A. Introduction
More of the world's working children are employed in agriculture than in any
other sector. According to the International Labor Organization (ILO), "it
is likely that a majority of all work done by children is in agriculture."
1 The purpose of this chapter is to
survey the use of children in commercial agricultural and fishing activities
that export to the United States.2
The subject of child labor in agriculture has undergone little systematic
analysis. Available information is often vague and incomplete. This chapter
seeks to take a first step in understanding the use of children in commercial
agriculture by surveying available government documents, reports, articles,
accounts, studies, and other data in order to sketch a broad overview of the
countries and industries in which children work, and the terms and conditions of
their employment.
The first section of this chapter presents a summary of why children work,
the jobs they perform, the terms under which they are hired, the conditions
under which they work, and the relevant international law governing child labor
in the agricultural sector. The second part of the chapter surveys the use of
child labor in specific industries that export products to the United States.
1. Overview and Scope
Most children in commercial agriculture work on a seasonal basis, often
full-time as part of a family unit3
during the harvest and seeding seasons, but irregularly or on a part-time basis
during the remainder of the year. Many of these children attend school when
they are not working. It is not always known whether children regularly attend
school in the non-harvest or seeding months.
Children working in commercial agriculture and fishing face a wide range of
health and safety risks. Often forced to work in harsh conditions without
protective clothing or safety equipment, many children are injured in the course
of their work. Children also work extremely long hours without rest; fatigue
makes them more susceptible to accidents. Dangerous working conditions,
excessive physical strain, malnutrition, and regular exposure to
disease-carrying animals and toxic chemicals lead to lung, skin, and respiratory
diseases, back injuries, and permanent physical handicaps and deformities. Few
children receive the medical care required to remedy these ailments.
Because many of these children work on an occasional basis, and because
official statistics either do not count, or are unable to accurately count,
seasonal workers, estimates of the total number of children working in
commercial agriculture are difficult to ascertain. The use of child labor in
agriculture is thus, to a large degree, invisible -- uncounted, often
undocumented, and little understood.
a. International Laws and Definitions
International and some national laws sharply proscribe the use of children
by commercial agricultural enterprises. In addition, most countries either
promote or make compulsory primary education. Unfortunately, many governments
do not enforce primary education laws or commit adequate resources for all
children to attend school. This is particularly true in rural areas, where
access to education is often limited. The important linkage between education
and increased opportunities for children is stated succinctly by the ILO: "Enforcement
of school attendance, particularly for girls, would go a long way towards
eliminating child labour."4
For purposes of this study, the definition of child labor used is that of
ILO Convention No. 138 on the Minimum Age for Admission to Employment and its
accompanying Recommendation No. 146. Convention 138 establishes a basic minimum
age of 15, but permits countries "whose economy and educational facilities
are insufficiently developed" to establish a minimum age of 14. Article 5,
paragraph 3, specifically applies the Convention to "plantations and other
agricultural undertakings mainly producing for commercial purposes, but
excluding family and small-scale holdings producing for local consumption and
not regularly employing hired workers."5
Recommendation No. 146 states:
Where it is not immediately feasible to fix a minimum age for all
employment in agriculture and in related activities in rural areas, a minimum
age should be fixed at least for employment on plantations and in the other
agricultural undertakings referred to in Article 5, paragraph 3, of the Minimum
Age Convention, 1973.6
In accordance with the ILO approach, this study does not include children
working on family farms -- land owned and cultivated by members of nuclear or
extended families. Although the products grown on family farms are sometimes
purchased by buyers who in turn sell them in international markets, their
primary purpose is to support the families that operate them. Nor does the
study include conditions of small cooperative farming arrangements that produce
goods solely for local consumption, or other small-scale entities. Also
excluded from this report are those situations in which (i) working children are
able to attend school on a regular basis, and (ii) there is no evidence of
jeopardy to the health and safety of the children who may be working outside of
school hours.
Recognizing the importance of education and training as a means of
alleviating poverty and raising economic standards of children, the thrust of
the ILO standards is to permit children to work only in those circumstances
where the nature and timing of their work does not interfere with their ability
to gain a basic education. ILO Convention 138 directly ties a country's
establishment of minimum age for work to the completion of compulsory schooling.
Thus, Article 2 of Convention 138 requires a country's minimum age to be "not
less than the age of completion of compulsory schooling." Article 7 of the
Convention permits children 13 to 15 years of age to perform "light work"
so long as such work does not:
prejudice their attendance at school, their participation in vocational
orientation or training programmes approved by the competent authority or their
capacity to benefit from the instruction received.7
This study also concentrates on those sectors and countries where children
are subjected in their work to undue health or safety hazards. This also
parallels the ILO approach. Article 3, paragraph 1 sets a minimum age of 18 for
admission to any type of employment or work which by its nature or the
circumstances in which it is carried out is likely to jeopardise the health,
safety or morals of young persons . . .8
The Convention requires that for those workers above the age of 16 but below
the age of 18, national laws or regulations must ensure that the "health,
safety and morals" of such young workers are "fully protected"
and that they "have received adequate instruction or vocational training in
the relevant branch of activity."9
The most economically significant form of commercial agriculture, in terms
of size, revenues, and share of export markets, is the plantation. The
definition of a plantation in this study is that of the ILO Committee on the
Work of Plantations:10
. . . any agricultural undertaking employing hired workers which is
situated in the tropical or subtropical region and which is concerned with the
cultivation and production for commercial purposes of one or more of . . .
coffee, tea, sugar cane, rubber, bananas, cocoa, coconuts, groundnuts, cotton,
tobacco, fibers -- sisal, jute and hemp -- citrus, palm oil, cinchona, pineapple
and rice.11
Plantations employ approximately 20 million persons, or about 2 percent of
the persons working in the agricultural sector in developing countries.12 According to the ILO, "(s)everal
hundreds of thousands of children are reported to be working on plantations in
various producer countries; they account for an estimated 7 to 12 percent of the
total plantation wage labour force."13
2. Why Children Work: Explanations for Use of Child Labor
in Agriculture
There are many explanations for the use of child labor in agriculture. The
use of child labor is usually the result of a need for intensive labor coupled
with a readily available supply of labor that is cheap and easily controlled.
Employers hire children because they are available in large numbers, and
because, in the view of some employers, child workers are preferable to adults.
While most agree that children should grow up in an environment that provides
the best possible conditions of physical and mental growth, many factors compel
children to enter the workforce. As a result, a large supply of children is
often available to meet the demand.
a. Demand for Child Labor
Even in countries with high unemployment rates, children can be found
working full time on farms and plantations while rural adult workers are
unemployed. There are four principal reasons for this: children are plentiful
in numbers in rural areas; they often already live on plantations or other
farms; their labor can be had for a fraction of what is paid to adult workers;
and they are considered to be more docile and more pliant than adult workers.
A study by an Indian Government Commission concluded that:
On the
demand side, there are certain sectors that have tended to rely heavily on child
labour, because of the pliability of children or low wage. Agriculture is one
such sector. Plantation industry thrives almost entirely on the advantage of
child labour. Children join the labour force alongside the parents either for
no wage or for a negligible income.14
b. Supply of Child Labor
Studies of the causes of child labor in agriculture have found several,
often overlapping reasons, why there is a supply of children for work on
plantations and farms. The most significant causes are a real or perceived need
on the part of families for income; a dearth of educational opportunities; an
inability to pay for education or a belief that education is of little value; or
situations of forced or bonded labor.15
Children are also found working on plantations after dropping out of school.
They may be recruited to perform tasks their parents prefer not to do, or they
can be found tending to younger siblings living on plantations while the parents
work. Finally, some children work on plantations to earn their own income. In
some cases mothers take their children to work with them in the fields because
they have neither a safe place to leave them nor someone to care for them.
i. Poverty
Poverty is the most often cited reason for the use of child labor in
agriculture and fishing. Children most commonly work in poor rural agricultural
regions in which families believe the employment of their children will increase
total family income. Systems of remuneration based on weight/piece provide an
incentive to use children to maximize earnings. Payment schemes that require a
minimum amount of a crop to be collected in order for any wage to be paid also
serve as an incentive for parents to employ their children. The contribution of
a child's earnings to general family income has not been studied in detail.16 In situations where parents work
for long hours in the fields, children are often required to perform domestic
chores in their place.
While the employment of children may supplement family income in some
instances, it may also contribute to keeping the children in poverty. A study
of child labor on palm oil and rubber plantations in Malaysia concluded that
children are "doubly pushed into menial labour: poor households need
additional income from the extra working members, while the lack of affordable
opportunities for further education and skill training means limited prospects
for upward or outward mobility."17
ii. Educational Factors
A major factor contributing to the use of child labor is the lack of
educational opportunities available to children in rural areas. Many
plantations do not have schools on the premises. The long distances that must
be travelled, often on foot, to attend the nearest school commonly preclude
attendance. Even when schools are located nearby, children of poor families are
frequently unable to pay school fees or purchase required school uniforms,
books, and other school materials.
