Serbia and Montenegro

Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2004
Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
February 28, 2005

The state union of Serbia and Montenegro (SaM) is a constitutional republic consisting of the relatively large Republic of Serbia and the much smaller Republic of Montenegro.* The two republics hold most real authority, while the state union Government's responsibilities are essentially limited to the Foreign Ministry, the military (VSCG, formerly the VJ), human and minority rights, and foreign and domestic economic and commercial relations. Serbia has a parliamentary system of government run by Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica. Boris Tadic was elected President in two rounds of elections on June 13 and June 27 that were deemed generally free and fair. A new multiparty government was formed in March. The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however, the judiciary was inefficient and often subject to political influence and corruption.

The SaM military reports through the Defense Minister to the Supreme Defense Council (VSO), whose voting members are the Presidents of SaM, Serbia, and Montenegro. The military is responsible for external defense. In Serbia, the police are responsible for law enforcement and maintenance of order as part of the Interior Ministry (MUP). The Security Intelligence Agency (BIA) is under the control of the Serbian Government as a whole, effectively giving control to the Prime Minister. Civilian authorities generally maintained control of the security forces. Some members of the security forces committed human rights abuses.

The economy was in transition from a system based on social ownership to a market-based environment with a mix of industry, agriculture, and services. Exclusive of Kosovo, the population of the Republic of Serbia was 7.5 million, and the population of SaM was 8.2 million. The SaM gross domestic product grew by 6 percent during the year. Average wages were projected to outpace inflation. Income distribution and economic opportunity were uneven. Poverty and unemployment were highest in southern and eastern Serbia and among the refugees from the wars in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) and internally displaced persons (IDPs) from Kosovo.

The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens; however, there were problems in some areas. Police at times beat detainees and harassed citizens. Police effectively investigated high-level killings committed during and after the Milosevic era; however, impunity and corruption were problems. Prolonged pretrial detention was a problem. Courts remained backlogged and administratively paralyzed, and lengthy trials persisted. The war crimes court, a department of the Belgrade District Court established in 2003, began hearing war crimes cases during the year. The media was generally independent; however, journalists practiced some self-censorship because of their vulnerability to private libel suits and indirect political manipulation.

There were incidents of arbitrary arrest and detention. The judiciary continued to be susceptible to political influence. Poor cooperation between the judiciary and other government branches slowed the implementation of legislative reforms.

Two persons in Serbia indicted by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) surrendered to the Tribunal. The Government transferred many documents to the ICTY and gave waivers for witnesses to testify; however, the ICTY remained dissatisfied with overall SaM cooperation, in particular because it believed that key indictee General Ratko Mladic was at large in Serbia.

In March, there were a number of incidents of societal violence and discrimination against religious minorities following widespread anti-Serb violence in Kosovo. Violence and discrimination against women and ethnic minorities were problems. Trafficking in women and children remained a problem which the Government took steps to address.

RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS

Section 1
Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from:

a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life

There were no political killings; however, on May 15, police shot and killed an armed poacher along the administrative boundary line with Kosovo. Police, accompanied by a representative of the NATO-led Kosovo force (KFOR), investigated the shooting and determined that it was justified.

The trial of the suspects in the March 2003 assassination of Prime Minister Djindjic was ongoing at year's end. Djindjic was allegedly killed by members of the Red Berets--an autonomous state security police unit from the era of former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) President Slobodan Milosevic--in collusion with the Zemun organized crime clan.

There were some developments in police investigations of political killings from previous years. The trial of two former police officers and five others (including two who remained at large) for the 2002 killing of former Belgrade police chief Bosko Buha was dismissed in November for lack of evidence.

On February 2, the retrial of former State Security Service (RDB) chief Radomir Markovic began for the 1999 attempted killing of Serbian Renewal Movement leader Vuk Draskovic, which resulted in the deaths of four persons. The retrial was ongoing at year's end, and Markovic remained in prison.

On February 23, the trial of nine persons began for the killing of former Serbian President Ivan Stambolic and the 2000 attempted killing of Vuk Draskovic. The trial, in the Belgrade Special Court for Fighting Organized Crime, was ongoing at year's end.

Domestic courts and the ICTY continued to adjudicate cases arising from crimes committed during the 1991-99 conflicts in Croatia, BiH, and Kosovo, including the ICTY prosecution of former FRY and Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic (see Sections 1.e. and 4).

There were no deaths from landmines during the year.

b. Disappearance

There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.

During the year, SaM and Serbian Government authorities continued efforts to cooperate with neighboring countries and international organizations seeking to identify missing persons and investigating graves discovered in Serbia; however, progress was slow.

During the year, the Government exhumed two sites containing 77 bodies from the Croatia and BiH conflicts, identifying 21 of the bodies and returning them to families (9 within SaM and 12 to BiH). The Government also identified 181 bodies previously exhumed from mass graves dating to the Kosovo conflict and repatriated them to Kosovo. The Government, in cooperation with international organizations and the International Commission on Missing Persons, had not completed identification and repatriation of the additional remains by year's end.

c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment

SaM and Serbian laws prohibit such practices; however, police at times beat detainees and harassed citizens.

The Leskovac-based Human Rights Committee reported that there were fewer reports of torture and police abuse in the Leskovac area than there were in 2002 and 2003, but that there was little progress in addressing past abuses.

The MUP Inspector General confirmed six cases of torture by police during the 2003 state of emergency but stated that the perpetrators had not been identified.

By year's end, the few lawsuits filed by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) on behalf of individuals who claimed they were tortured as detainees during the 2003 state of emergency had been withdrawn at the victims' request because the perpetrators could not be identified.

Police most often beat and physically abused persons during arrest or initial detention; low-level criminals were most often the victims of such abuse. In June, a man stopped for an identity check requested the name or identification number of the officer who stopped him. The officer reportedly then put the man in a police car and hit him approximately 10 times on the head. The Humanitarian Law Center (HLC) sent a letter about the incident to the MUP Inspector General, who said he had no information on the case. The MUP did not subsequently investigate the case.

The Leskovac-based Human Rights Committee reported that, in one case, 33 persons from Belgrade were mistreated after being taken to the police building in Vlasotinac.

There was one report that police threatened to have a person prosecuted after he said he would sue them after being mistreated. In another case, a man in Zrenjanin, who claimed police officers beat him in his cafe on January 13, filed a complaint on February 19 and then initiated a private prosecution on August 24 because there had been no response to his original complaint. The municipal prosecutor then filed charges against the police officers (Zoran Gogic and Dragan Bojanic) for mistreatment while on duty and against the cafe owner for interfering with an official in performance of his duty. Unlike in previous years, there were no reports that police used beatings or threats of beatings to deter detainees from filing claims of abuse on prior occasions.

The public prosecutor filed charges against the three police officers involved in the August 2003 beating of a man each day during his 30-day detention; the man has also filed a private criminal complaint against the officers. The hearing on the man's other police brutality claim from 2001 was postponed because the accused officers did not appear.

During the year, there were developments in cases in which police in previous years reportedly used beatings to coerce confessions. The public prosecutor, claiming that there were insufficient grounds to believe that the acts occurred, dismissed the criminal complaint that the HLC filed in 2003 against unidentified officers of the Cacak Police Department. The HLC complaint claimed that, in May 2003, the officers threatened and hit Zeljko Popovic in an attempt to coerce a confession of robbery. After the complaint was dismissed, the HLC pursued the case as a private prosecution and requested further investigation. On October 6, an investigating judge held a hearing on the private prosecution, which remained pending at year's end. In October 2003, the public prosecutor indicted Popovic for stealing; the case had not been brought to trial by year's end.

Two Vranje policemen involved in the 2002 beating of Nenad Tasic were sentenced to 7 months and 5 months in prison, respectively; however, the court overruled the public prosecutor's decision that the two officers be prohibited from working as policemen in the future. The Supreme Court was reviewing the case at year's end. In April, the First Municipal Court in Belgrade ordered the Government to pay Tasic $10,000 (600,000 dinars) in a civil compensation suit filed by the HLC. On November 29, the Belgrade District Court confirmed the compensation award.

There were developments in the case of a Romani man, Nebojsa Majlic, whom Leskovac police allegedly clubbed in 2002. After the assault, Majlic was charged with interfering with police performance of duty; his trial began during the year and was ongoing at year's end. In 2003, the Human Rights Committee filed a criminal complaint against the police who abused Majlic; however, at year's end, the trial of the police had not begun.

Prison conditions generally met international standards; however, conditions varied greatly from one facility to another, and some guards abused prisoners. The Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia (HCS) noted that some prisons offered clean, secure environments for inmates; however, in others--most notably the Belgrade Reformatory Hospital housing psychiatric prisoners--inmates were forced to live in filthy, inhumane conditions. The quality of food varied from poor to minimally acceptable, and health care was often inadequate. Guards were inadequately trained on the proper handling of prisoners.

There were some deaths in prison due to natural causes and suicides. Some inmates complained that other inmates subjected them to intimidation and occasional assaults. Inmates could report such problems to prison staff or to a district court; authorities generally responded by placing inmates in separate cells and at times taking disciplinary measures such as placing offenders in solitary confinement.

Men and women were held separately. Juveniles were supposed to be held separately from adults; however, in practice, this did not always happen. Pretrial detainees were held separately from convicted prisoners.

The Government permitted the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and local independent human rights monitors, including HCS, to visit prisons and to speak with prisoners without the presence of a warden.

There were attacks on and threats against witnesses and potential witnesses in domestic prosecutions.

d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention

The Constitution prohibits arbitrary arrest and detention, and the Government generally observed these prohibitions.

The approximately 23,000 police officers in Serbia are part of the MUP's Sector for Public Security. The Sector is divided into seven directorates: uniformed police (including traffic and patrol officers), criminal investigations, organized crime, analysis, special operations units (including gendarmes and the special antiterrorist unit, or SAJ), human resources and training, and border police. The police are divided regionally into 33 secretariats. All municipal and rural units are branches of the republic police. Effectiveness of the police was uneven and generally limited. Many police personnel, including some high-level officials, are holdovers from the Milosevic regime. While most police officers were Serbs, the force included Bosniaks (Bosnian Muslims), ethnic Hungarians, a small number of ethnic Albanians, and other ethnic minorities. The Multiethnic Police Force in southern Serbia was composed primarily of ethnic Albanians and Serbs.

Corruption and impunity in the police force were problems, and there were only limited institutional means of overseeing and controlling police behavior. In 2003, an Inspector General with enforcement authority was installed in the MUP; however, at year's end, he still had little ability to conduct investigations. On September 24, Finance Minister Mladjan Dinkic announced that several MUP officials would be charged with misappropriation of funds during equipment purchase contracting; however, no charges were filed by year's end. In 2003, the SaM Minister for Human and Minority Rights established an "SOS" hotline, which victims could contact to report on police abuse and other cases. The hotline had received 934 fully documented cases on a variety of issues by year's end. In some cases, hotline calls resulted in the Government resolving the caller's problem. For example, the Jehovah's Witnesses community called the hotline after several individuals entered their Kingdom Hall in Loznica on December 2 and demanded $1,350 (1,000 euros) per month in protection money, implying that the police would not interfere. The Human and Minority Rights Ministry brought the problem to the attention of the MUP, which called in the perpetrators, and the threat was not repeated. During the year, the Government and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) trained police, including on community relations.

According to the MUP Inspector General (IG), during the year, the IG recommended initiating disciplinary proceedings against 15 MUP employees, transferring 13 employees, reducing the pay of 34 employees, and referring 23 cases of illegal or improper activity for follow up by chiefs of regional secretariats. Chiefs of regional secretariats brought disciplinary proceedings against 12 employees, transferred 2 employees, filed misdemeanor complaints against 1 employee, and recommended reduction of pay for 8 employees. In addition, the IG filed 71 criminal complaints against 83 employees on charges including abuse of position, taking or giving bribes, forgery, corruption, fraud, making a false report or statement, mistreatment while on duty, causing serious bodily injury, causing minor bodily injury, extortion, unscrupulous work, revealing official secrets, mediation of prostitution, and unauthorized possession of a weapon.

Courts occasionally ordered the Government to pay compensation for police abuses. In April, the First Municipal Court of Belgrade ordered the Government to pay $10,000 (600,000 dinars) in a civil compensation suit for the beating of Nenad Tasic (see Section 1.c.).

