them, Portsmouth Marine Society, Publication Five, 1985

Destruction Island

 

 

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