Parents' negative attitudes toward the usefulness of schooling also prevents
the placement of children in schools. In many rural areas where farm work is
the only job available, many parents perceive little utility in sending their
children to school when they could be more useful to the family by working.
Furthermore, many parents believe that children will receive more useful
training by working on farms than they would in the classroom -- even if the
work they perform actually provides little actual training in agricultural
techniques.
iii. Parent's Choice/Children's Choice
While most children work as part of a family unit, children may also work so
that "(p)arents can reduce their own work burdens through the use of their
children's work."18
In other instances older children may opt to become employed against their
parent's wishes, "rather than endure the `eternal apprenticeship' of long
hours without remuneration under the control of parents."19 The lure of an independent salary
also may cause older children to seek paying jobs rather than to work without
compensation on their family farms.
iv. Societal Attitudes
Many children work because child labor has become an accepted norm within
the social structure. Children growing up on farms are inculcated into a
lifestyle centered around work at an early age and simply know no other way of
life, particularly if schooling is not a possibility. In many agrarian
societies children as young as 5 perform small tasks on the farm.
In some instances the use of child labor supports the reigning social and
family value system; child labor is viewed as beneficial to the child, the
family, and the society in general. In Indonesia, for example, the "Pancasila"
ideology states a child's foremost duty is to help their parent.20 An ILO study of child labor in
Indonesia notes that "cultural values in Indonesia accept and even
encourage child employment as an educational process" that brings
understanding of work, personal responsibility, self-discipline, and job
satisfaction.21 Similar attitudes
are common in many countries throughout the world.
Finally, society in general contributes to child labor through omission,
indifference, a lack of awareness, or the acceptance of child labor as a natural
and customary way of life.
v. Minority Status
In many cases, especially high concentrations of working children come from
either specific castes, ethnic or religious minorities, or domestic and foreign
migrant populations. In India, the great majority of working children are from
lower caste families. In Malaysia, most of the children working on palm-oil and
rubber plantations are Tamils, who descend from low-caste workers originally
imported from India.22 In
Argentina, many of the working children are Paraguayan and Bolivian; in
Thailand's fishing industry many are Burmese; in Costa Rica, most are thought to
be from Nicaragua. Children of native or tribal people also may be employed,
such as the Burmese Karen in Thailand's fishing industry, or native Indians who
pick sugar cane in the state of Mato Grosso do Sul in Brazil. In Pakistan many
of the working children may be minority Christians.
vi. Government Policy
Government policies -- or lack thereof -- also contribute to the use of
child labor in agriculture. In many countries, a lack of surveillance,
enforcement, and intervention on the part of governments allows child labor to
thrive. According to the ILO:
. . . almost nowhere do children working in agriculture receive the
priority attention their vulnerability merits; to the contrary, they are
especially underserved and underprotected. Labour inspection in rural areas is
often insufficient, and even under the best of conditions it may cover only the
largest commercial enterprises, which is not where many children work. Even the
structures by which child workers in agriculture might be reached are thin or
leaking; there is often a scarcity of government or NGO organizations capable of
extending services and protection to rural working children, even with outside
financial support.23
Even when violators are caught and prosecuted, penalties are often too small
to induce employers to change their practices.
In many countries, governmental policies simply ignore the plight of
children. Mandatory education laws, if they exist, are often disregarded in
agricultural regions, and in many rural areas schools are simply too distant to
be accessible. The ILO has stated, "Primary education facilities are
available on most plantations, but are generally found insufficient to enable
all children to attend school regularly and complete their primary education."24
3. Working Conditions: Health and Safety Issues
Children working in agriculture are exposed to many hazards that imperil
their safety and health. The ILO states that children working in agriculture "are
at risk for two reasons other than being child workers:"
First, they are involved in one of the world's most dangerous sectors;
although data are poor, agriculture is known to have especially high
occupational disease and accident rates for adults. Second, they live in rural
areas, which are generally poorer than cities; rural children in developing
countries tend to have lower weight and life expectancy at birth, higher
mortality and morbidity rates, greater incidence of malnutrition, and lower
school enrollment and completion rates than do urban children. This combination
of risks makes rural working children especially vulnerable.25
Even under the best conditions children in agriculture commonly suffer
accidents, injuries and illnesses. As the ILO notes, "children suffer from
long and arduous working hours, little health and safety protection and
services, inadequate diets, rest and leisure, and are further denied education
even where primary school attendance is possible."26
Working children often work with unsafe farm machinery and tools that they
are not always able to operate safely. For example, some children who cut sugar
cane use heavy machetes that they cannot wield properly and suffer various
injuries as a result. When children perform chores that are simply too
strenuous for them, such as carrying heavy or oversized loads of picked coffee,
tea, tobacco, and other crops, they suffer from problems ranging from back
injuries to permanent disabilities or deformities.
Children working on tropical plantations are regularly threatened by
constant exposure to poisonous or disease-carrying insects and reptiles. They
are particularly susceptible to endemic and parasitic diseases, dermatosis, and
respiratory tract diseases. Fatigue is an ever present problem.27
Hygienic conditions on plantations are often substandard. Drinking water is
often unsafe, sanitary facilities are frequently unclean, and medical facilities
found on plantations, if they exist at all, are often inadequate to treat the
illnesses and injuries suffered by children.
A particularly dangerous threat to children working on plantations is
regular exposure to hazardous substances used in agriculture, such as toxic
chemical fertilizers and pesticides. The ILO, noting that the great majority of
workers in the agricultural sector live in developing countries, states:
The bulk of chemical products manufactured in these countries or
imported by them is used in agriculture. Pesticides, chiefly insecticides, are
among the most commonly used of agrochemicals. All too often they are applied
without adequate protective equipment or other precautionary measures. Workers
in these countries are too often untrained in the proper use of pesticides.
Often they cannot read the languages in which instructions are written. As a
result of these and other factors, pesticide poisoning is widespread.28
While some pesticides, such as DDT and other organochlorine compounds, have
been banned in industrial countries, they are regularly used in developing
countries.29 Although there are no
doubt significant benefits from the use of agrochemicals, the effects of the use
of these chemicals on child workers in many countries may be more dangerous as a
result of climatic conditions, precarious working conditions, inadequate or even
non-existent medical facilities, ineffective or understaffed regulatory bodies,
and general ignorance of the hazards involved in handling pesticides.30 An ILO study of the use of
agrochemicals states that "(i)ndustrialized countries use 80 percent of the
world's agrochemicals but probably suffer only 1 per cent or less of all deaths
due to pesticide poisoning; developing countries, on the other hand, suffer 99
per cent of all such deaths while using only 20 per cent of the world's
agrochemicals."31
The effects of these safety and health hazards may be far more severe to
children than to adults. A recent study on children in hazardous work states:
A growing body of research indicates that, because of anatomical
differences between children and adults, child workers are considerably more
vulnerable to workplace health hazards. Age seems to be an important factor in
the effect of toxic chemicals, and children exposed to them early tend to become
ill or disabled much more quickly than do adults with similar exposure.
Children are more susceptible to thermal stress and environmental temperature
changes, and are more sensitive to ionizing radiation. They are also more
vulnerable to carcinogens, and, if exposed to them, the probability of their
developing cancer is greater than that of adults having equal exposure.
Furthermore, children who work are more likely than adults to suffer
occupational injuries owing to inattention, fatigue, poor judgment, insufficient
knowledge of work processes, and the fact that equipment, machinery and tools
used are designed for adults.32
4. Terms of Employment
Children working in the commercial agricultural sector are employed under
many different terms and circumstances.
In some instances, children are hired as wage laborers and are employed on a
full time basis. While children hired in this manner usually perform the same
work as adult workers, only in rare instances do they receive the same wages as
their adult counterparts; more commonly the wages they are paid are one-half to
one-third below those paid to adults.33
The majority of children working on commercial farms do so as part of a
family unit. The main incentive for parents to use children is the use of
compensation systems that pay workers by the weight or quantity of the product
collected. By using their children, parents are able to increase the amount
collected and thereby increase earnings. Sometimes, minimum amounts of a
product must be collected in order for any compensation to be paid, in which
case the contributions of children can be critical. While children's earnings
can in some instances significantly enhance family income, more frequently their
contribution is a small percentage of the family's earnings.
Even when they are not engaged in full-time farm work, children may also
support the economic life of the plantation by taking care of younger children,
performing domestic tasks and chores, and taking care of their family's animals
and vegetable plots. By doing these jobs, farm and plantation operators are
relieved of having to provide child-care facilities, and adult workers are freed
up to devote more of their time to farm work.