Amendments to the law in May preserved the 2-year limit on detention from indictment to the conclusion of first instance trial for most cases, but increased the limit to 4 years for crimes that carry up to the maximum penalty (40 years in prison). The amendments also increased from 1 year to 2 years the maximum detention permitted after an appellate court vacates the judgment of a trial court. These amendments were brought in response to defense delaying tactics designed to free defendants. A person wrongfully detained could demand rehabilitation and compensation from the Government.

The police were authorized to make an arrest without a judge authorized warrant in certain circumstances, including well-founded grounds of suspicion that the person committed a capital crime; however, arrests were generally made only with warrants. An investigating judge must approve any detention of more than 48 hours, and this requirement was employed in practice. Amendments to the law in May provide detainees the right to initiate urgent action by an investigating judge to determine the legality of their detention and to have the investigating judge order the detainee's release if the detention was found to be illegal. Arrested persons must be informed immediately of their rights, but there were reports that police officers at times failed to do so and also failed to inform detainees that what they said could be used against them. Bail was allowed but rarely used; detainees facing charges that carried possible sentences of less than 5 years were often released on their own recognizance.

Detainees had access to counsel in principle; however, this right was sometimes not respected in practice. There were reported cases of police pressuring attorneys to have only limited private contact with defendants or contact that was not truly private. There were also cases in which a suspect was interrogated without an attorney present, but the record of the interrogation stated that an attorney was there. Family members were normally able to visit. No suspect could be detained for more than 3 months without the authorization of an investigating judge or detained for more than a total of 6 months without being charged; these rights were respected in practice. The law prohibits the use of force, threats, deception, and coercion, as well as use in court of evidence acquired by such means; however, police sometimes used these means to obtain statements. A suspect's attorney must be present during any statement to police in order for that statement to be admissible in court. There were no reports of statements made under threat or force being used in court. Unlike in the previous year, there were no reports of incommunicado detention.

There was one report of police detaining a journalist for an "informative talk" (see Section 2.a.).

Prolonged pretrial detention was a problem. The law prohibits excessive delays by authorities in filing formal charges against suspects and in opening investigations; however, such delays continued regularly. Due to the inefficiency of the courts, cases often took an excessively long time to come to trial, and once started, trials often took an excessively long time to complete (see Section 1.e.).

e. Denial of Fair Public Trial

The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however, the courts remained susceptible to corruption and political influence.

The courts were highly inefficient--cases could take years to be resolved--and there were no official channels for alternative dispute resolution. During the year, the Government and the judiciary made little progress in implementing the extensive organizational reforms mandated in the 2001 laws on courts, judges, and public prosecutors. The National Assembly passed an amendment providing for nomination of prosecutors by the Supreme Judicial Council--replacing nomination by the Government--and their confirmation by the National Assembly.

There were reported attempts by officials to undermine politically sensitive prosecutions, including by applying pressure on prosecutors. Journalist Misa Vasic reported on a phone call in which a private attorney allegedly sought to persuade Zemun clan crime figure Dejan "Bagzi" Milenkovic to testify falsely that the chief prosecution witness in the Djindjic assassination case was involved in another murder. In the phone call, allegedly recorded by the former head of the organized crime police (UBPOK), the attorney asserted that Interior Minister Jocic and BIA Chief Radomir "Rade" Bulatovic supported a deal in which Dejan "Bagzi" Milenkovic, also a defendant in the Djindjic assassination, would be given state witness status in exchange for the false testimony (see Section 2.a.). The weekly Vreme, which carried Vasic's report, later carried purported excerpts from the transcript of the phone call.

On July 1, the SaM Council of Ministers halted all ongoing trials at SaM military courts until political leaders resolved questions about the jurisdiction and role of the military judiciary; the military courts remained closed the rest of the year and were scheduled to be disbanded as of January 1, 2005. In addition to the military court system, the only other SaM court, the Court of the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro, was established with the appointment of judges in May and June. The court is responsible for coordinating jurisprudence in the state union, resolving jurisdictional disputes between Serbian and Montenegrin institutions, ruling on petitions brought by citizens who claimed violation of rights guaranteed by the SaM Constitutional Charter, and settling disputes that SaM's joint customs office is unable to resolve. The court was fully established during the year, but no cases were brought before it.

The Serbian court system is made up of municipal and district courts, the Supreme Court, and the Constitutional Court. Special courts for war crimes and organized crime were established within the Belgrade District Court. The Constitutional Court rules on the constitutionality of laws and regulations and relies on the authorities to enforce its rulings. The law mandates the establishment of an administrative appeals court and a second instance appeals court to lighten the burden of the Supreme Court; however, during the year, the National Assembly postponed their establishment until 2007 because preparatory work for the courts had not been done.

The High Judicial Council, staffed by Supreme Court justices, nominates judges for approval by the National Assembly. The High Personnel Council disciplines and, with the National Assembly's concurrence, dismisses judges; however, there were no dismissals during the year.

The Judges' Training Center organized educational programs offered throughout the country. International organizations and local NGOs, including the HLC and the Belgrade Center for Human Rights (BCHR), also conducted training for judges during the year.

Trials are generally public, but they are closed during testimony of a state witness (defendants against whom charges were dropped or not filed in exchange for testimony). There are no juries. The law provides that defendants are presumed innocent and have the right to have an attorney represent them at public expense, if needed, and to be present at their trials. The courts also must provide interpreters, if required. Both the defense and the prosecution have the right to appeal a verdict. Defendants have the right to access government-held evidence and question witnesses. All these rights were generally respected in practice.

Deputy Public Prosecutor Milan Sarajlic, who was charged with accepting payments from the Zemun organized crime clan, was released from jail due to poor health. During the year, it was determined that he was not mentally fit to stand trial, and no trial was scheduled.

On March 9, the Special War Crimes Court opened with its first trial (the Vukovar/Ovcara case; see below); the Court provides the same rights to defendants as do regular courts.

There was a semi-independent War Crimes Prosecutor--appointed by the National Assembly--and a small War Crimes Investigative Service within UBPOK, as well as specialized court chambers and a dedicated detention unit for the War Crimes Court.

On March 17, Aleksandar "Sasa" Cvjetan was sentenced to 20 years in prison for killing 19 ethnic Albanians in Kosovo in 1999. In December, the Supreme Court ordered a retrial to establish certain questions of fact and procedure, including whether Cvjetan's attorney was present during the defendant's confession.

In September, the Supreme Court overturned the 2003 convictions of four people in the Sjeverin war crime case because the trial did not specify which defendants committed which criminal acts. The Supreme Court ordered a retrial, which had not begun by year's end.

The ICTY transferred two lower level figures involved in the Vukovar massacre (also known as the Ovcara case) for government prosecution. Serbia's Special Prosecutor for War Crimes greatly expanded the investigation beyond information provided by the ICTY and, in January, indicted eight persons. On March 9, the trial of six of the indictees began, the first trial to be held in the Special War Crimes Court. Indictments against another 12 persons were added in May. Two indictees became state witnesses and another died when he jumped from a window while attempting to escape, leaving 17 persons on trial. The trial was ongoing at year's end.

During the year, trials in absentia began for Milorad "Legija" Ulemek and Dejan "Bagzi" Milenkovic for the Djindjic assassination; however, Ulemek surrendered before the trial was completed. SAJ squad member Dejan Demirovic was being tried in absentia for participating in the killing of 19 ethnic Albanians in Podujevo, Kosovo, in 1999. The trials were not completed at year's end, and no issues of defendants' rights arose.

There were no reports of political prisoners.

f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence

The Constitution prohibits such actions; however, the Government at times infringed upon these rights in practice. The law requires the MUP to seek a court order before monitoring potential criminal activity and requires that police must only enter premises with a warrant, except to "save people and property"; however, occasionally police did not respect these provisions in practice.

Most observers believed that the authorities selectively monitored communications and eavesdropped on conversations, read mail and e-mail, and wiretapped telephones.

The Government did not fulfill its promise to open to the public all secret files on persons collected under former regimes. The few files actually delivered to individuals who requested them had been cleansed of documents that might have contained sensitive reporting on the individuals. One individual who received a file was warned that he would be charged with revealing government secrets if he made the file public.

Unlike in the previous year, there were no evictions of Roma from squatter settlements.

Section 2
Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:

a. Freedom of Speech and the Press

SaM and Serbian law provide for freedom of speech and of the press; however, although the media frequently criticized the Government without reprisal, implied political pressure from various sources, an uncertain regulatory environment, and vulnerability to libel suits placed constraints on free expression by journalists, editors, and other members of the media. Unlike in the previous year, there were no reports of pressure on the media by senior government officials.

The country had a mixture of privately owned and fully or partially government-owned media outlets. The Government published the daily Borba and owned one of the most important printing houses in the country, also named Borba. The oldest nationwide daily, Politika, was co-owned by German media giant WAS and the Government, but run by several shareholding companies.

The Government funded a Hungarian language newspaper, and state owned media outlet Radio-Television Serbia (RTS) provided some Hungarian language programming. Radio stations owned by municipal governments also provided minority-language programming. Tanjug was a state-owned news agency that many television stations relied on for news information.

State-controlled RTS was a major presence in television and radio. Aside from the three RTS channels, the Government had considerable influence, although not formal control, over some other major television stations, including TV Politika and TV Novi Sad, as well as Radio Belgrade's three stations. RTS's coverage was generally objective; however, there occasionally appeared to be a slight bias toward the Government. Management personnel could be politically influenced, since the Government appointed editors-in-chief. On March 18, the Government replaced RTS Director General Aleksandar Crkvenjakov with government loyalist Aleksandar Tijanic. Minister of Culture and Information Dragan Kojadinovic claimed that Crkvenjakov was removed for inadequate coverage of the March outbreak of anti Serb violence in Kosovo; however, the media reported Tijanic's upcoming appointment several days before the escalation of violence in Kosovo. The RTS Board of Governors resigned in protest of Tijanic's appointment.

Two major private TV stations, BK and TV Pink, have shown editorial bias in favor of the Government. After the Government in 2002 granted RTV B-92 a temporary license to broadcast republicwide pending the final allocation of frequencies, the media outlet set up new transmitters to make itself a national channel that could compete with TV Pink and BK. Unlike in the previous year, editor-in-chief of RTV B-92 Veran Matic did not report receiving any further warnings from officials that his media outlet would not receive radio or television frequencies if it did not change its reporting. Approximately 300 television stations and 700 radio stations that operated independently operated under temporary licenses or without any legal basis.

On October 8, the Association of Independent Electronic Media (ANEM) protested the decision of Trstenik Municipal Council to donate ownership of Television Trstenik--part of the local public company RTV Trstenik--to the Serbian Orthodox Church. ANEM claimed that this move, which was cancelled during the year, violated the provisions of the law on privatization of broadcasters.

Radio stations owned or organized by municipalities pressured local journalists not to report on municipal government problems.

There was one instance of police calling in a journalist for an "informative talk." In October, UBPOK called in journalist Misa Vasic for an informative talk at the request of the Belgrade District Public Prosecutor. Vasic was called in after he wrote about a phone call in which a private attorney reportedly offered a defendant state witness status in the Djindjic assassination case in exchange for false testimony. In the call, the attorney allegedly asserted that two senior government officials supported the deal (see Section 1.e.).

Hrvatske Rijeci, a magazine for the Croatian minority, received five threatening phone calls with anti-Croatian content between January 13 and 14.

On March 27, a RTV B-92 news team discovered a bomb under its van, which had been parked in the southern Serbian town of Raska while the team was in Kosovo reporting on a surge of violence against Serbs. Police did not identify the perpetrators, and the investigation appeared to be inactive at year's end.

The law creates a regulatory framework designed to foster free and independent media and mandates formation of an independent Broadcast Council to transform RTS into a public broadcasting service and to allot radio and TV frequencies; however, the law had not been implemented by year's end. Some observers believed that the continued lack of clear guidelines created an atmosphere unfriendly to free expression. Some media outlets clearly attempted to curry favor with the Government in hopes of receiving favorable treatment once new media reform laws are fully implemented.

Libel remained a criminal offense. Although no suits were filed by the Government, the low threshold defining libel enabled individual government officials, as well as former members of the Milosevic regime, to win private cases against media outlets that criticized them. Libel can result in jail terms, and courts have the power to issue "conditional sentences" that silence offending journalists with the threat that any further offense will lead to immediate imprisonment. On March 16, a Sabac city court convicted Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty correspondent Hanibal Kovac of criminal defamation and gave him a 2-month suspended prison sentence for a September 2003 report accusing Cedomir Vasiljevic, a senior official in the Serbian Radical Party (SRS) and former Serbian Government minister during the Milosevic regime, of participating in the violent takeover of an administrative building in 1999. In May, journalist Ljiljana Jokic Kaspar was sentenced to 6 months in prison, with the sentence suspended for 2 years, for reporting that Miroslav Savic had served in the reserve complement of the Red Berets, which, after Savic's reported service, was implicated in the 2003 killing of Prime Minister Djindjic.

At year's end, the prosecutor had taken no action on the 2003 defamation lawsuits filed by then MUP Minister Dusan Mihajlovic against Dinkic and Barac. The 2003 libel suits filed by then Government communications director Vladimir "Beba" Popovic against NIN, Vreme, and RTV B-92 were thrown out during the year. In June, Democratic Party member Radisav Ljubisavljevic withdrew his 2002 libel suit against RTV B-92.

According to the HLC and the BCHR, journalists sometimes practiced self-censorship because of possible libel suits and fear of offending public opinion, particularly on subjects relating to wars in the former Yugoslavia.

Unlike in the previous year, the Government did not prohibit any television or radio stations or newspapers. However, the Government did prohibit the distribution of the book "Military Secrets" on the grounds it revealed military secrets. On March 26, Military Police officers seized the remaining 251 copies of the book despite a Military Police warrant which only authorized them to take 1 copy of the book.

The Government did not restrict access to the Internet; however, there were reports that the Government selectively monitored e-mail correspondence (see Section 1.f.).

The Government did not restrict academic freedom. The Government reversed attempts by the Education Minister to restrict course content and to replace academic personnel based on political considerations. On September 16, the Education Minister was forced to resign. Svetlana Djordjevic, the author of a book enumerating human rights abuses she witnessed Serbian government and military officers commit in Kosovo in 1999, received a series of threats beginning in 2003, after publication of her book. Some of the threats contained symbols associated with the Red Berets and its former leader, Milorad Ulemek, on trial for the assassination of Prime Minister Djindjic and other crimes.

b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association

The Constitution provides for freedom of assembly, and the Government generally respected this right in practice.

c. Freedom of Religion

The SaM and Serbian constitutions and laws provide for freedom of religion, and the state union and republic Governments generally respected this right in practice. There is no state religion in SaM; however, the Serbian Orthodox Church received some preferential treatment, including funding for construction of a large church in Belgrade. The armed forces continued to offer only Serbian Orthodox services; however, members of other faiths may attend religious services outside their posts.

While there is no formal registration requirement for religious groups, any group planning to hold gatherings is required to register with local police. Religious groups also could register as citizen groups with the MUP to gain the status of juridical person necessary for real estate and other administrative transactions.

The Belgrade Islamic community reported continued difficulties in acquiring land and government approval for an Islamic cemetery in the city.

The Supreme Court ruled against a tent church used by the Protestant Evangelical Roma Church in its long-running dispute with the southern town of Leskovac, in which the tent church was singled out from among 463 illegal structures in the area for demolition. On April 30, building inspectors, police, and a demolition team arrived to demolish the church; however, worshippers prevented the demolition, and the city agreed to allow relocation of the church. At year's end, church leaders and city officials were working on details of the agreement.

Religious education in primary and secondary schools continued during the year. Students are required either to attend classes from one of the seven "traditional religious communities" or to substitute a class in civic education. The proportion of students registering for religious education grew during the year and caught up with the proportion of students choosing the civic education option. Some Protestant leaders and NGOs continued to object to teaching religion in public schools and to proposals to classify some of the Republic's religions as traditional.

There was no progress noted during the year on restitution of previously seized religious property.

Representatives of the Union of Jewish Communities of SaM reported an increase in anti-Semitism. There were no reports of physical violence against Jewish persons; however, there was anti-Semitic graffiti and vandalism at a few Jewish cemeteries. According to representatives of the Union of Jewish Communities of SaM, anti Semitic hate speech often appeared in small circulation books. The release of new books (or reprints of translations of anti-Semitic foreign literature) often led to a spike in hate mail and other expressions of anti-Semitism.

There have been a number of continuations in the Savic case, in which an author of anti-Semitic literature was tried for spreading racial/national hatred. The latest continuance, granted in 2003 due to the reported ill health of the defendant, was ongoing at year's end.

Religion and ethnicity are closely related in SaM; in many cases, it was difficult to identify discriminatory acts as being either primarily religious or primarily ethnic in motivation (see Section 5). Minority religious communities reported continued problems with vandalism of church buildings, cemeteries, and other religious premises. Many of the attacks involved spray-painted graffiti, rock throwing, or the defacing of tombstones; however, a few cases involved much more extensive damage. The police response was often inadequate.

After the December 2003 parliamentary elections--in which the SRS took a plurality of seats--there was an upsurge in vandalism and violence against minority ethnic and religious groups in the northern Serbian province of Vojvodina (see Section 5). Among the incidents that targeted religious sites or adherents were: The January 19 desecration of a Hungarian Catholic cemetery in Novi Sad; the January 19 desecration of a Reformist church in Sombor; the January 24 desecration of a Croatian Catholic cemetery in Subotica; the desecration of another Subotica graveyard, where Croats and Bunjevci (both Catholic groups) are buried, on the night of March 26-27; the desecration of 21 gravestones in the Catholic and Orthodox graveyard in Novi Becej between May 1 and 2; and an attack in Novi Sad on two Christian Adventist ministers. In this last incident, police had not arrested the perpetrators or filed a criminal complaint by year's end, although the identity of the attackers was known. In this incident and in most cases, police tried to minimize their seriousness, attributing them to drunk individuals and youths without performing thorough investigations.

In reaction to widespread violence by ethnic Albanians against Serbs and their personal and religious property in Kosovo on March 17, there were protests and violence in Serbia beginning on the night of March 17-18, including violence against Muslim religious sites belonging primarily to the Bosniak and Romani communities.

During the night of March 17-18, the Belgrade mosque was looted and set on fire by 300 to 500 youths, reportedly mostly from Belgrade's sports clubs, who went to the mosque after demonstrating in front of the Serbian Government building. Government and political leaders condemned the attack, and the Interior Minister fired the police commander of the Stari Grad municipality (within Belgrade), where the mosque is located, for inadequate police response. Police arrested 110 persons for the attack. After a radio station carried the home address of a Muslim boy who was injured when he fell from the roof of the mosque, an explosive device was thrown at his house.

The same night as the attack on the Belgrade mosque, the mosque in the southern Serbian city of Nis was destroyed by arson. Thousands of rioters surrounded the building to prevent police and firefighters from entering it. Eleven persons were charged in the attack with "joining together for violent activity," which carries a sentence of up to 5 years in prison.

Attacks also took place against Muslim property in Serbia's northern province of Vojvodina in reaction to the Kosovo events. HCS noted 40 attacks between March 17 and 21 against property owned by Albanian and Bosniak Muslims in Vojvodina. Also, in the western Serbian town of Mali Zvornik, attackers broke mosque windows with stones on March 20.

There was also an attack against at least one non-Muslim religious site, apparently in reaction to the events in Kosovo. On the evening of March 18, a Protestant Bible Cultural Center in Nis was burned by a mob of 30 that threw Molotov cocktails; police, who appeared to be trying to minimize the incident, did not identify any suspects or make any arrests by year's end.

There were no developments during the year in the 2003 criminal complaint filed by the HLC against Momir Vujic for abusing his Muslim neighbor on ethnic grounds for 3 years.

For a more detailed discussion, see the 2004 International Religious Freedom Report.

d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Repatriation

The Constitution provides for these rights, and the Government generally respected them in practice.

The conflicts that occurred in Bosnia, Croatia, and Kosovo led to widespread displacement of persons. There were approximately 216,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) from Kosovo in Serbia, mainly Serbs, Roma, and Bosniaks.

During the March anti-Serb violence in Kosovo, more than 350 persons--mostly Serbs, but also Ashkali and Roma--left Kosovo for Serbia. About half of these IDPs later returned to ethnic enclaves in Kosovo, not necessarily to their own homes. Most Serb IDPs from Kosovo rented inadequate lodgings or were housed with host families or relatives in Serbia proper; however, approximately 9,000 remained in collective centers that foreign observers found to be inadequate for any purpose other than emergency shelter.

During the year, the ICRC ceased supporting IDPs because the Government was not screening them and assuming responsibility for assisting those in need at the agreed rate. The Government continued to pay salaries to IDPs who were in the Kosovo Government before June 1999. The Government did not forcibly return IDPs or resettle them under dangerous conditions. There were government efforts to promote voluntary and safe return or resettlement by IDPs.

Serbia agreed to take in tens of thousands of Roma from Kosovo who fled to several West European countries. The UNHCR estimated that there were 40,000 to 45,000 displaced Roma living in Serbia proper, as many Kosovar Roma were perceived as Serb collaborators during the Kosovo conflict and so could not safely return there. Living conditions for Roma in Serbia were extremely poor. Local municipalities often were reluctant to accommodate them, hoping that, if they failed to provide shelter, the Roma would not remain in the community (see Section 5). If Roma did settle, it was often in official collective centers with minimum amenities or, more often, in makeshift camps in or near major cities or towns.

The HLC reported that the Government did not allow some Kosovo IDPs to redesignate their official places of residence; this deprived them of health insurance, social welfare, and normal access to schools. The Nis Council for Human Rights reported that the approximately 20,000 refugees and IDPs in the Nis area suffered from "quiet discrimination" in areas such as housing and employment.

The Constitution prohibits forced exile, and the Government did not employ it.

The SaM and Serbian Constitutions provide for the granting of asylum (at the SaM level) or refugee status (at the Republic level) in accordance with the 1951 U.N. Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees or its 1967 Protocol, and the Government has established a system for providing protection to refugees. In practice, the Government provided protection against refoulement, the return of persons to a country where they feared persecution. The Government granted refugee status or asylum. The Government cooperated with the office of the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees and asylum seekers. The Government also provided temporary protection to individuals who may not qualify as refugees under the 1951 Convention/1967 Protocol.

In 2003, Bosnian and SaM authorities signed an agreement and protocol on the return of refugees; however, the agreement had not been implemented by year's end. The UNHCR, OSCE, and the European Union also helped institute a trilateral approach to refugee returns during the year, bringing together SaM, BiH, and Croatia.

There were approximately 282,000 refugees in Serbia from other successor nations of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Of these, most were from Croatia (188,000) and BiH (99,000). During the year, the UNHCR opened an office at the Belgrade airport to assist asylum seekers arriving from abroad. Although progress slowed during the year, the Government, with the support of the UNHCR, continued working to close remaining collective centers housing refugees from BiH and Croatia by setting qualifications to remain housed in collective centers and seeking alternate housing for others.

Section 3
Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Government

The SaM Constitutional Charter provides citizens with the right to change their government peacefully, and citizens exercised this right in practice through periodic, free, and fair elections held on the basis of universal suffrage. SaM and the Serbian Republic each have a parliamentary system of government. On December 22, the Serbian National Assembly, in accordance with the SaM Constitutional Charter, amended Serbian election law to provide for direct election of its representatives to the SaM Parliament; previously, the Serbian Government had appointed its members. In SaM, the SaM Parliament elects the SaM President; in Serbia, the President is elected by direct vote.

On June 13 and June 27, Boris Tadic of the Democratic Party (DS) was elected President of Serbia in a two-round election. The OSCE observation mission reported that international and domestic nonpartisan observers were generally satisfied with polling procedures, although some minor irregularities were recorded. The media provided voters with broad and balanced coverage of the campaign.

The OSCE observation mission to the December 2003 elections for the National Assembly (parliament) of the Republic of Serbia reported the elections were conducted generally in line with OSCE commitments. Broadcast and print media provided extensive and largely balanced coverage of the campaign, and state media generally complied with laws and regulations. The lists of four parties or coalitions included persons indicted for war crimes. The SRS--whose leader Vojislav Seselj faces war crimes charges before the ICTY--won a plurality (82 of 250 seats); however, democratic parties together controlled more than half of the seats. On March 3, a minority coalition of democratic parties formed a government with outside support from the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS).