There has been a dramatic rise throughout the world in the use of contract
labor, whereby plantation owners and managers contract labor for a limited
period of time or for a particular job. Plantations owners tend to benefit from
the use of contract labor, as it relieves them of the burden of recruiting,
overseeing, and paying the workers. But the system has many negative
consequences for children. Their families move frequently, often to several
locations in the course of a year. On the job, they often receive neither
compensation, medical care, overtime pay, rest breaks, rest days, nor education.
Because contract workers often do not live on plantations, working children
must often spend many hours each day commuting to work along with their parents.
5. Education and Child Labor in Commercial Agriculture
It is difficult to generalize about the amount and quality of education
received by children working in the agricultural sector. The quality of schools
can vary dramatically, even in a given area. Differing populations on a
particular farm or plantation may follow differing educational paths. The
location or size of a farm or plantation rarely serves as a clue to the quality
or amount of education children receive. Few meaningful statistics are kept on
school attendance in rural areas, and even those that exist provide little
insight into the quality of the education children receive.
Still, some general tendencies appear evident. For the most part, children
living in more geographically remote regions usually have lesser opportunities
to attend schools, and the quality of the education usually is inferior to that
received by urban counterparts. While many rural children attend primary
(elementary) schools, most drop out either during or upon completion of primary
school. Teachers are often scarce in rural areas. Many governments take few
steps to enforce their own mandatory education laws outside of more heavily
populated urban areas.
Many large plantations and farms operate their own schools. The quality of
these varies greatly: some meet or exceed government educational standards,
while others offer minimal educations and structure school schedules to maximize
the amount of time that students can devote to working in the fields. Schools
on commercial farms in Zimbabwe, for example, have shorter class hours than
other schools so children can work, and at times when labor is needed owners
will pay children to work in lieu of remaining in the classroom.34
Where schools do not exist on the premises, children must often walk long
distances to attend schools, if any are accessible at all. Many rural parents
often believe that their education is not useful and seek to curtail their
children's schooling at an early age.
Children in what appear to be very similar circumstances may encounter very
differing educational opportunities. Children working on tea plantations in
hilly areas of West Bengal, in India, tend to attend either government schools
or schools run by missionaries. Children on tea plantations in the plains have
fewer available schools and tend to drop out by the third grade.35
Even on a given plantation, different groups of children may be offered
differing educational opportunities. In Negros, in the Philippines, the
children of skilled plantation workers attend school full time and work in their
free time; the children of unskilled plantation workers and the children of
migrants working on the same plantation do not receive any schooling.36
Working often has a strong negative impact on education. Children who
attend school and work are often fatigued and unable to concentrate in the
classroom or do homework.
Almost no research has been done on the education of the children of migrant
agricultural workers. Because they regularly move from one plantation or region
to another, schooling opportunities may change with each move. For the most
part, they attend school in their home village, but this is often disrupted by
constant moves. Migrant children usually work with their parents as part of a
family unit, and rarely attend school on the farms or plantations where their
parents work. Few governments have addressed the problem.
B. Regional and Industry Profiles
1. Africa
Harsh geography, in the form of rain forest and desert, makes the
establishment of commercial farming virtually impossible in much of Africa. War
has shut down other once-large exporters, such as Liberia's rubber plantations
and the coffee plantations of Rwanda. In much of the rest of the continent,
agriculture is undertaken on small communal or family farms that grow crops for
home use or local consumption.
The plantations in Africa that produce for export are situated mainly in two
geographical regions: the coastal countries of West Africa and the countries of
the East African plateau, running from the highlands of Ethiopia to South
Africa. The major products grown on these plantations are coffee, cocoa,
cotton, rice, rubber, sisal, tea, and vanilla. Fruits and vegetables are
commercially produced in South Africa.
Working conditions for children on African farms are extremely harsh. As
one author notes, "(c)limatic conditions quickly induce fatigue; there is a
constant danger from insects, reptiles and other animals; the ground is hard and
tools primitive; distances to be travelled are sometimes very great; working
hours are long; and the overall picture can be even worse if the children
themselves are not in good health."37
Plantations and farms in Africa often hire children directly as contract
workers. In Tanzania, for example, it has been reported that primary school age
children, some as young as six years old, have been recruited for plantation
work by owners of commercial farms, who send trucks to collect workers between
November and May, the peak agricultural period.38
A 1992 account from the Northern Transvaal, in South Africa, tells "of
some children trucked in from outside farms being selected by lot for rape by
adult workers on the host farm.39
Farmers in South Africa also reportedly contract with tribal chiefs in the
Transkei region to hire children. All of the payments go to the chiefs.40
In Zimbabwe, many large plantations, including some owned by the government,
require children to work during the harvest season in order to remain in school.
In November 1990, students living on farms in Chipinge and Chisumbange were
reportedly forced by the government to pick cotton during the harvesting season.
The students claimed they were told that a refusal to work would result in
their not being allowed to attend classes.41
In June 1995 children were photographed working in cotton fields of a
government-owned farm in Bulilimamange District. Despite protests by parents,
the farm management insisted that children work on weekends in order to finance
the school. Those children who did not show up for work on the weekend were
required to work during school hours.42
The use of child labor appears to be significant in South Africa, though
research on the subject has been limited. Children are reported to work on
farms that produce fruit and vegetables, grapes for wine, maize, sugar cane, and
tobacco.43 The ILO estimated in
1987 that more than 60,000 black children between 8 and 14 years of age were
employed as laborers on South African farms.44
Prior to 1994, government labor inspectors were not permitted to enter private
commercial farms and were thus prevented from enforcing labor laws or assessing
conditions.45
a. Coffee
In Kenya, children pick coffee berries during the harvest season. Younger
children work alongside their parents -- usually their mothers -- while older
children often work independently.46
By one estimate, children comprise 58 percent of the coffee plantation work
force during peak seasons and 18 percent of the work force during the rest of
the year.47
Because workers are paid according to quantity, children are called upon to
assist their mothers to pick coffee and fill the coffee bags. Even with such
assistance, earnings are barely sufficient to buy food. Once the children begin
working they rarely return to school. In addition, many boys migrate to the
cities by the time they reach the ages of 11-13.48
While some child workers live on the plantations, others either walk to work
or are picked up by trucks between 5:30-6:30 a.m. and return at 5:00-7:00 p.m.49 Protective clothing and safety
devices are not regularly issued; children who climb taller coffee trees to
collect beans sometimes fall.50
Children are generally malnourished and suffer from many health problems.51
In 1994, U.S. imports of Kenyan coffee totalled $15 million.
In Madagascar and Uganda, children work on a seasonal basis, usually
assisting in picking and sorting coffee beans during the harvest season.52 In Côte d'Ivoire, children
work on medium-sized coffee plantations. They sort through the beans and select
those that are useable, strip coffee beans from the trees, and pick up beans
that fall off the ground cloth used to collect them.53
More research is need to determine the conditions of work, ages of children,
and primary school enrollment.
In 1994 the United States imported $5 million of coffee from Madagascar, $34
million from Uganda, and $8 million from Côte d'Ivoire.
b. Cotton
In Zimbabwe, children are employed to pick cotton for six weeks during the
harvest season. Because wages paid are extremely low, even many unemployed
persons elect not to seek employment, leaving either migrant families or
children to take the jobs.54
Heads of households are hired or contracted by plantation owners to pick,
weed, and harvest cotton. They usually bring their wives and children along
with them. Because seasonal and migrant workers are paid by the task or by the
piece, families have a strong incentive to use their children to boost
production.
Some commercial and small-scale farms have resident workers. Farm owners
usually provide workers with housing, schooling, and banking services. Many
workers spend their entire lives on one plantation. While women traditionally
picked the cotton, in recent years children have increasingly performed this
task.
In 1994, the United States imported $5 million of woven cotton fabric from
Zimbabwe.
c. Fruits and Vegetables
South Africa is the largest producer of fruits and vegetables in Africa, and
child labor is frequently used on South African farms. Child labor can be found
in the Western Cape, around Kalitsdorp; in the agriculturally rich areas near
Stellenbosch and Paarl; and in the Orange Free State. Children are also
reported to farm asparagus on the Lesotho border.55
Children are frequently used on a short-term basis in the harvesting season.