There was significant corruption in the executive branch of government. On September 24, Finance Minister Mladjan Dinkic announced that several MUP officials would be charged with misappropriation of funds during equipment purchase contracting; however, no charges had been filed by year's end. There was also a widespread public perception of corruption in local governments. The Government's Anticorruption Council, an advisory body, focused primarily on corruption related to privatization.

On November 2, the National Assembly passed the Law on Free Access to Information of Public Importance. The Law provides for access to information of "legitimate public importance" (with many exceptions) and establishes an independent Commissioner for Information of Public Importance, selected by the National Assembly, to handle appeals when Government agencies reject requests for information. At year's end, the Law was in the early stages of implementation. Transparency International's efforts to get information using the new Law have had poor results.

There were 13 women in the 126-seat SaM Parliament and 23 women in the 250-seat Serbian National Assembly. There was one woman in the 16-member Serbian Cabinet. Women were very active in political organizations; however, they held less than 10 percent of ministerial-level and parliamentary positions in the Serbian and SaM Governments.

There were 7 members of minorities in the 126-seat SaM Parliament and 11 members of minorities in the 250-seat Serbian National Assembly. There were no members of minorities in the 16-member Serbian cabinet and 1 member in the 5-member SaM cabinet. The two largest ethnic groups, Serbs and Montenegrins, dominated the country's political leadership. In March, the law was amended to exempt ethnically based parties from the 5 percent threshold required to enter the National Assembly. Roma continued their historical pattern of low voter turnout; very few ethnic Albanians participated in republic-level elections during the year, but did participate in local elections in Presevo.

In Vojvodina, the Hungarian minority constituted approximately 15 percent of the population, and many regional political offices were held by ethnic Hungarians. In the Sandzak, Bosniaks controlled the municipal governments of Novi Pazar, Tutin, and Sjenica, and Prijepolje.

Ethnic groups have established 11 minority councils.

Section 4
Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights

A wide variety of independent domestic and international human rights groups generally operated without government restriction, investigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. Government officials often were cooperative and responsive to their views.

The Government was generally unfriendly toward several human rights NGOs, although it did not interfere with them. For example, police failed to respond adequately when HLC head Natasa Kandic was threatened by an angry crowd in March; HLC's reporting on war crimes and other issues has earned it the Government's disfavor.

The SaM and Serbian Governments made little progress in their cooperation with the ICTY. The ICTY remained dissatisfied with overall SaM cooperation, in particular because it believed that key indictee General Ratko Mladic was at large in Serbia. Serbian authorities claimed that they searched for Mladic during the year but were unable to locate him and did not believe he was in Serbia.

Two ICTY indictees in Serbia surrendered to the Tribunal; however, approximately 16 ICTY indictees with ties to the country remained at large, including key indictee Radko Mladic. The ICTY claimed that Government authorities warned Goran Hadzic, the only Serbian national indicted during the year, of a secret indictment against him in order to enable him to flee and avoid arrest. Hadzic's whereabouts remained unknown at year's end.

SaM and Serbian Governments have made progress in compliance with document requests from the ICTY and in facilitation of the testimony of witnesses. SaM's National Cooperation Council (NCC) transferred hundreds of pages of documents to the ICTY's Office of the Prosecutor during the year; however, a number of requests from the ICTY remained outstanding at year's end. At year's end, the NCC had enabled the testimony of 62 witnesses through the granting of waivers that freed potential witnesses from local prosecution under state secrets laws.

During the year, domestic war crimes indictments and trials continued in Serbia (see Section 1.e.).

There was no autonomous human rights ombudsman at either the SaM or the republic level; however, Vojvodina Province has an ombudsman, who operated independently during the year. The office of the Vojvodina ombudsman made assessments and recommendations during the year concerning the rights of minorities, the rights of the child, gender equality and prisons. Over the 12-month period starting in November 2003, the ombudsman's office received 265 written complaints from citizens, of which it resolved 188, according to the ombudsman's annual report.

There is one government-controlled human rights entity, the Legal Aid Office of the SaM Ministry for Human and Minority Rights, which assisted citizens with human rights complaints.

Section 5
Discrimination, Societal Abuses, and Trafficking in Persons

SaM and Serbian laws provide for equal rights for all citizens, regardless of ethnic group, language, or social status, and prohibit discrimination against women; however, discrimination against women and ethnic minorities was a problem.

Women

Violence against women was a problem, and high levels of domestic violence persisted. Domestic violence is a crime punishable by a prison sentence of from 6 months to 10 years, depending on the seriousness of the offense, and a minimum of 10 years if death results. By one estimate, half of all women suffered physical or emotional abuse. The few official agencies dedicated to coping with family violence had inadequate resources; however, public recognition of the problem has increased. Spousal rape is a criminal offense; however, few victims filed complaints with the authorities. Victim accusations are not required for prosecution of domestic violence cases, and prosecutions of such cases did occur during the year. According to a victims' rights advocate, police response to domestic violence has improved markedly; a number of police officers provided assistance to female victims of violence and detained offenders to protect victims.

Rape was a problem. Rape, including spousal rape, is punishable by 1 year to the legal maximum sentence (currently 40 years' imprisonment) for a simple case, a minimum of 3 years for an aggravated case, and a minimum of 5 years if death results or the victim is a minor. Only a small proportion of rapes are reported because victims fear that they will not be protected, that their attackers may take revenge, or that they will be humiliated in court.

The Center for Autonomous Women's Rights in Belgrade offered a rape and spousal abuse hotline, and sponsored a number of self help groups. The Center also offered assistance to refugee women (mostly Serb), many of who experienced extreme abuse or rape during the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia. The Counseling Center Against Family Violence operated a domestic violence shelter partly funded by the Government.

Prostitution is illegal.

Trafficking in women for the purpose of sexual exploitation remained a problem (see Section 5, Trafficking).

Sexual harassment was a problem, but there was little awareness of the issue. It is a crime punishable by a fine or up to 6 months' imprisonment for a simple case and by up to 1 year's imprisonment for abuse of a subordinate or dependent. While women's social status was not equal to men's, women served in high-level positions in government, politics, and professional occupations, though they were not well represented in commerce. In urban areas, such as Belgrade, Nis, and Novi Sad, women were represented widely in many professions including law, academia, and medicine. Women were also active in journalism, politics, and human rights organizations. Since regulations now allow women to serve as police officers, the police hired increasing numbers of women officers. Women legally were entitled to equal pay for equal work; however, according to the International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights, women's average wage was 11 percent lower than the average wage of men.

Traditional patriarchal ideas of gender roles, particularly in rural areas, subjected women to discrimination in many homes. In remote rural areas, particularly among some minority communities, women effectively lacked the ability to exercise their right to control property. In rural areas and some minority communities, it was common for husbands to direct the voting of wives.

During the year, the Government established the Council for Gender Equality, but it was still being constituted at year's end. There is also a parliamentary committee for gender equality. The Vojvodina Government has a Secretariat for Labor, Employment, and Gender Equality.

Children

The Government was committed to the rights and welfare of children. The educational system provided 9 years of free, mandatory schooling. However, economic distress affected children adversely in the education system, particularly Romani children, who rarely attended kindergarten. Approximately 99.8 percent of children attended school, according to one Government survey; however, the Government acknowledged that many transient Roma were missed by the survey. During the year, 48 elementary and secondary schools offered weekly Romani language and culture classes, in which 1,336 students participated.

Free medical care was available in Government clinics, including free medicines from a limited list of covered drugs. Boys and girls had equal access to medical care.

It was estimated that approximately 30 percent of children were abused. While teachers were instructed to report suspected child abuse cases, they often did not do so. Police were generally responsive to complaints, and prosecutions of child abuse cases occurred during the year. Psychological and legal assistance was available for victims, and there was an incest trauma center. Also, victims who were with their mothers could stay in the domestic violence shelter.

Trafficking of children for the purpose of sexual exploitation remained a problem (see Section 5, Trafficking). Some Romani children were trafficked within the Romani community in Serbia and to other Roma abroad to be used in begging and theft rings.

UNICEF worked with eight local NGOs to promote children's rights. A ninth NGO, Beosupport, led the working group for combating trafficking in children, a subgroup of the Serbian Antitrafficking Team. The project "Living Together" is a joint effort of seven local NGOs, coordinated by the Child Rights Center Belgrade, that focused on encouraging youth of different backgrounds to overcome barriers to living together peacefully.

Trafficking in Persons

The law prohibits trafficking in persons; however, trafficking in persons remained a problem. The penalty for trafficking is imprisonment of 1 to 10 years for a single offense, 3 to 40 years for multiple offenses, and 5 to 40 years if a minor is involved or if a victim is killed.

The Government prosecuted trafficking cases during the year; however, sentences issued tended to be lenient. There were at least six trials of traffickers, mostly with multiple defendants, ongoing or completed by October 15; however, poor tracking of cases begun prior to the year made it difficult to determine the actual total. On August 30, the trial of 10 persons began in the Belgrade Special Court for Fighting Organized Crime; the defendants were charged with criminal conspiracy and trafficking of women from Serbia to Italy, where the women were forced into prostitution. The trial was ongoing at year's end. One trial, which began in 2003 on trafficking-related charges against the organizer of a trafficking ring and 12 accomplices, resulted in all 13 defendants being convicted; the maximum sentence, issued to the organizer, was to 3˝ years in prison. The convictions were being appealed at year's end.

During the year, police filed 24 criminal complaints for trafficking against 51 persons. By year's end, two of these criminal complaints had resulted in six individuals being sentenced to between 2˝ and 3˝ years in prison. Another 4 of the cases resulted in indictments, 15 were under investigation by the judiciary, and 3 cases were rejected by the judiciary.

The Serbian Antitrafficking Team, led by Serbian Antitrafficking Coordinator Dusan Zlokas (Chief of the Border Police), incorporated government agencies, NGOs, and international organizations. Government participants are the Supreme Court, Public Prosecutors Office, Interpol Belgrade, the MUP, the Ministry of Labor, Employment and Social Issues, the Ministry of Education, the Ministry of Justice, the Ministry of Finance and Economy, the Ministry of Health, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (SaM level), and the Ministry of Human and Minority Rights (SaM level). During the year, the Serbian Antitrafficking Team added a focus on child trafficking to its mandate. The Government assisted in international investigations of human trafficking and participated in a regional antitrafficking operation.

The country was a transit country, and to a lesser extent a country of origin and a destination country, for trafficking in women and girls for the purpose of sexual exploitation. Serbia was primarily a transit country for internationally trafficked women going to Kosovo, Croatia, BiH, Albania, and Western Europe. The primary source countries for trafficking in persons were Moldova, Ukraine, Romania, Russia, and Bulgaria. According to an NGO study published during the year, there were at least 2,000 trafficking victims in or who passed through Serbia, including women trafficked for sexual exploitation, children in begging rings, and exploited seasonal agricultural laborers.

According to preliminary results of a study by the International Organization for Migration (IOM), the Government, NGOs, or international organizations assisted 39 foreign trafficking victims (including 8 minors) in Serbia during the year, while about 15 Serbian victims (including 7 minors) had been assisted in SaM or elsewhere in the region. The study found more victims of labor exploitation than of sexual exploitation among foreign victims; the balance was not clear for Serbian victims. The 24 trafficking complaints police filed during the year involved 35 victims, including 22 minors. Of these minors, 13 (12 females and 1 male) were sexually exploited, 8 (4 males and 4 females), were used for begging, and 1 was forced into marriage. Eight of the 22 minors were Roma (6 used for begging, 2 for sexual exploitation). Only one minor victim was a foreigner (Bulgarian). All adult victims were female: 10 from SaM, 2 from Ukraine, and 1 from Romania.

Serbia did not traditionally serve as a major source country for trafficked women, but poor economic conditions have increased Serbian women's vulnerability to traffickers, particularly for Roma. Trafficking of children by Roma for use in begging or theft rings was a problem.

Recruitment enticements included advertisements for escorts, marriage offers, and offers of employment. Often women knowingly went to work as prostitutes and later became trafficking victims. Women were recruited, transported, sold, and controlled by international organized crime networks. The main points in Serbia for holding and transferring trafficked women were the Belgrade suburbs and Pancevo.

There were no reports of government officials condoning or participating in trafficking in Serbia. During the year, one police officer was indicted for facilitating prostitution; he was suspended and awaiting trial at year's end.

During the year, the government Agency for Coordination of Protection to Victims was established to ensure the correct identification of victims and their subsequent referral to assistance providers. A second trafficking shelter was established during the year exclusively for domestic victims, leaving the original shelter, run by the Counseling Center Against Family Violence, to assist foreign victims. The antitrafficking NGO Astra ran a hotline for trafficking victims. NGOs and volunteers provided legal, medical, psychological, and other assistance to victims. The IOM managed repatriation of victims and assisted in the reintegration of local victims. It also ran a regional clearing center for information on trafficking victims, which operated in government-donated offices in Belgrade. During the year, the MUP formalized temporary residence for victims; in the past, this had been handled unofficially. Authorities encouraged victims to participate in trials of traffickers and did not prosecute victims.

There were numerous public awareness efforts, including broadcast of a locally produced trafficking documentary, education for teens and orphans held at the 150 government social work centers, broadcast of a U.N.-provided antitrafficking public service announcement, introduction of antitrafficking education into the curriculum for high school students, and many local television and radio spots.

Persons with Disabilities

There was no discrimination against persons with disabilities in employment, education, access to health care, or in the provision of other state services; however, in practice, facilities for persons with mental or physical disabilities were inadequate, and addressing this problem was not a priority for the Government. There were specialized schools for persons with disabilities, but no special facilities or assistance was available for higher education. A high unemployment rate and lack of accommodations for persons with disabilities made employment difficult. The law mandates access for persons with disabilities to new public buildings, and the Government generally enforced this provision in practice. As sidewalks were replaced, the Government installed wheelchair ramps at intersections. The Government provided mobile voting for voters unable to come to polling stations due to disability or illness.

There is a government agency for assistance to war veterans with disabilities; however, there was no general assistance office for those with disabilities.

National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities

Minorities constituted 25 to 30 percent of Serbia's population and included Hungarians, Bosniaks, Roma, Slovaks, Romanians, Vlachs, Bulgarians, Croats, Albanians, and others.

The number of antiminority incidents in Serbia's northern province of Vojvodina increased markedly after the SRS won a plurality of votes in Serbian parliamentary elections in December 2003. While the incidents consisted mainly of vandalism targeting cemeteries, homes, churches, and cultural sites, there were also death threats and assaults (see Section 2.c.). For example, on April 9, Bela Csorba, Vice President of the Hungarian Democratic Party of Vojvodina, found a 12-inch kitchen knife wrapped in paper slipped under his door. Attached to the weapon was a note in Serbian, "we will slaughter you." On September 28, an ethnic Hungarian high school student was beaten by a Serb student at whom he smiled on the bus. According to an eyewitness and the victim, the Serb boy said, "no Hungarian has ever smiled at me and none will ever do so!" Other boys joined in the beating, and when friends of the victim tried to help him, they were beaten as well. Police identified the aggressors and filed charges against them.

The pace and seriousness of incidents peaked before republicwide local and Vojvodina provincial elections in September, then declined to a relatively low level. The targets were mainly ethnic Hungarians and ethnic Croats--the two largest minorities in Vojvodina--but other groups have also been affected, including Slovaks, Ruthenians, Romanians, Roma, Ashkali, Jews, and Chinese. The affected minorities complained that police were not sufficiently active in pursuing perpetrators and sometimes blamed the victim; because of these problems, the Vojvodina Province Secretary for Minorities reportedly began meetings with police concerning the attacks and preventive measures to be taken. As a result of these reported meetings, police patrols were increased in some trouble spots, but police response remained inconsistent.

In September, Prime Minister Kostunica formed the Council for National Minorities, which is mandated to monitor minority rights and to consider draft laws and regulations important for exercising those rights. The Council, which the Prime Minister chairs, included the presidents of each of the individual national minority councils, as well as the Ministers of Culture, Education, Administration and Local Government, Religion, Justice, and Internal Affairs. In October, the SaM and Hungarian governments agreed to establish a permanent bilateral commission to address concerns of the Hungarian minority in Serbia (mostly in Vojvodina) and the Serbian minority in Hungary; the Commission held its first meeting on December 8.

There were a few reports of police inattention to the security of the ethnic Albanian population in southern Serbia, in particular failure to respond adequately to the several armed highway robberies between May and July by masked men who claimed to be members of the extremist Albanian National Army (AKSh). The perpetrators demanded money from cars with foreign license plates (presumed ethnic Albanian guest workers returning to Kosovo for the summer holidays). In one incident, robbers shot at a car that refused to stop, killing one passenger and injuring three others. After this incident, the police reportedly arrested some of the perpetrators, but the ethnic Albanian community complained that the police had ignored their complaints about the robberies before the fatal incident brought public attention to the problem. There continued to be sporadic reports of physical abuse or brutality by the police, but there was no noticeable increase over previous years.

Ethnic Albanian leaders of the southern Serbian municipalities of Presevo, Bujanovac, and Medvedja continued to complain about the underrepresentation of ethnic Albanians in government structures. Southern Serbia's ethnic Albanians have proportional representation in the multiethnic police force in southern Serbia and control of local governments in municipalities where they constituted a majority.

In December, the privatization agency approved the sale of a public company in southern Serbia to an ethnic Albanian amnestied member of the Liberation Army for Presevo, Medvedja, and Bujanovac (UCPMB)--reportedly the first sale of a public company to an ethnic Albanian. The following day, members of the local municipal assembly called on Prime Minister Kostunica to block the sale "to protect the national interest." The privatization agency quickly withdrew its approval on the grounds that there was only one qualified bidder, although a number of other single-bid privatizations had gone through. The bidder complained that the sale was overturned on ethnic grounds.

The MUP joined with OSCE, the Coordination Body for Southern Serbia, and municipal leaders to form a working group to deal with concerns between the ethnic Albanian community and police.

The SaM Minorities Law recognizes the Roma as a national minority and explicitly prohibits discrimination against them; however, Roma continued to be targets of numerous incidents of police violence, verbal and physical harassment from ordinary citizens, and societal discrimination. Police often did not investigate cases of societal violence against Roma. At year's end, two persons were on trial for a 2003 incident in which Roma were beaten; a separate juvenile proceeding was conducted for a minor who was also involved in the beating.

Many Roma lived illegally in squatter settlements that lacked basic services such as schools, medical care, water, and sewage facilities. Some of these settlements were located on valuable industrial or commercial sites where private owners wanted to resume control; others were on the premises of state-owned enterprises due to be privatized. There were no reports of Romani settlements being closed during the year; one settlement on privatized land in Belgrade was scheduled to be demolished, but the action was suspended pending location of alternative housing for the IDPs and other Roma living there. On August 6, the European Roma Rights Center (ERRC), the HLC, and the Center for Minority Rights of Belgrade filed a criminal complaint in connection with the August 2003 attack by 6 villagers on an extended Romani family of Muslim faith in Luzane. The attack followed years of threats and slurs against the family's ethnicity and religion by non-Romani neighbors. The police report of the attack was incomplete and inaccurate, and there was no indication that police would provide protection in future, so the 36-member family moved away.

In 2003, the Belgrade City Assembly adopted a plan to construct 58 small settlements for socially vulnerable persons with the objective of resettling some of the Roma from illegal settlements; however, no settlements have been built because of opposition by neighbors of the sites.

Romani IDPs from Kosovo were particularly subject to discrimination and abuse (see Section 2.d.). Some non-Romani refugees and IDPs also suffered from discrimination.

Romani education remained a problem. Many Romani children did not attend primary school, either for family reasons, because they were judged to be unqualified, or because of societal prejudice. Due to the lack of primary schooling, many Romani children did not learn to speak Serbian. Some Romani children were placed mistakenly in schools for children with emotional disabilities because Romani language, and cultural norms made it difficult for them to succeed on standardized tests in Serbian. The UNHCR, with government support, began health education programs for Roma and catch-up and head-start programs for Romani children. The SaM Government emphasized increasing enrollment of Romani children in school. During the year, there were 70 Romani children in middle schools and 69 Roma in vocational colleges and universities.

In reaction to widespread anti-Serb violence by ethnic Albanians (who are primarily Muslim) in Kosovo in mid-March, two mosques in Serbia--attended by Bosniaks, Roma, and others--were burned (see Section 2.c.). There were also more than 40 incidents in Vojvodina of attacks on property of ethnic Albanians and Bosniak Muslims following the Kosovo violence. In the most serious Vojvodina attack, two Molotov cocktails were thrown at a bakery.

The SaM Ministry for Human and Minority Rights ran an "SOS" hotline for minorities and others concerned about human rights problems. In July, the Ministry, in conjunction with OSCE and a local NGO, hosted a regional conference on "Tolerance above All" in Belgrade.

Other Societal Abuses and Discrimination

Serbia's homosexual community stayed hidden due to fears of violence and discrimination. The one occasion the community was visible--when it held a gay pride parade in 2002--the event was violently broken up, with police assisting the attackers. Slurs against homosexuals appeared in the media.

Incitement to Acts of Discrimination

The law prohibits dissemination of information that incites violence, hatred, or discrimination; however, propaganda against "sects" continued in the press, and religious leaders noted that instances of vandalism often occurred soon after such press reports. Some texts used in military and police academies contained propaganda against religious sects.

Section 6
Worker Rights

a. The Right of Association

The law provides for the right of all workers, except military and police personnel, to join or form unions of their choosing, subject to restrictions including approval by the Ministry of Labor and a statement from the employer that the union leader is a full-time employee, which reportedly was tantamount to an employer approval requirement. A state-affiliated trade union federation continued to dominate organized labor, due to preference for unions belonging to it by the managements of the state-owned industries that dominated the economy. Smaller federations of independent trade unions competed with the government-affiliated federation, but were successful in doing so primarily in the relatively small proportion of the formal nonagricultural economy that is not state-owned. In the state-owned sector, 60 to 70 percent of workers belonged to unions. In the private sector, only 4 to 6 percent were unionized, and in agriculture approximately 3 percent.

The criminal code does not prohibit antiunion discrimination, and it was not a significant problem during the year. While it did not provide any specific examples of problems, the Nezavisnost national trade union center made generalized allegations to the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions that its members in Serbia were exposed to "harassment and persecution" by company managers and the Government and that two-thirds of applications for the registration of local Nezavisnost branches were delayed by the authorities for longer than the time limit set by law. Nezavisnost asserted that company managers prohibited the operation of the unions and their entry to company premises on the grounds that they were not registered and claimed there were reports of workers having their pay docked, being transferred to lower-paid positions, or being threatened and even assaulted after joining Nezavisnost. Local independent labor experts could not corroborate these claims. According to an independent labor expert, about 20 Nezavisnost members were prevented from working at one tractor factory in 2003, resulting in one violent skirmish. According to the labor expert, there were no incidents of company managers harassing union members during the year. Granting of applications for labor registration was, on occasion, delayed by 1 or 2 months, but often the delay was due to incomplete applications.

b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively

The law allows unions to conduct their activities without interference, and the Government protected this right in practice. The right to organize and bargain collectively was recognized and exercised freely in practice. A union must have 15 percent of employees as members in order to negotiate with an employer or 10 percent of all employees to negotiate with the Government.

The law provides for the right to strike, and unions held several strikes during the year; however, the law restricts strikes by employees in "essential service production enterprises," such as education, electric power, and postal services--approximately 50 percent of all employees. These employees must announce their strikes at least 15 days in advance and ensure that a "minimum level of work" is provided.

There are no export processing zones.

c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor

The law prohibits forced and compulsory labor, including by children; however, there were reports that such practices occurred (see Sections 5, Trafficking and 6.d.).

d. Prohibition of Child Labor and Minimum Age for Employment

The minimum age for employment is 16, although in villages and farming communities it was common to find younger children at work assisting their families. Children--particularly Roma--also could be found in a variety of unofficial retail jobs, typically washing car windows or selling small items such as newspapers; however, in recent years, this type of labor has been less widespread because adults, lacking other options for employment, have taken many of these jobs. Romani children were often forced by their families into manual labor, compelled to beg, or trafficked abroad to work in begging or theft rings. The Labor Inspectorate of the Ministry of Labor, Employment, and Social Issues checked for child labor during its inspections; however, the Ministry stated it found no violations during the year. The Ministry also included prevention of child labor in its regular child and family protection programs.

e. Acceptable Conditions of Work

The minimum wage of approximately $95 (5,600 dinars) per month did not provide a decent standard of living for a worker and family.