A team leader will hire the children, who are usually 10 years old and above,
thus enabling the farm owners themselves to deny responsibility for knowing the
ages of the children or the terms under which they were hired.56
Also in South Africa, there are reports of Mozambican refugee children who
are recruited by local farmers, put to work and then reported to the police for
deportation as illegal aliens when payment for their labor becomes due.57
In 1994 the United States imported $22 million of fruits and vegetables from
South Africa.
d. Jasmine
Children are regularly employed picking jasmine in Egypt.58 Between July and October,
recruiters take children from villages in the Nile Delta to gather the flowers
in the middle of the night, when the essence is purest. Recruiters prefer small
children, because their small hands better enable them to pick delicate single
flowers. The children work barefoot in the mud and must rely on their sense of
touch as there is no light. The children work 9 hour shifts without eating or
stopping until the morning sun grows too strong. The children are paid 3
Egyptian pounds per day. If the children stop work for any reason -- for
example, to avoid swarms of mosquitos -- they may be caned by the recruiter.59
Imports of jasmine from Egypt by the United States in 1994 were $75,000.
e. Rubber
There are reports of some children working on large rubber plantations in Côte
d'Ivoire. The children have been observed helping their parents to dig holes
and plant seeds in the nurseries and in some cases assisting in the collection
process. Children work as part of their family units and are not directly
compensated.60 More information is
needed to determine the extent of child labor in Ivoirian rubber plantations.
U.S. imports of rubber from Côte d'Ivoire in 1994 totalled $8 million.
f. Sisal
In Tanzania many children aged 12-14 are employed in the sisal industry,
where they cultivate the immature sisal, transplant it once the plants have
reached the required height, and weed it throughout the year. The weeding is
done almost exclusively by children. Children also carry wet sisal fibers from
the machines that strip the leaves to the drying lines, and collect the short
fibers that are ejected from the brushing machines.61
On one plantation, children composed 30 percent of the workforce. They work
up to 11 hours per day, 6 days per week, with no regular or specified rest
periods. Their earnings are approximately one-half those of adults, not enough
to adequately pay for lodging and food.62
A survey of the children working on the plantation found that 12 percent had
never gone to school; 38 percent dropped out of primary school; and 50 percent
had completed primary school. None received education beyond primary school.63
Sisal production is hazardous. Children regularly work under the hot sun
and during rain without protective clothing. Continuous inhalation of sisal
fibers and air-borne dust from the brushing machines causes byssinosis, a lung
disease. When carrying wet sisal fibers, children are exposed to the sisal
liquid, which irritates the skin and causes severe itching. During weeding,
children are injured by the sharp needle points of the sisal plants.64
In Kenya, some migrant children work in the sisal industry, usually for
friends and relatives who are hired as subcontractors by plantation operators.65
In 1994 the United States imported $3 million of sisal from Tanzania and
$74,000 from Kenya.
g. Sugar
In the Côte d'Ivoire, children work alongside their parent on both
large and small sugar cane plantations. Children perform tasks such as stacking
the cut cane, while young teenagers sometimes assist in harvesting the cane.66
In 1994 the United States imported over $3 million of sugar from Côte
d'Ivoire.
h. Tea
Tea estates in Zimbabwe employ a large number of children, often 10-12 years
old, on a part-time, contract basis. They are paid according to the amount of
tea picked. A study of child labor on tea estates in Manicaland found that
child workers begin their work day at 5:30 a.m., walk 5-8 kilometers to the tea
fields, and work until 11:30 a.m. When they finish picking the tea leaves, they
carry the sacks of leaves to the weighing station; they then are permitted to go
to school, which begins at 1:00 p.m. If they fail to pick the minimum daily
load they are forced to work a half day on Saturday as punishment.67 The clinic staff on one tea
plantation found there were "frequent cases of children with abdominal
pains and cuts in the hands and legs from tea picking."68 The children suffer exhaustion and
an inability to concentrate at school as a result of this schedule. In
addition, they suffer frequent abdominal pains from tea picking. The sharp
edges of the tea leaves cause cuts on their hands and feet. Children commonly
suffer lacerations and callouses on their plucking fingers, known as "tea
ulcers."69
In 1994 the United States imported $46,000 of tea from Zimbabwe.
i. Tobacco
Children are employed as casual laborers on tobacco plantations in Zimbabwe.
They work during the peak harvest season, which lasts 1-3 months per year, and
during vacations. Children who weed and plant tobacco are reported to suffer
reactions from the use of ethylene dibromide. Children working in tobacco
grading sheds are exposed to steam, smoke and dust, which can cause asthma.
They are also exposed to heat and fire from boilers inside the sheds.70
In 1994 the United States imported $30 million of tobacco from Zimbabwe.
In South Africa, some children are reported to work on tobacco farms.71 Children on tobacco farms in the
eastern Transvaal have been seen and photographed spreading pesticides with
their bare hands.72
In 1993 a South African newspaper, the City Press, found children as
young as 9 years old working on tobacco farms at Hekpoort, in the West Rand,
working for 30 Rand per week (approximately $10). One 9 year old girl packing
tobacco leaves -- one of 20 found working in a hot, dark, smoke-filled packing
room -- told the newspaper that she had never attended school and said she could
not even remember when she had begun to work on the farm. She said she worked
from 7:00 a.m. to 5:30 p.m., 5 days per week.73
In 1994 the United States imported $4 million of tobacco from South Africa.
j. Vanilla
In Madagascar, children are employed in small-scale private farms, mostly
along the Eastern Coast, that produce vanilla. Children aged 10 and older nip
the flowers of the vanilla orchid, usually from 4:00 a.m. to 7:00 a.m. in the
morning. They also harvest the raw vanilla bean. Children earn 500 FMG (12
cents) per day. Child labor tends to be most prominent where there are no
schools. The largest enterprises do not employ children, as high unemployment
allows these producers to hire adult laborers at low wages.74
In 1994 the United States imported $32 million of vanilla beans from
Madagascar.
2. Asia
Most of the world's working children live in Asia, and the majority of these
children work in the agricultural sector. Children in Asia can be found
performing virtually all types of farm work.
A 1995 report by the Indian Commission on Labor Standards states that, "(e)ven
on a conservative estimate, India has the largest number of urban and rural
child workers in the world."75
The report acknowledges at least 18.6 million working children in 1990, but
notes that private organizations have placed the figure at between 44 million to
over 100 million.76 Of the total,
the report estimates that 85 percent work in agriculture and related activities.77 This figure does not distinguish
between children working on plantations and children working on family farms.
Children in India work on plantations producing products such as tea, coffee,
cashew nuts, tobacco, cardamom, cinchona (quinine), natural rubber, and in the
fish processing industry.78
Other Asian countries also have large numbers of children working in the
agricultural sector. UNICEF and the Government of Pakistan estimate that there
are 3 million children working in Pakistan's agricultural sector.79 A 1989 Labor Force Survey by the
Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics found that 81.9 percent of the country's 6.1
million economically active children worked in the agricultural sector.80
In Nepal, children living on tea plantations prune, replant, sow, and weed.81 In Bangladesh children are reported
to work on tea and tobacco plantations.82
Children on Sri Lanka's tea plantations weed and pluck tea leaves; on rubber
plantations they weed and tap the rubber trees for latex; and on coconut estates
children gather and collect nuts, and weed.83
In Indonesia, an estimated 82.4 percent of boys and 64.8 percent of the
girls between 10-14 work in the agricultural sector.84
Children in Indonesia work on palm, rubber, tea, and tobacco plantations.85 NGOs in Malaysia estimate that 20
percent of the working children in the country are employed in commercial
agriculture.86 An estimated 85
percent of the child workers in Thailand work in agriculture.87 It is reported that children aged
12-15 are commonly recruited for work on sugar cane and rubber plantations in
Thailand.88
The ILO estimates that 18 percent of the child workers aged 5-14 living in
rural areas in the Philippines are wage laborers, many of whom are employed as
farm workers.89 Children in the
Philippines are employed in various agricultural enterprises, including fruit
and vegetable farms, rice and corn production, poultry farms, sugar plantations,
animal care, fishing, and copra making.90
a. Tea
Children working on tea plantations in India assist their parents to pluck
and sort tea leaves and carry baskets of harvested tea. Most of the plantations
are located in the states of Assam and West Bengal.91
Estimates of the number of children working on plantations in these two states
vary from 21,000 to 77,000.92
The demand for labor on tea plantations is highly seasonal. During the
plucking and harvesting season, June-September, children frequently accompany
their parents -- usually their mothers -- to work in the fields. They help to
sort leaves and carry baskets of plucked leaves.93
The former chairman of the Tea Board in West Bengal described life on the
plantation:
The workers are as attached to the land as the tea bushes. They were
born in the tea estates. The live there all their lives. They die there. The
mother who works in the tea gardens has no place to leave her children. She
puts her child on her back and brings the child with her when she works. What
is more natural than that the child wants to know what the mother is doing and
wants to help her pluck the tea. That is how the child becomes a worker. It is
easy for children to pluck. Their fingers are nimble and the bushes are at
their height. The child plucks the leaves and puts them into her mother's
basket. Whatever the child plucks increases the pay of the mother. I would not
say that the children are employed. They are helping their parents. Then, when
the child is twelve, she is given a basket of her own and earns her own wages.