The standard workweek of 40 hours was generally followed in state-owned enterprises but not in private companies. The law provides that an employee may not work overtime for more than 4 hours a day or for more than 240 hours within a calendar year. For an 8-hour workday, one 30-minute break is required. At least 12 hours of break are required between shifts during the workweek, and at least 24 hours of break are required over the weekend. Payment of overtime--50 percent above regular pay--was regulated by collective agreements.

It is mandatory for each company to establish a safety and security unit to implement safety and security regulations; however, in practice, these units often focused on rudimentary aspects of safety, such as purchasing soaps and detergents, rather than on providing safety equipment for workers. By some estimates, there were 20,000 workplace injuries annually in Serbia, with approximately 100 fatalities. Workers do not have the right to remove themselves from situations that endangered health or safety without jeopardy to their employment.

KOSOVO

Kosovo is administered by the U.N. Interim Administrative Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) pursuant to U.N. Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 1244. UNMIK promulgates regulations to address the civil and legal responsibilities of governmental entities and private individuals, and ratifies laws passed by the Kosovo Assembly. UNMIK promulgated the Constitutional Framework for Provisional Self Government in Kosovo (the Constitutional Framework), which defined the Provisional Institutions of Self Government (PISG). Kosovo has a multiparty political system with four dominant ethnic Albanian parties and several minority parties and coalitions. In October, Kosovo Assembly elections were held that were determined to be generally free and fair. The Constitutional Framework provides for an independent judiciary; however, the judiciary continued to be plagued by instances of favoritism and outside influence, particularly in many interethnic cases.

The U.N.-authorized, NATO-led peacekeeping force for Kosovo (KFOR) continued to carry out its mandate to maintain a safe and secure environment and defend against external threats. UNMIK Civilian Police continued to transfer basic police authority and functions to the local Kosovo Police Service (KPS). The Kosovo Protection Corps (KPC), comprised largely of demilitarized former Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) members, continued to develop its capacity as a civilian civil emergency response agency. UNMIK international civilian authorities and KFOR leadership generally maintained effective control over security forces; however, there were reports that elements of the security forces acted independently of their respective authority. Some members of the international and local security forces committed human rights abuses.

The economy, in transition from a centrally directed to a market -based economy, was built primarily on agriculture, mining-related industries, and construction services, and was heavily dependent on foreign assistance. The estimated population was 2.3 million, although demographic figures were unreliable in the absence of a recent census. Economic growth was approximately 3.5 percent for the year. Unemployment estimates ranged from 30 to 50 percent among ethnic Albanians and higher among Kosovo Serbs and other ethnic communities. Wage increases generally kept pace with inflation.

UNMIK and the PISG generally respected the human rights of Kosovo's residents; however, there were serious problems in some areas, especially relating to Kosovo Serbs. KFOR and UNMIK police were responsible for killing several protesters during riots in March after the protestors failed to heed prior warnings and threatened the international security officials or those they were protecting. Several killings resulted from attacks that appeared to be ethnically motivated, and some perpetrators of the killings were arrested during the year. One death and several injuries resulted from landmines and, particularly, from unexploded ordnance (UXO). Lengthy pretrial detention was a problem, and the judiciary did not always provide due process. UNMIK occasionally limited freedom of assembly and forcibly dispersed some demonstrations. Religious tensions persisted. Freedom of movement for ethnic minorities, particularly Kosovo Serbs, continued to be a serious problem. Violence and discrimination against women remained significant problems. Trafficking in persons, particularly women for sexual exploitation, was a serious problem. Persons with mental and physical disabilities faced social discrimination. Severe societal violence, abuse, and discrimination against minority communities were serious problems, particularly during the March riots. Child labor was a growing problem.

RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS

Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person

a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life

There were no politically motivated killings by UNMIK, the PISG, KFOR, or their agents; however, in March, KFOR and UNMIK Police were responsible for killing several Albanian protesters during riots while defending themselves, Kosovo Serbs and other minorities from violent mobs (see Sections 2.b. and 5). On April 17, an UNMIK special police officer fired upon a group of 24 UNMIK corrections officers while they were leaving the Mitrovica Detention Center, killing 3 and injuring 11. A subsequent investigation determined that the perpetrator, who died of injuries sustained during the incident, acted alone.

Landmines and UXO from the 1999 conflict remained a problem, particularly in rural areas. During the year, UXO or landmines killed 1 person and seriously injured 13, compared with 3 fatalities and 16 serious injuries in 2003. UXO, particularly the remains of NATO cluster bombs, was the main threat.

A small, loosely organized group of "Bridgewatchers" remained intact but largely inactive in Mitrovica. They were present on the Austerlitz Bridge during the March riots, but were not linked to human rights abuses as in previous years.

KPS and UNMIK Police officers investigating sensitive or politically related crimes were frequently targeted. For example, on March 23, KPS officer Arsim Rustolli and Ghanaian UNMIK Police officer Kojo Essuman were killed during an attack on their patrol in Podujeve/Podujevo municipality and four Kosovo Albanians were awaiting trial on resulting charges at year's end.

Three Kosovar Albanian men suspected of involvement in the March killings of an international and Kosovar police officer were transferred into UNMIK custody on June 8 after being arrested in Albania. The suspects include Florim Ejupi, Kosovo's most wanted fugitive who escaped from the KFOR Camp Bondsteel detention facility after being arrested in connection with the Merdare February 2001 bus bombing near Podujeve/Podujevo that left 11 Serbs dead and 40 wounded.

There were allegedly politically motivated killings of Kosovo Albanians. For example, on March 17, unknown persons killed the father of Avni Elezaj, a former Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) fighter and former bodyguard of Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (AAK) President Ramush Haradinaj.

There were also allegedly ethnically motivated killings of Serbs during the year, especially during the March riots. The March riots resulted in the 20 deaths including of 8 ethnic Serbs and 12 ethnic Albanians. On February 19, the police and KFOR found two Serb corpses in Lipjan/Ljipljane with gunshot wounds inside a civilian vehicle parked on the road. On June 5, 17-year-old Serb Dimitrije Popovic was shot and killed, and another Serb teenager was seriously injured, in a drive-by shooting. KPS officers immediately arrested two young Albanians--Albert Krasniqi and Labinot Gashi--both of whom confessed to the crime and were awaiting trial at year's end.

There were no developments in the following 2003 killings: The killing of two witnesses in the Dukagjini group case, Tahir Zemaj in January and Ilir Selimaj in April; the August sniper killing of UNMIK police officer Satish Menon; the September killing of KPS officer Hajdar Ahmeti; and the September killing of KPS officer Agim Makolli. UNMIK police announced that Bedri Krasniqi was wanted in connection with the November 2003 killing of KPS members Sebahate Tolaj and Isuf Haklaj.

No arrests were made by year's end for the 2002 killings of Smajl Hajdaraj or of Ilir Selimaj and his pregnant sister-in-law.

b. Disappearance

There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances; however, criminal kidnappings for ransom took place and thousands of persons remained missing from the 1999 war.

During the year, the Prizren prosecutor's office announced arrest warrants for two former Serb policemen, Goran Janjusevic and Slavisa Milkovic, suspected of committing war crimes against the civilian population in the Prizren region, including the kidnapping and killing of Ardian Zyrnagjiu during the 1999 conflict. The suspects remained at large at year's end.

Approximately 3,200 persons remained missing from the Kosovo conflict at year's end, of whom 77 percent were Albanian, 17 percent were Serb, and 6 percent were from other ethnic groups. During the year, UNMIK's Office of Missing Persons and Forensics (OMPF) continued the identification of the remains of missing persons in Kosovo. From its establishment in 2002 through the end of the year, the OMPF performed 1,170 exhumations and conducted 858 autopsies. Many bodies of missing persons have been recovered and the focus was on establishing the identities of the exhumed remains so that they can be returned to their families for burial. By the end of the year, the OMPF submitted 2,160 bone samples to the International Commission on Missing Persons (ICMP) to identify remains through DNA testing, which had returned 797 results.

The OMPF continued to cooperate with the Government of Serbia to receive identified remains of Kosovo victims from the 1999 war found in mass graves in Serbia; however, progress was slow. The OMPF received 849 bodies transferred from the Republic of Serbia, most of which were returned to families for burial, including 641 ethnic Albanians and 98 from non-Albanian communities. Associations of families of the missing held a series of protests on August 30 and November 3 to 5 demanding that the Government of Serbia immediately return over 200 sets of identified remains to Kosovo and open Serbia's government files on missing persons. The missing persons technical dialogue between officials in Pristina and Belgrade was hindered for political reasons, but UNMIK was working to resume the dialogue at year's end.

c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment

The Constitutional Framework and Criminal Procedure Code prohibit such practices, and there were no reports that UNMIK, KFOR, or the PISG officials employed them.

On February 16, KFOR authorities arrested KPC Commander General Selim Krasniqi and three other KPC officers on suspicion of involvement in abusing innocent persons in the Prizren area in 1998.

During the year, some KPC members were suspected of involvement in misconduct; however, the extent of KPC leadership involvement was unclear. During the year, the 12 KPC members suspected in December 2003 were reinstated because the police investigation failed to find sufficient evidence of criminal activity.

There were reports of attacks and threats against Kosovo Albanian political and institutional figures as well as Kosovo Albanian individuals. For example, on February 21, an explosive device in a vehicle in the town of Peje/Pec injured Kosovo Minister of Environment and Spatial Planning Ethem Ceku, two AAK party officials, and two KPC members. On June 30, unknown assailants attacked a member of the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK) presidency branch in Peja/Pec, Rexhe Krasniqi. No suspects were identified by year's end; however, credible observers often blamed such attacks on rival political party members. Nonpolitical motives, including clan rivalry and common criminality, were also suspected in some cases.

Serbs, Roma, Ashkali, and other minorities were subjected to societal abuses on a regular basis, including attacks by violent mobs during the March riots (see Section 5). For example, on March 5, three Kosovo Albanians beat a Kosovo Serb who was traveling on a train near south Mitrovica.

There were some credible reports of politically motivated attempts to intimidate UNMIK officials and KFOR officers. For example, on March 24, a hand grenade was thrown towards the Mitrovica main bridge from the majority-Serb northern side and two KFOR soldiers sustained minor injuries. In August, a Serb, Zivorad Cvetkovic, was sentenced to 5 years in prison for the crime.

Prisons generally met international standards, and UNMIK permitted visits by independent human rights observers. Prison and detention center conditions were generally good and did not pose a serious threat to life or health. Facilities were at times overcrowded; however, the construction of two new facilities began during the year. UNMIK operated eight facilities (Prizren, Mitrovica, Pristina, Gnjilane, Peja/Pec, Lipjan, and Dubrava--blocks one and two) with a total capacity of 1,356 inmates. UNMIK Police corrections officers managed the prison system and increasingly transferred responsibilities to the local Kosovo Correctional Service (KCS).

UNMIK has implemented the recommendations contained in the 2003 report of an independent commission to improve hygienic conditions in Dubrava Prison, rectify the lack of educational and recreational activities, provide additional training for local correctional staff, and improve institutional and management processes; however, funding constraints were a problem.

Women were held separately from men, and juveniles were held separately from adults. Pretrial detainees were held separately from convicted prisoners and those awaiting appeal of their convictions. High-risk prisoners were held in a special block of the Dubrava prison. Prisoners were permitted to vote in the October elections.

d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention

The Constitutional Framework and Criminal Procedure Code prohibit arbitrary arrest and detention, and UNMIK, KFOR, and the PISG generally observed these prohibitions in practice.

UNMIK Police continued to transfer police authority and functions to the KPS, while maintaining oversight. The KPC continued to train and develop its disaster response skills and undertook humanitarian projects. An international commissioner of police directed both the UNMIK police and the KPS. The combined force was generally effective. Minority membership in the KPS was approximately 15 percent at year's end. Corruption in the security forces was a problem, particularly in the KPS border police.

An UNMIK Office of Oversight investigated corruption in UNMIK, and the criminal justice system. The judicial system effectively prosecuted members of the security forces who committed abuses. The KPS Professional Standards Unit (PSU), run by UNMIK Police, conducted 100 disciplinary investigations against KPS officers for participating in or failing to prevent violence in the March riots; most of these investigations were still ongoing at year's end. One officer was terminated for her participation in an assault against a minority family. While the local criminal justice system generally did a poor job of investigating, arresting, and convicting perpetrators of crimes against minorities, the UNMIK Department of Justice tracked over 300 criminal proceedings associated with the March riots during the year (see Section 1.e.). Some international NGOs also accused KFOR and UNMIK police of failing to prevent the March riots.