She is paid half of what an adult is given.94
During the harvest season, children have sufficient time to attend school if
schools are available.95 Most of
the children, however, drop out of school at ages 9-10 and spend the non-harvest
period pruning bushes and performing other chores.
Because of the high seasonal demand during the harvest period, tea
plantations employ many migrant workers. The migrant workers bring their
families to work on the plantations. Many of the children are under 12 years
old.96
In 1994 the United States imported $7 million of tea from India.97
b. Vegetables
Children can be found working on vegetable farms in the Cordillera region of
the Philippines, an area that encompasses the northern section of the island of
Luzon. A 1990 UNICEF-sponsored study reported that children work 10 hours per
day from Monday through Saturday with only short breaks and half a day on
Sunday. The children earn 25 pesos (approximately $0.95) daily, less than the
minimum wage and less than half the pay of adult workers. The study found a
correlation between the physical strain of the work, the constant exposure to
natural elements, toxic pesticides, and other chemicals with retarded growth,
disease, and malnutrition.98
Children on vegetable farms in the Benguet Province in the Philippines work
8-10 hours per day, Monday-Saturday.99
They weed, cultivate, turn soil, fix canals, harvest, and apply pesticides.100 The children are paid much less
than their adult counterparts.101
Children suffer from muscle strain and fatigue, and are exposed to harmful
pesticides.102
U.S. imports of vegetables from the Philippines totalled $550,000 in 1994.
c. Palm Oil
In Malaysia children can be found working on palm oil plantations, where
they assist their parents to collect loose fruit, help carry and load bunches of
oil palm fruit, and weed the oil palm fields.103
One report estimates that 60 percent of the children working on palm oil
plantations in Malaysia are 6 to 10 years old.104
Another survey found that only 16 percent of the palm oil plantations provide
schooling.105 Workers on palm oil
plantation must collect 1.5-2 tons of palm fruit each day.106 For workers to successfully meet
their daily quota of palm fruit collection, notes one study, "assistance
from the child worker is the savior."107
U.S. imports of palm oil from Malaysia in 1994 totalled $56 million.
d. Rubber
Children on rubber plantations in Malaysia mark rubber trees, tap rubber
trees, collect latex, clean latex cups, spray pesticides, and work in factories
on the plantations. They also perform many supporting tasks related to rubber
production.108 Virtually all of
the children are members of ethnic Indian families whose descendants were
brought to Malaysia by the British as indentured servants at the turn of the
century.109
Most of the children work as part of a family unit, assisting their parents
to tap the trees and clean the latex cups. One survey found that 92 percent of
households on four rubber estates had at least one child below the age of 15
working, and that only 8 percent of the households in rubber estates did not
send their children to work.110
The major reason cited by parents for using their children is a requirement that
workers tap at least 600-700 trees per day in order to receive the daily wage.
This is more easily achieved by recruiting as many family members as possible to
tap the trees.111 Most children
themselves do not directly receive their earnings.112
Children who tap rubber with their parents usually work 7 days per week, 8
hours per day. Rubber tapping begins early in the morning, usually at 5:30
a.m., and continues until 3:00 p.m. Many children who clean the latex cups may
be under 14 years of age.113
Injuries in the rubber industry are common: in one report, 15 percent of the
children interviewed suffered injuries, mostly from tapping knives, fallen
branches, bee stings, falling machinery, and cuts from broken glass.114 Children are regularly exposed to
hazardous pesticides and thorny plants. They rarely wear footwear and are
susceptible to insect and leech-bites, as well as to mosquitos that carry the
deadly "Dengue" disease. Because they generally do not wear
protective clothing, children are also bitten by poisonous snakes and stung by
hornets, scorpions, and centipedes. Children's eyes are not protected from
chips of wood and flying dirt caused by drilling holes in the trees.115
While many children still work on rubber plantations, the numbers appear to
be diminishing as employers are increasingly replacing domestic with foreign
labor, especially from Indonesia. Most of the foreign workers do not have their
children with them.116
In 1994 the United States imported $138 million of natural rubber from
Malaysia.
e. Sugar
Children on sugar plantations in Ormoc City and Negros Occidental in the
Philippines weed, cut cane, and apply fertilizers. Some children and
adolescents operate horse rigs in the sugar fields, a job that can be strenuous
and entails long hours of work.117
In Negros, children begin to weed the fields when they are as young as 7-8 years
old, and begin to cut the cane at age 12. The children who work are children of
unskilled resident plantation workers and children of migrants who regularly
move from plantation to plantation.118
Among the hazards that exist for children on sugar plantations are injuries
from using sharp knives, and poisoning from the use of dangerous fertilizers.119
In 1994, the Philippines exported $45 million of sugar to the United States.
Deceptive recruiting of children and debt bondage occurs in connection with
sugar cane plantations in Thailand, mainly in the province of Kanchanaburi.
Children and adults are recruited through intermediaries for the plantations;
the workers are enticed into taking loans, becoming entrapped in debt bondage.120
The United States imported $6 million of cane sugar from Thailand in 1994.
f. Fishing
In Thailand, children are involved in all stages of the fishing industry. A
study of 427 children and adolescents working in 44 fishing enterprises in Samut
Sakhon province, a center of the fishing industry located approximately 25 miles
southwest of Bangkok, found that 48 percent were aged 14 or under; over 85
percent of the workers had started to work at age 14 or younger.121 Of the working children who lived
in the area, about 80 percent were girls.122
Nearly 90 percent worked full time and 62 percent earned their own income.123 Moreover, the researchers
observed that many children as young as 5 or 6 years old accompanied their
parents or other relatives for the purpose of working.124
Most of the children surveyed (71 percent) clean, bone, and skin fish; shell
squid, mussels, shrimp and crab; and wash squid to remove the ink. Other
children sort, weigh, check, and load the fish; process seafood; work on fishing
boats; build boats; and work on the docks.125
Salaries range from an average of 541 Baht per month (approximately $22.00) for
boat building to 1,682 Baht per month (approximately $69.00) for sorting,
weighing, checking, and loading the fish. The average wage paid for cleaning
fish is 873 Baht per month (approximately $36.00), for cleaning and shelling
seafood, 764 Baht per month (approximately $31.00).126
As children gain more experience cleaning and shelling fish, they earn more,
because they are paid by the piece.127
The children who shell seafood generally squat on the floor or sit on a
small bench for the duration of the working day, which can last 15 hours or
longer. Children of all ages use sharp knives or shelling tools, and suffer
frequent cuts and scrapes. Because they work with salt water and fish all day,
many children suffer from skin diseases on their hands. Protective gloves are
not used because they slow the pace of work. Many children take off 2 or 3 days
each month because of hand problems.128
In some enterprises, children begin work at 1:00 - 2:00 a.m., and work until
after 6:00 p.m. Over half the children work 10 hours per day or more.129 Enterprises that specialize in
chopping fish are often open 24 hours per day. Some women bring their children
and work 3-4 days consecutively without stopping. In approximately half of the
fishing enterprises studied, children work every day of the week. Most of the
children who do attend school work only on weekends, but crab shelling takes
place every day after school and on weekends.130
There are many migrant workers aged 12-15 in the Thai fishing industry.
Migrant workers often outnumber resident workers. Some firms hire only migrant
workers. The migrant workers salt and ferment fish, make fish cakes and shrimp
and fish balls, and shell mussels. The workers usually live at their place of
work. Among the migrant workers are refugees and migrants (with no legal
status) from Burma, including ethnic Karens, who receive no compensation. They
work solely in return for food and housing.131
Children in Thailand also work in deep sea fishing operations. The 1985
Marine Fishery Census of Thailand found 2,442 children aged 11-14, of whom 687
worked for commercial fishing operations while the rest worked for their
families. Children begin their training by acting as divers, a job older
fishermen choose not to perform because it is too dangerous. The children dive
into the sea to close the mouth of the net and stay with the net until it is
hauled in. Hazards include drowning, getting caught under the nets, injuries
caused by hauling rope, and injuries from malfunctioning equipment. The boats,
which usually stay at sea for 20-25 days at a time, often have poor sanitary
facilities and unhealthy conditions.132
In 1994 the United States imported $829 million of shrimp, and $51 million
of fresh and processed fish and other seafood from Thailand.
Children are reported to work in Bangladesh's shellfish industry. In
Chittagong and Cox's Bazar, in southeastern Bangladesh, large numbers of
children can be found on the beaches collecting shrimp "fry" for
cultivation by shrimp farms. Children are also reported to work in factories in
Chulna (southwestern Bangladesh) shelling shrimp and crabs and possibly packing
for freezing.133
Imports of shrimp from Bangladesh by the United States in 1994 totalled $98
million.
Situations of forced labor of children occur in the fishing industries of
Indonesia, Sri Lanka, the Philippines, India, and Pakistan.