Police generally openly arrested a suspect using a warrant issued by a judge or prosecutor; however, in certain high security cases, suspects were arrested secretly by masked or undercover police officers. All arrests must be based on prosecutor orders and arrestees must be brought before a judge within 72 hours; however, there were reports that UNMIK police used this authority as a means of minor punishment with no intention of filing charges, particularly in the case of petty offenders. Based on the new criminal code that came into effect on April 6, a suspect has the right to be informed about the reasons for the arrest in a language that he or she understands; to remain silent and not to answer any questions, except about his or her identity; to free assistance of an interpreter; to defense counsel and to have defense counsel provided if he or she cannot afford to pay for legal assistance; to medical treatment including psychiatric treatment; and to notify a family member. These rights were generally respected in practice.

Although KFOR did not require arrest warrants, its arrest processes were generally transparent. However, KFOR detention practices were not always fully transparent. For example, the attorney for Shukri Buja, a former KLA commander arrested after the March riots, complained that he had difficulty locating his client. The KFOR Commander may intervene to extend the detention of persons not charged with a crime or ordered released by the courts in increments of 30 days. On May 4, KFOR extended the detention of former KLA commander Sami Lushtaku at Camp Bondsteel under suspicion of involvement in the March riots and for numerous weapons-related charges. He was later released and all charges were dropped.

A detainee may be held in pretrial detention for a maximum period of 1 month from the day of arrest, which can be extended by the courts up to a total of 18 months. The new criminal code introduced on April 6 includes measures to decrease the need for pretrial detention, such as house arrest, an appeal for detention on remand, and expanded use of bail. However, a backlog of pretrial detainees remained; approximately 2,000 persons were detained on remand during the year. UNMIK established a commission to compensate persons held in detention who were later found not guilty.

e. Denial of Fair Public Trial

The Constitutional Framework provides for an independent judiciary; however, the local judiciary was at times subject to bias and outside influence, particularly in interethnic cases, and did not always provide due process. Legal authority is held by UNMIK under U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244. UNMIK police and justice worked with local judges and prosecutors, while maintaining executive responsibility for judicial system planning, policymaking, operations, management, administration, coordination, and monitoring. There were credible reports of corruption within the local judiciary, and allegations that courts, including the Supreme Court, deferred to the Government in some cases.

The court system includes a Supreme Court, 5 District Courts, 24 Municipal Courts, and a Commercial Court. There were 18 international judges and 8 international prosecutors who were appointed by UNMIK to handle interethnic and other sensitive cases. At year's end, there were 21,668 criminal cases unresolved in the municipal courts, and 2,371 criminal cases unresolved in the district courts.

The Government of Serbia continued to fund and manage a parallel judicial system in Serb enclaves in violation of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244.

UNMIK, through the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), maintained several organizations to increase the professionalism of the judicial corps. The Kosovo Judicial Institute continued to train judges and prosecutors. The Judicial Inspection Unit continued to monitor judicial performance and make recommendations on discipline and training. The Kosovo Judicial and Prosecutorial Council (KJPC) was responsible for the review of cases of judicial misconduct. Since 2001, KJPC opened 458 investigations and found some evidence of misconduct in 41 cases, resulting in 7 reprimands and 10 recommendations for removal.

Although the law provides that serious cases are tried by a panel of five judges (two professional judges and three lay judges), an UNMIK regulation provides that cases of a sensitive ethnic or political nature may be tried by international prosecutors, possibly before a three-member panel of professional international judges. Of the 232 active cases handled by International Prosecutors during the year, approximately 79 were tried before international judges, which typically resulted in a conviction rate of over 90 percent.

The local bar association, the Kosovo Chamber of Advocates (KCA), remained weak, but was improving. The OSCE started a local NGO, the Criminal Defense Resource Center, to assist the KCA in capacity building. Some Kosovo Serb lawyers participated in the legal system, and the Serbian Bar Association continued to provide free legal assistance for Kosovo Serb defendants in Kosovo. In addition, the OSCE provided security and logistical support, such as secure transportation to Serb attorneys who represented Serb defendants in Kosovo courts.

UNMIK regulations and the Constitutional Framework provide for the right to a fair trial, and the international and local judiciary generally enforced this right; however, legal experts and human rights observers continued to express concern that the fairness of trials was a problem in criminal cases involving ethnic minorities prosecuted or tried by Kosovo Albanian judicial personnel, so such cases were routinely assigned to international judicial personnel. Trials were public, and the law provides for the right of defendants to be present at their trials, to confront witnesses, to see evidence, and to have legal representation, at public expense if necessary. Defendants are presumed innocent until proven guilty and have the right of appeal. There are no jury trials; cases are heard by panels consisting of professional and lay judges.

The Judicial Integration Section, created by the UNMIK Department of Justice in 2003 to promote the ethnic integration of judges and prosecutors into the Kosovo legal system, continued to address access to justice problems affecting minorities, to monitor the treatment of minorities in the justice system, to address instances of discrimination, and to facilitate the integration of court support staff. A special Court Liaison Office (CLO) continued to facilitate access to justice for minority communities in the Serbian enclave of Gracanica, Pristina Municipality. The CLO enhanced access to justice by accompanying minorities to courts, filing documents with courts on behalf of minorities, and providing information regarding court access. During 2004, the CLO in Gracanica dealt with 1,656 requests for assistance. In addition, UNMIK opened a Department of the Pristina Municipal Court in Gracanica staffed by two judges to further increase minority access to the Kosovo justice system.

Kosovo's investigative, judicial, and penal systems, in addition to International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), continued to identify and punish perpetrators of war crimes from the 1999 conflict; however, many cases remained unresolved. Domestic war crimes trials continued in local Kosovo courts to adjudicate approximately 38 cases of alleged war crimes and genocide arising from the 1999 conflict. For example, Ejup Rujeva was tried by a panel of international judges in the Pristina district court for alleged war crimes, kidnapping, and murder of civilians in February and March of 1999; the trial was ongoing at year's end.

There were no reports of political prisoners.

The UNMIK Housing and Property Directorate (HPD) has responsibility for restitution or compensation for takings of private property associated with the 1999 war. HPD continued to adjudicate property claims, produce legally binding decisions, evict illegal occupants, restore property to 1999 occupants, and administer property on behalf of owners not in Kosovo. HPD shifted its focus to incorporate the return of displaced persons into its previously exclusive focus on property law implementation, and in the past year referred successful claimants to returns assistance NGOs. During the year, HPD resolved approximately 918 claims per month and carried out a total of approximately 440 evictions (illegal occupants often vacate a property prior to eviction). HPD established a call center to increase outreach to successful claimants, contacting approximately 9,565 claimants during the year. Of the approximate 29,000 claims received by the intake deadline of July 1, 2003, HPD had resolved 23,055 by year's end.

In Mitrovica, Kosovo Serbs in the northern part of the city continued to illegally occupy Kosovo Albanian properties, while Kosovo Albanians in the southern part of Mitrovica also denied Kosovo Serbs access to their property. By year's end, the HPD had made a decision on 730 of the 1,324 property claims in Mitrovica North, Leposavic, and Zvecan and started implementation of the decisions regarding evictions.

f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence

UNMIK regulations and the Constitutional Framework prohibits such actions, and UNMIK, KFOR, and the PISG generally respected these prohibitions in practice; however, some individuals and local NGOs accused KFOR of using excessive force in executing searches in private homes. On August 4, KFOR announced an investigation against seven members of KFOR for allegedly exceeding their authority during a search for suspects in the March riots. The soldiers were subsequently reprimanded and repatriated.

An UNMIK regulation on Covert and Technical Measures of Surveillance and Investigation permits police to conduct covert operations with the prior written approval of an investigative judge or public prosecutor. No abuses were reported during the year.

Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties

a. Freedom of Speech and Press

UNMIK regulations and the Constitutional Framework provide for freedom of speech and of the press, and UNMIK, KFOR, and the PISG generally respected these rights in practice and did not restrict academic freedom; however, there were some allegations of interference with freedom of speech and press by both UNMIK and the PISG, particularly during the March riots.

The independent media were active and expressed a wide variety of views without restriction. Most print and broadcast media were independent but regulated by UNMIK. Print media did not have a large circulation; broadcast media appeared to be more influential.

UNMIK controlled broadcasting infrastructure through the Department of Post and Telecommunications, while the OSCE oversaw the Department of Media Affairs. UNMIK also regulated the conduct and organization of both broadcast and print media and established the office of the Temporary Media Commissioner (TMC) and the Media Appeals Board. The TMC was responsible for publishing a broadcast code of conduct, issuing licenses, and imposing sanctions up to and including closing down offending media organs in the event of violations of UNMIK regulations or published codes of conduct; however, the TMC believed the codes need to be updated. For example, the codes failed to adequately protect the privacy of children and crime victims. The Constitutional Framework provides for an Independent Media Commission (IMC) and a Board of the Public Broadcasters independent of the PISG. During the year, UNMIK worked with the PISG to transition the TMC to an IMC and the establishment of a Board of Public Broadcasters; however, the law establishing an IMC was not finalized by year's end. An Assembly-mandated Committee on the Media was established during the year, but its competencies passed to a wider-range Committee on Public Services, Local Administration, and Media following the October elections.

While most print and broadcast media followed accepted journalistic principles, there were some exceptions. In October, the TMC published a report criticizing print media for failing to provide fair and equal representation for all political parties, including minority parties, during the electoral campaign. The TMC received one complaint of a threat against journalists. On August 24, an anonymous e-mail was sent "on behalf of all Muslim believers" to the Radio Television Kosovo (RTK) and TV 21 demanding that they cease the broadcast of two soap operas.

During the March riots, the Association of Professional Journalists in Kosovo claimed that the TMC's visit to three Kosovo-wide TV stations was interference with the press and also claimed that UNMIK police and KFOR blocked the antenna signal of TV Mitrovica. The local Gjila/Gnjilane TV station Men charged that, on April 15, UNMIK police surrounded the station and confiscated material recorded during the March riots. On July 13, the TMC, Robert Gillete, stated that the interference by police and prosecutors in the work of media, in particular the confiscation of TV tapes, was endangering journalistic freedom of speech. UNMIK regulations prohibit hate speech and speech that incites ethnic violence, as well as newspaper articles that might encourage criminal activity or violence. Following several credible reports by international observers harshly criticizing print and especially electronic media for biased coverage and incitement during March riots, the TMC settled cases with three Kosovo-wide TV stations (RTK, KTV, and TV21) on December 17 by obtaining agreement from the stations to spend more than $ 675,000 (500,000 euros) on additional training for reporters and editors.

UNMIK regulations prohibit the publication in both the print and broadcast media of personal information that would pose a threat to the life, property, or security of persons through vigilante justice or otherwise. On June 22, the Pristina Municipal Court found the Bota Sot editor Bajrush Morina guilty of publishing false information on PDK member Xhavit Haliti, who was indirectly accused of the killing of Tahir Zemaj in January 2003; Morina was fined $ 1,823 (1,350 euros).

The Government did not restrict access to the Internet.

b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association

UNMIK regulations and the Constitutional Framework provide for freedom of assembly and association, and UNMIK, KFOR, and the PISG generally respected these rights in practice; however, UNMIK police used deadly force to control the March riots and protect themselves and others. Demonstration organizers were required to notify UNMIK 48 hours in advance for police coordination. UNMIK police estimated that hundreds of thousands of persons took part in protests, demonstrations, and road blocks during the year, including 59 instances in March and 197 instances throughout the rest of the year, constituting a 150 percent increase in demonstrations over previous years. On August 30, the International Day of the Disappeared, UNMIK police forcibly removed approximately 50 family members of missing persons who were blocking the main road in downtown Pristina and protesting the slow progress on resolving the fate of the missing from the 1999 conflict (see Section 1.b.).

The March riots involved an estimated 50,000 to 75,000 demonstrators over 2 days in every major city in Kosovo. During the March riots, measures taken by KFOR and UNMIK police to protect themselves and others as well as to control the crowds resulted in several deaths of Albanian protesters and some allegations of police abuse. For example, an UNMIK police officer shot and killed a protester in Peja/Pec municipality while defending Serbian residents from Kosovar Albanian rioters. No legal charges were brought against KFOR soldiers or UNMIK police related to their actions during the March riots.