Young boys are exploited in forced labor on offshore fishing platforms off
the coast of Northern Sumatra in Indonesia.134
There are an estimated 700 to 1500 platforms in the region, employing three to
ten children each. The age of the boys on these platforms ranges from 10 to 18.135 They are recruited by contract
agents who promise parents that their sons will be employed in well-paying jobs.
The children are then held as virtual prisoners for up to three months at a
time. They are sometimes sexually abused. Children are known to attempt escape
by jumping off the platforms and swimming to nearby fishing boats.136
The fishing platforms, often poorly constructed, are from 1 to 30 kilometers
off-shore and range in size from 50 feet wide and 100 feet long. The children,
usually supervised by one or two adults, throw fishing nets into the water and
haul them onto the platforms, where the fish is then dried. The platforms often
have holes, and it is not uncommon for the children to fall through these holes
into the water.137
Several non-governmental organizations are actively trying to combat the use
of bonded child labor on fishing platforms and have launched public awareness
campaigns and even attempted to rescue children from the platforms. One
organization managed to bring some platform owners to court in 1994 but its
efforts failed when the parents of the victims dropped the case.138
United States imports of fresh and processed fish from Indonesia were $27
million in 1994.
The International Labor Organization has noted reports of bonded children
working in fishing camps on small islands off the northwestern and eastern
coasts of Sri Lanka. More recent reports state that children perhaps are no
longer employed in the fishing camps.139
In the past, it has been alleged that boys have been removed from their parents
for small sums of money -- even kidnapped in some cases -- by unscrupulous
recruiters. The boys were used as forced labor in fishing camps; exposed to the
elements, they were forced to clean, salt, and dry fish for up to 17 hours a
day.140 Older boys hauled in
fishing nets. Police sources indicated that the children were "kept in
conditions of virtual slavery" -- badly nourished, verbally and physically
abused by employers and other workers in the camps, and receiving no wages.141 Due to ongoing political conflict
in the regions where some fishing camps are reported to operate, the current
status of the children is unknown.
In 1994 the United States imported $310,000 of fresh and processed fish from
Sri Lanka.
Child labor is also used in India's fishing industry. Approximately 20,000
children are reported to work in fish freezing and processing plants in Kerala.
According to the Centre of Concern for Child Labour, children also work in
fisheries, where boys are used "in loading and unloading and in skinning of
the fish." They work from 4:00 p.m. to 7:00 a.m., and are paid on a
piece-rate basis.142
A recent report from India documents the incidence of bonded child labor in
seafood cleaning factories. In February 1995 the Bombay Times described
a seafood factory in Ratnagiri, India, a coastal city approximately 100 miles
south of Bombay, that employs 30 girls who clean fish and shrimp continuously
for 12 hours per day. Young girls were lured from Kerala and Tamil Nadu with
promises of good jobs in Bombay, but were instead taken by private bus to
seafood factories where they were forced to work under harsh conditions. The
Times reported that in the area around Ratnagiri there has been a boom
in the number of child workers in marine products and canning factories, but
that the district administration and police have largely ignored the problem.143
Parents received an advance of 400 rupees (approximately $12.00) from a
recruiter, which was deducted from the girls' earnings. For a period of 3
months while the debt was being paid off, the girls received no salary. The
girls were paid Rs. 1.50 (approximately $0.04) for each basket of fish they
cleaned. One girl stated that she could clean no more than five baskets of fish
per day. Often she was so tired she had to take a day of unpaid leave.144
The rescue of an 11 year-old girl by her brother brought the situation to
public attention. Upon her rescue, she was hospitalized and medically
determined to be malnourished. The skin on the palms of her hands had changed
color from an infection caused by prolonged exposure to salt water.145
In 1994 the United States imported $122 million of shrimp, and $27 million
of other fresh and processed fish and seafood from India.
In the Philippines, many boys work as fishermen, while other children,
mostly girls, work in fish processing plants. On the island of Basilan and in
Masbate, boys work on fishing boats that stay out at sea all night. In Masbate
children as young as 7 dry, clean, and sort fish. Children as young as 5 gather
fish that have been left to dry.146
A form of debt bondage based on a contract system of payment occurs in the
Muro-ami fishing industry in the Philippines. Muro-ami fishing, introduced in
the Philippines by the Japanese in the 1930s, is a labor intensive form of
fishing, where hundreds of swimmers and divers maneuver a net to catch reef fish
that cannot easily be harvested by other means. Muro-ami accounts for some two
percent of the Philippines' total annual fish output.147
Muro-ami operates on a contract-type system where fishermen are paid at the
completion of a ten-month period at sea.148
Fishermen are not paid until the completion of their contract. They are
compelled to take advances from the master-fishermen to provide for their
families in their absence. These advances are deducted from their final pay, an
amount which is based on total sales. The recruits are bound to conditions of
credit set by the master-fishermen, who have direct charge over them on board.
Documents which stipulate conditions of credit, if provided, are written in
legal terminology and are generally poorly understood by recruits. In other
cases, agreements are oral.149
Deductions from pay are also routinely taken to compensate for the cost of
food, cooks' salaries, equipment rentals and maintenance and medical expenses.
If a worker is sick for a day, a commensurate amount of wages is deducted from
his pay. Fishermen are paid out of any remaining profits according to their
rank and performance. While deductions usually range from 30 to 40 percent of
total pay, there are reported cases where deductions amount to over 100 percent
of pay due -- forcing the fishermen to join the operation for another ten months
in order to pay off their debts.150
Muro-ami fishing in the Philippines is generally considered a good source of
income, and fathers often take two or three sons -- sometimes as young as seven
to nine years old -- with them during the 10-month period. The majority of the
swimmers and divers -- the most physically dangerous tasks -- are children
between the ages of 12 and 14. They have no diving equipment other than wooden
goggles, and injuries such as ruptured eardrums are common. The boys are also
in danger from shark attacks. The boats from which they dive and on which they
live are overcrowded and unsanitary.151
In 1988 a report stated that approximately 15 percent of the workers on each
ship were below 15 years old.152 A
1995 report stated that while boys were once hired in great numbers for the
Muro-Ami operations, recent press reports and inspections indicate that the
participation of children has since dwindled to a relative handful. This change
has reportedly come about through pressure maintained by national civic groups,
community mobilization, cooperation by international organizations such as the
ILO and UNICEF, and stepped up enforcement of the minimum age of 18 for
employment in the industry.153
U.S. imports of fresh and processed fish from the Philippines were $8
million in 1994.
Entire families are entrapped in bondage in fishing operations in Rawalpindi
in northern Pakistan.154
Contractors who are licensed to fish in water reservoirs or other areas hire
fishermen and advance them loans to pay for boats and fishing nets. These loans
become an instrument of bondage, with the entire family becoming engaged in the
work -- boys help with the fishing while girls repair and maintain the nets.
The families are at the disposal of the contractor and are required to move from
one area to another according to his orders.155
U.S. imports of fresh and processed fish from Pakistan were $430,000 in
1994.
g. Rattan
Indigenous Dumagat families in the Central Luzon region of the Philippines
work gathering rattan under conditions of debt bondage. Under the "tabong"
system, a tabong, or merchant, advances money to Dumagat families in return for
their labor. In 1991, Anti-Slavery International documented the situation of
one-hundred Dumagat families working under the tabong system. Children were
found to be working along with their parents, laboring...
all day and every day gathering and transporting rattan for the tabongs
in exchange for some rice.... These contemporary slaves can only be freed when
the debt, largely fictitious, has been redeemed. This is an impossibility.156
Tabongs often transfer debts among themselves; when this occurs the debts
usually increase.157 In 1994,
Anti-Slavery International indicated that the debt bondage of Dumagat
communities continued to occur.158
The United States imported $8,000 of rattan from the Philippines in 1993.
U.S. imports of rattan furniture from the Philippines in 1994 were worth $22
million.
h. Other
Child labor is widespread on tobacco plantations in Bangladesh. Among other
tasks, boys under 14 help spray chemical fertilizers on the fields. Girls help
their mothers dry, cut, and pack the tobacco leaves.159
In 1994, the United States imported $546,000 of tobacco from Bangladesh.
In Indonesia's tobacco industry, children work both on plantations and in
factories. In one factory, children reportedly comprised 30 percent of the 1500
person work force.160 The United
States imported $11 million of tobacco from Indonesia in 1994.
In Malaysia, children working on cocoa plantations pick and split pods and
scoop the beans. They also climb cocoa trees and pluck pods from low branches.161 In 1994 the United States
imported $40 million of cocoa products from Malaysia.
Children in India work on cashew farms, sorting the fruits and separating
the nuts from fruits. Other children shell and process whole cashews imported
from East Africa.162 One estimate
is that 20,000 children are engaged in processing cashews.163 Because the industry is seasonal,
children do not work full-time. Imports of cashews from India by the United
States totalled $175 million in 1994.164
3. Latin America
Child labor in agriculture in Latin America is found principally in Mexico,
Central America, the Andean region, and inland areas of Argentina and Brazil.
In Guatemala, over 300,000 people, mostly from the country's highland
region, migrate every year to the southern coast to work on coffee, sugar cane,
cardamom and cotton plantations. It is estimated that roughly 27 to 32 percent
of the migrants are children. They live in substandard housing and are
frequently malnourished. Children between the ages of 12-14 do the same work as
adults but are paid one-half as much.165
The pledging of children's labor by parents is reported to occur in
commercial vegetable farming in Honduras. Parents receive a pay advance and
commit their children to future work. The practice is estimated to affect only
a small number of children -- less than one percent of child agricultural
workers.166 Children are also
reported to work on coffee plantations in Honduras.
In El Salvador children frequently work alongside their parents in
commercial agriculture, especially during planting and harvesting seasons.167 Anecdotal reports from Costa Rica
suggest that children have a "noticeable presence" in some
non-traditional export industries such as ornamental flowers and chili peppers.168
Approximately 3 million children between the ages of 10 and 14 are reported
to be working in rural areas of Brazil.169
They work on sugar cane, tea, tobacco, and sisal plantations, and extract resin
in the forests. Most agricultural child labor is found in Brazil's poorer
northeastern states, but child labor is also found in wealthier states such as São
Paulo, Minas Gerais, and Parana.170
In the 1980s, Brazilian agriculture underwent a major transformation.
Large-scale plantations became increasingly mechanized and export-oriented, and
land became increasingly concentrated in the hands of large agricultural
businesses. Both resident workers on plantations and small farmers expelled
from their land joined the ranks of migrant and temporary workers that became
known as "bóias-frias" or "volantes."171 Because the earnings of many
families diminished considerably, they increasingly employed children to bolster
family income.172 Today, child "bóias-frias"
and "volantes" comprise a large number of Brazil's child workers.
In Argentina, a small number of children under the age of 14 work with their
parents harvesting fruits and vegetables. Many of these child workers are
illegal immigrants from Bolivia and Paraguay. Children are also reported to
work on plantations that produce tobacco, tea, and soy.173
Child labor has traditionally been found in rural areas of the Andean
region.174 In rural Ecuador,
school attendance tapers off at about 10 years of age as children work as farm
laborers to support their household's income. Some children in Ecuador
reportedly work on commercial agricultural enterprises that produce bananas and
cut flowers.175
Child labor is also heavily used in Peru's agricultural sector.176 A 1992 report by the Peruvian
Government estimated that 7.5 million children under 15 were employed.177 One estimate is that child
agricultural workers make up approximately 70 percent of the total child work
force. There are reports of children who migrate to work on the coast. These
children work 10-12 hours per day, 6 days per week, and are paid half the adult
wage. They do not attend school.178
In Mexico, approximately 45 percent of all working minors (defined as ages
12-15) work in agriculture, mostly assisting their families.179 Children are used to harvest
fruits and vegetables in many parts of the country, tobacco in Vera Cruz, and
coffee and cheese in Chiapas.180
The percentage of the work force under 12 in Mexico's agricultural sector is not
known.
a. Coffee
In Guatemala, children as young as 6 or 8 assist their parents during the
harvest season. They pick and sort beans, carry sacks of coffee, and sometimes
handle fertilizers, herbicides, and insecticides without proper health and
safety equipment. Children work from 8 to 12 hours per day, often without
legally required benefits such as July and Christmas bonuses, vacations, and
severance pay.181
One report in 1990 found that men who traditionally picked coffee on
plantations were being fired as permanent employees and replaced by women and
children hired at less pay.182
Women and children reportedly receive about $0.50 per day, half the wage of
adult men. Children begin to pick beans when they are old enough to reach the
lower branches of trees and are able to determine which beans to pick. The
report mentions that children as young as 6 years old picked and sorted the
coffee beans. Boys also routinely carried sacks of beans weighing 75-150 pounds
for several miles to the weighing stations. Researchers at one plantation found
poor medical facilities, no schools, poor sanitary conditions, and a communal
water supply that consisted of a single spigot.183
Recent reports, however, suggest that the use of children as full-time
employees in Guatemala's coffee industry may be declining, as an increasing
number of larger coffee farms are setting up schools, and in some cases, day
care facilities.184
In 1994 the United States imported $225 million of coffee from Guatemala.
In Honduras, children as young as 6 are reported to work on coffee
plantations in the planting and harvesting seasons.185
During the planting season, which lasts from June-August, children comprise
approximately 20 percent of the labor force; in the harvesting season, which
runs from November through February, children comprise 30-40 percent of the work
force. Approximately 80-90 percent of the children work with their parents and
are paid the same wage as adults, 11-12 lempiras per unit (one unit equals one
gallon of beans).
In 1994 the United States imported $20 million of coffee from Honduras.
b. Fruits and Vegetables
In Mexico's Bajio Valley, 200 miles north of Mexico City, children working
barefoot in wet mud pick strawberries. Most of the harvesting is done during
the summer. Until they are 11, children return to school in September, although
they continue to work in the fields in the afternoons.186 Girls as young as 12 have been
observed cutting broccoli, picking snow peas, and picking onions.187 Children in Mexico have also been
observed helping to produce tomatoes and grapes in Baja California, tropical
fruits in Tabasco, and various fruits and vegetables in Sinaloa and Sonora.188
The United States imported over $1 billion of fruits and vegetables from
Mexico in 1994.
In Brazil, farms regularly employ children, especially migrant laborers
during peak harvest seasons.189 In
the Tabatinga region in the state of São Paulo, 15 percent of the 70,000
fruit pickers are estimated to be under 14. Some employers hire children
because they are lighter and more able to climb trees without breaking branches.190 Children usually pick oranges
from trees or off the ground and box them for shipment.191 They are paid $3.00 for working a
14 hour day.192
In 1994 the United States imported $220 million of orange juice from Brazil.
Child labor has been increasing in Honduras' melon and watermelon
industries. At least one report estimates that up to 25 percent of the workers
are between 6-18.193 In 1994 the
United States imported $19 million of melons from Honduras, including $2 million
of watermelons.
c. Grapes
In Petrolina, in the Brazilian state of Pernambuco, children work with their
mothers collecting grapes while adult males generally cultivate the land. Most
workers in Petrolina are migrants from Brazil's Northeast region seeking to
escape the drought. Due to a high unemployment rate, "bóias-frias"
-- men, women and children -- compete for agricultural work. Early in the
morning, entire families go to farm roads to wait for recruiters known as "gatos,"
(literally, "cats") who contract them on a daily basis to collect the
grapes.
Children earn approximately $2.00 per day picking grapes from the vines.
They also load the grapes into boxes, for which they receive less than $0.01 per
box. They usually fill 100-200 boxes per day.194
Children also spray pesticides and insecticides, which, according to the
Labor Federation of Pernambuco, are used indiscriminately on grape plantations.
One study found that 93 percent of workers wear no form of protective clothing
during spraying. By the end of day, children's clothes and hands turn a
greenish color as a result of exposure to the chemicals.195
In 1994 the United States imported $125,000 of grapes, $5 million of grape
juice, and $7 million of wine from Brazil.
d. Resin
Many children work alongside their parents in Brazil's resin industry,196 which is centered in São
Paulo state. Adult workers are usually hired on a temporary basis in the warmer
months, when the resin is extracted. It is common for workers to bring the
entire family to boost production. Most companies in the industry, in violation
of the Brazilian constitution, do not register their workers. Unregistered
workers are unable to receive social benefits such as social security, paid
vacations, sick leave, and workman's compensation.
Children perform the same work as adults. They cut niches into trees and
then, every two weeks, apply a mixture of sulfuric acid, water, burnt oil, and
rice to the niches. When the resin is ready to be sapped, they place a small
plastic sack to gather the liquid resin, and then collect the juice in a "tambor,"
or bin. Each "tambor" holds 200 kilograms. The tambors are sold for
approximately $3.00.197
Because they do not wear gloves, children's hands often become sticky with
glue from the resin. The glue is usually removed by washing their hands with
diesel oil. Children in the fields are exposed to poisonous snakes. They also
suffer from pneumonia. Living conditions are harsh. There are no schools for
children to attend. Landowners provide meals for the workers, but the cost of
the food is deducted from earnings. Oftentimes the cost of food exceeds total
earnings. As a result, many families receive no pay at the end of the month.
In 1994 the United States imported $600,000 of resin and gum resin from
Brazil.
e. Sisal
Children work in Brazil's sisal industry, in the state of Bahia. One report
suggests that approximately 25 percent of the workers in the industry are
children and adolescents.198 In
the municipality of Santa Cruz, in Bahia, more than 9,000 children work with
their families to cut and process sisal.199
Children as young as 4 years old work to help support their parents. They
usually drop out of school early to support their families and continue to work
on plantations their entire lives. Many children also suffer from asthma, which
can result from contact with the fibers. Numerous injuries and accidents result
from the use of old machinery, and a lack of safety precautions.200
In 1994 the United States imported $9,000 of sisal from Brazil.
f. Sugar
Child labor is used on sugar cane plantations throughout Brazil. The
principal sugar cane producing states in which child labor is used are the
Northeastern states of Pernambuco, Alagoas, Ceara, and Bahia; Rio de Janeiro
state, in the Southeastern Region; and the state of Mato Grosso do Sul in
Brazil's Center-West.201
Sugar cane cutting is extremely dangerous work; sugar cane workers have an
average working life of 12 years due to incapacitating injuries.202 Children are injured almost
routinely. A survey in the Zona da Mata found that 56.7 percent of child and
adolescent respondents had suffered some type of occupational accident. Knife
wounds to the arms, hands, and legs, accounted for over 85 percent of the
injuries.203 Repeated injuries to
the limbs eventually causes irreparable damage to workers' ability to move their
arms, and usually ends their cane-cutting careers at a young age.204
In addition to accidents, children also suffer from respiratory,
dermatological, and digestive problems; back, leg, and arm pain; headaches from
prolonged exposure to the sun; conjunctivitis; and mental and physical stress
from having to meet high production quotas.205
The Zona da Mata, a coastal region in Pernambuco state, is Brazil's
principal sugar cane growing and processing area.206
Most of the sugar cane produced is grown on large plantations that own both the
sugar cane fields and the factories that process the cane and extract the sugar.
An estimated 60,000 children and adolescents, aged 10-17, work on
plantations in the region, accounting for approximately 25 percent of the total
number of cane workers in the Zona da Mata.207
Many of the cane workers are seasonal workers.
Most of the children in the Zona da Mata enter the labor market at young
ages. One survey found that over 90 percent of the working children and
adolescents, and nearly 85 percent of the heads of households, had begun working
between the ages of 7 and 13.208 A
lack of time, a lack of available schools near the plantations, and a perception
that what is taught in the schools is irrelevant, combine to make school
attendance impossible.
The majority of the children are not officially registered with the
plantations; one study places the percentage of unregistered children at 90
percent, unregistered adults at 40 percent.209
The children are paid much less than adults.210
Over 40 percent of the children work more than 40 hours per week. None of
these children receive any formal training; they usually acquire their skills
from family members.211 Children
must often wake up at 4:00 a.m. and go to work without eating breakfast;212 they carry candles with them so
they can work in the pre-dawn hours.213
Employers generally do not provide the children with boots or shoes to protect
them and most children instead wear either rubber sandals or work barefoot.214
In Alagoas, Brazil's second largest sugar producing state, an estimated
50,000 of the 400,000 sugar cane workers on plantations are children aged 6-13.215 Most of the children assist their
parents.
Of the 20,000 sugar cane workers in Bahia state's Recôncavo Region,
2,000 are reported to be children. The children usually work from 5:00 a.m. to
6:00 p.m. They do not wear shoes, hats, or other appropriate clothing to
protect them from either objects or animals, or the hot sun. Most workers are
hired through verbal contracts negotiated by "gatos" hired by
plantation owners to supply them with the necessary number of workers.216 Most of the children work with
their families. A worker must cut approximately 4 tons of sugar cane daily to
receive the minimum wage at the end of the month;217
to meet this goal, support from other family members is required. Payment is
typically made to the head of the household.
In the state of Ceará, children work both in the fields and inside
the cane processing factories. In the fields, where the temperature is often
over 40ºC (104ºF), children cut and sort cane, transport cane to the
processing plants, and carry the unused pulp to the fields where it is used as
feed for cows. Those working inside the processing factories feed cane into the
machines that extract the sugar and carry the pulp outside to dry. Temperatures
inside the factories can reach 60º C (140ºF). The children are paid
the equivalent of $3.00 per week.218
In the municipality of Campos, in the state of Rio de Janeiro, there are an
estimated 5,000-6,000 children aged 7-14 working in the sugar industry
(approximately 4,000 boys and 2,000 girls).219
Most of the work force is seasonal and approximately 60 percent of the work
force is either unemployed or underemployed between harvests. In contrast to
workers in the Zona de Mata or Alagoas who live on the plantations, the migrants
who work in Campos live in shanty-towns on the roads or in neighborhoods near
the plantation and are brought to work by trucks daily.
In the state of Mato Grosso do Sul, there are reports of one plantation
employing 600 children between the ages of 9 and 16.220
Children cut and transport cane, and collect cane that has fallen off trucks.
They typically work from 6:00 a.m. to 5:00 p.m. These children receive no paid
vacation, time off for illness, or overtime. They are not included in the
national social security system. No on-site medical assistance is provided, and
when children are ill they are sent back to their villages.221
In 1994, labor inspectors found 500 workers, including children, working in "the
worst conditions of food, lodging and labor" in factories making distilled
alcohol from cut sugar in Mato Grosso do Sul. All of the workers were brought
by recruiting agents from other states. The workers were supervised by armed
guards, and were only allowed to leave the factory compound on their payday.222
In 1994 the United States imported $42 million of cane sugar from Brazil.
There are some reports that children in Guatemala cut cane along with their
fathers. Some sources state that the children use small machetes to help trim
the cane after it is cut. Children also are reported to collect loose stalks
which have fallen off loaders and trucks.223
In 1994 the United States imported $51 million of cane sugar from Guatemala.
g. Tea
Children are reported to work in the tea industry in rural area of Registro,
São Paulo state, in Brazil. Workers on tea plantations receive parcels
of land from the plantation management "for care" in exchange for 20
percent of production. The plantation management provides the workers with
meals, as well as pesticides; the value of these goods is deducted from the
workers' pay. These arrangements have no official status: there is no formal
contract and the workers are not formally registered in any manner.224
Tea production can be dangerous. Children are exposed to pesticides. They
are not supplied with clothing to protect them from the sun or snakes that are
found in the fields. Because no schools are located near the plantations,
children receive no formal education.225
In 1994 the United States imported $4 million of tea from Brazil.
h. Tobacco
Children in Brazil are reported to work in the tobacco industry in Santa
Cruz do Sul, a municipality in Rio Grande do Sul Province known as the "national
capital of tobacco." Many of the young workers are children of migrant
workers, or "bóias-frias." They help their families increase
daily production, and thus earnings. Children cut and sort tobacco leaves and
spray pesticides and other chemicals on the tobacco plants. They work under the
hot sun, and frequently suffer back pain.226
One survey of local school children found that a majority had worked in the
tobacco fields.227
U.S. imports of tobacco from Brazil in 1994 totalled $146 million.
i. Rubber
Children on rubber plantations in western Brazil are reported to work along
with their parents under conditions of servitude. In 1992, a report on families
on a rubber plantation in the western state of Acre found that boys started
tapping rubber at an average age of nine.228
In remote parts of Acre, rubber tappers are required to pay "rent-in-kind"
for use of rubber trails -- generally between 150 and 225 pounds of rubber each
year or 20 per cent of their annual production.229
In addition, they are required to deal exclusively with the plantation boss at
the estate warehouse in order to sell the rubber and purchase provisions.230 This system leads to abuses, as
the boss fixes all prices arbitrarily. Some rubber tappers find themselves in
perpetual debt. Those who do not comply with these arrangements are sometimes
threatened or thrown off the plantation along with their families.231
In one estate in Acre, families were forced to sign a contract with the
plantation owner which forbid them from trading with anyone else. They were not
allowed access to the calculations made by the owner to their accounts. Very
few families managed to make any profit by the end of the year. Nor were they
permitted to raise any animals to supplement their income. Their living
conditions were bleak:
The houses were extremely modest, mostly without furniture, and
families ate their meals on the floor. The most a family might expect to buy
after one year's work would be a new hammock and a few yards of material. Their
clothes were full of holes, but they could not afford to replace them.232
In May 1989, the Brazilian Federal Attorney General's Office initiated an
investigation of labor conditions in the western state of Acre. One of its
stated objectives was to eradicate a labor system which maintains rubber tappers
in conditions which can be characterized under the Brazilian penal code as "analogous
to slavery."233
Brazilian exports of natural rubber to the United States were $600,000 in
1994.
j. Other
Children in Guatemala are also reported to work on farms that produce
cardamon seeds, macadamia nuts, and tea.234
In 1994 the United States imported $1 million of cardamom seeds; $3 million of
macadamia nuts; and $30,000 of tea from Guatemala.