UNMIK granted registration for political parties and NGOs routinely.

c. Freedom of Religion

UNMIK regulations and the Constitutional Framework provide for freedom of religion, and UNMIK and the PISG generally respected this right in practice.

There are no specific licensing regulations with regard to religious groups; however, in order to purchase property or receive funding from UNMIK or other international organizations, religious organizations must register as NGOs.

The majority of the population was Muslim with significant numbers of Serbian Orthodox and Roman Catholics, and a small Protestant minority.

Religious identity and ethnicity were closely intertwined. Kosovo Serbs identified themselves with the Serbian Orthodox Church, which influenced not only their religious but also their cultural, historical, and political outlook. The close connection between religion and ethnicity affected the religious liberty of the Serb community (see Section 5). Significant parts of the Kosovo Albanian community continued to view the Serbian Orthodox Church with hostility and suspicion due to its political alignment with the Government of Serbia's policy toward Kosovo. Differences between Muslim, Catholic, and Protestant communities tended to be overshadowed by a common ethnic Albanian heritage.

Numerous serious attacks on Serbian Orthodox churches and cemeteries occurred during the March riots, resulting in extensive property damage, including the destruction or damage of 30 Orthodox religious sites and over 900 houses and businesses of ethnic minorities. Several of the burned churches and monasteries dated from the 14th century and were considered part of the cultural and religious heritage of the region. A Council of Europe mission assessed that approximately $13.1 million (9.7 million euros) would be required to repair and restore the damaged religious sites. Following the riots, KFOR deployed security contingents at religious sites throughout Kosovo to protect them from further destruction. In some areas KFOR resumed static checkpoints and increased protective measures and improved KFOR visibility. Nevertheless, sporadic attacks against ethnic minority property continued.

On April 2, Kosovo Albanian leaders issued a public letter condemning the riots and calling for rebuilding interethnic relations; however, with the exception of former Prime Minister Bajram Rexhepi, most Kosovo Albanian political leaders were criticized for their slow response to minority needs following the riots.

Monks and nuns at some monasteries were unable to use parts of monastery properties due to safety concerns. Serb families with relatives living in both Kosovo and Serbia were hindered by security concerns from traveling to join their relatives for religious holidays or ceremonies, including weddings and funerals. Bishop Artemije Radosavljevic, head of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Kosovo, remained in a monastery in the Kosovo Serb enclave of Gracanica; the Bishop's residence in Prizren was burned during the March riots. During the year, UNMIK police and KFOR provided security to improve mobility. For example, on February 14, police escorted 107 Serbs to visit the local monastery and cemetery in Ferizaj/Urosevac.

The Islamic Community of Kosovo alleged that UNMIK's denial of a radio frequency for an Islamic radio station, the closing of a prayer room in the national library, and the refusal of Pristina municipality to grant public land to build a mosque were examples of a lack of religious freedom; however, municipal authorities claimed that 13 mosques have been built in Pristina since the war.

In 2003, a female student was banned from wearing an Islamic headscarf on school premises. The Ministry of Education's position was that the law prohibited activities promoting any specific religion in public education institutions. The student appealed to the Kosovo Ombudsperson who released a nonbinding opinion that the Ministry's interpretation should only apply to schoolteachers or officials, not to students.

Protestants reported discrimination in access to the media, particularly by RTK. The absence of attacks on Protestants and their religious buildings during the March riots was, according to their leadership, a sign of increasing acceptance by the Kosovo public.

The PISG allocated $5.7 million (4.2 million euros) for the first phase of reconstruction for 30 churches damaged during the March riots, but the Serbian Orthodox Church declined to cooperate with UNMIK on a transparent tender process to disburse the funds.

For a more detailed discussion, see the 2004 International Religious Freedom Report.

d. Freedom of Movement, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Repatriation

UNMIK regulations and the Constitutional Framework provide for freedom of movement; however, interethnic tensions and security concerns restricted freedom of movement in practice, and UNMIK, KFOR, and the PISG generally failed to protect these rights for minority communities.

No special documents were required for internal movement; however, Kosovo Serbs, and to a lesser extent other minority communities, had considerable difficulty moving about safely without an international security escort. Following the March riots, KFOR and UNMIK police restricted movement in most of the affected areas and selectively imposed temporary curfews. Kosovo Serbs were frequently subjected to stonings and other low-level violence by Kosovo Albanians. Examples of stonings included: Busses en route to Skopje in September, October and December; a group of children on their way to elementary school in September; a commuter train used mainly by Kosovo Serbs as it passed though a Kosovo Albanian inhabited area in October; and a convoy escorted by KFOR when passing through Decan town in December.

In order to improve freedom of movement by rendering Serb and Albanian vehicles indistinguishable from each other, UNMIK continued to offer Kosovo license plates to Kosovo Serbs for no fee if they had already paid for vehicle registration in Serbia, but the Government of Serbia did not endorse the program. The deadline for registering vehicles with Kosovo plates was postponed to allow Kosovo Serbs to take advantage of the offer. UNMIK regulations provide that the Central Civil Registry may issue travel documents to any person registered as a resident of Kosovo. Since 2000, UNMIK has issued approximately 1.3 million identity documents, 500,000 travel documents, and 235,000 driver's licenses. Although there were more than 103,000 minorities, including 71,000 Serbs, in the civil registry, fewer than 1,000 applied for UNMIK travel documents. Kosovo Serbs often received Serbian identity and travel documents in addition to UNMIK issued Kosovo identity documents. Many Kosovo Albanians also obtained Serbian documents to enable travel beyond the countries that recognized the UNMIK travel documents. UNMIK and the PISG did not restrict emigration or repatriation.

The law prohibits forced exile, and the authorities did not employ it.

Since 1999, just over 910,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees have returned or been repatriated, mostly ethnic Albanians; however, few IDPs returned during the year. Some international agencies and NGOs continued to organize small-scale return projects, which experienced setbacks as a result of the March riots. UNHCR estimated that 230,000 members of ethnic minority communities were displaced during the 1999 conflict. A total of 12,218 returned to Kosovo by year's end, it was unclear how many of the 230,000 persons originally displaced had returned or had integrated locally in Serbia by year's end. According to UNHCR, 2,302 minorities returned to Kosovo during the year, a 39 percent decrease from the 3,801 minority returns in 2003. This marked the first decline since 1999, a difference largely attributable to the impact of the March riots. Although the overall number of minority returns decreased during the year, a higher number of Roma, Bosniaks, and Goranis returned during the year compared to 2003. Of the additional 4,000 Serbs and Ashkali displaced during the March riots, 1,864 had not yet returned to their homes by year's end. The PISG reconstructed over 90 percent of the over 900 houses damaged or destroyed during the March riots, but many remained unoccupied at year's end.

The prospect for returns varied considerably according to region and ethnic group. The ability to speak the language of the majority community as well as the level of contact between IDPs and their neighbors prior to the conflict greatly affected the returnees' chances for reintegration. During the March riots, the Ashkali neighborhood in Vushtrri/Vucitrn was burned and looted, and its inhabitants took shelter at a KFOR base. Many refused to return by year's end. Many of those displaced in March, including Ashkali residents and Serbs, were displaced and had their homes burned for the second time.

The law does not provide for the granting of asylum or refugee status in accordance with the 1951 U.N. Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees or its 1967 Protocol; however, UNMIK granted displaced persons with status as "persons with temporary protection in Kosovo." In practice, UNMIK provided protection against refoulement, the return of persons to a country where they feared persecution; however, UNMIK did not grant refugee status or asylum. UNMIK cooperated with the office of the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees.

Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Government

UNMIK regulations and the Constitutional Framework provide residents with the right to change their government peacefully, and they exercised this right in practice through periodic, free, and fair elections on the basis of universal suffrage. Kosovo continued to be administered under the civil authority of UNMIK. A UNSC Resolution declared that the people of Kosovo shall be afforded "substantial autonomy and self-government." UNMIK and its chief administrator, the Special Representative of the Secretary General (SRSG), established an international civil administration in 1999, following the conclusion of the NATO military campaign that forced the withdrawal of Serbian forces. In 2001, UNMIK promulgated the constitutional framework for the PISG (the Constitutional Framework). The PISG is made up of a 120-member Kosovo Assembly, which after the October elections again selected Ibrahim Rugova as President of Kosovo and Ramush Haradinaj as the new Prime Minister, as well as ministers and other government officials from several ethnic communities. Kosovo's leaders criticized UNMIK for the slow pace of transfer of powers to the PISG.

UNMIK and the OSCE registered approximately 1.4 million voters for the October Assembly elections. Only residents of Kosovo and those who were residents of Kosovo on January 1, 1998 were eligible to vote. All of Kosovo's ethnic communities participated in the election, although Serb participation was minimal. Some Serb leaders enforced the strategy of election boycott as a political tool in the Assembly elections through intimidation and implicit threats of violence and loss of social benefits against Serb voters, especially in the majority-Serb northern municipalities. The OSCE transferred considerable election administration authority for the first time to a locally staffed Central Election Commission, which conducted the October election while OSCE officials maintained oversight. International and domestic observers determined that the 2004 Assembly elections were generally free and fair.

Kosovo has a multiparty system dominated by four virtually monoethnic Albanian parties. There were also several minority parties and coalitions. The Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) continued to be the most popular political party in Kosovo, but fell short of the majority required to form the central government on its own. The LDK formed a governing coalition with the AAK, led by Ramush Haradinaj, and the Six Plus parliamentary group, a coalition of Turkish and Bosniak parties. The leading political parties in the opposition were the PDK, led by Hashim Thaci, and ORA, led by Veton Surroj. The nearly complete Serb boycott of the October elections left the two Kosovo Serb parties, the Serbian List for Kosovo and Metohija--successor to the Povratak Coalition--and the Citizens' Initiative of Serbia, with a combined 10 Assembly seats set aside for Serbs by the Constitutional Framework. Party affiliation played an important role in access to government services and social opportunities. Traditional social arrangements and clan loyalties also played an important, though unofficial role in Kosovo's social and political organization.

Under UNMIK regulations, individuals may nominate themselves as candidates to their parties, which must hold open and transparent internal elections to select their candidate lists. LDK and PDK all but ignored this requirement at their party conventions. UNMIK rejected calls by some political parties and civil society to implement an electoral system featuring an open candidate list (by which voters would cast ballots for individuals rather than political entities) and some variety of geographic districting.

There were reports of attacks and threats against Kosovo Albanian political and institutional figures (see Section 1.c.).

There was a widespread public perception of corruption in both the PISG and UNMIK. There were credible reports of irregularities involving the PISG's handling of its first international bid for a mobile phone license. During the year, two international officials at the Pristina airport were arrested on money-laundering charges.

In November 2003, UNMIK promulgated the Law on the Access to Official Documents; however, the law exempts UNMIK documents and was rarely used.

Following the October elections, there were 36 women in the 120-seat Assembly. Women must occupy every third spot on each political party's candidate list. Following the election, there were no women on the eight-member Assembly Presidency and only one woman served in the Prime Minister's Cabinet. Women represented 28 percent of the elected municipal representatives.

The Constitutional Framework requires that the Assembly reserve 10 seats for Serbs and 10 for members of Kosovo's other ethnic communities, but ethnic minorities were underrepresented at the municipal level. Following the October elections, there were 21 ethnic minority members in the 120-seat Assembly, including 10 Serbs and 11 members of Kosovo's other ethnic communities, including Turks, Bosniaks, Gorani, Roma, Ashkali, and Egyptians. There were three ethnic minority PISG ministers, two Serb and one Bosniak, and three deputy ministers. One Serb and one Turk held seats on the Assembly Presidency. At year's end, Serbs had not yet claimed their set-aside cabinet posts and continued to boycott the Kosovo Assembly.

Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights

A wide variety of domestic and international human rights groups generally operated without restriction, investigating and publishing findings on human rights cases. UNMIK, KFOR, and the PISG were generally cooperative and responsive to their views.

UNMIK registered more than 2,871 NGOs, including approximately 2,469 domestic and 402 international NGOs; 794 have been granted Public Benefit Status (tax exemption).

The International Organization for Migration (IOM) coordinated training and projects for the KPC in collaboration with other NGOs. Human rights observers, including those of the OSCE and some local NGOs, were active in documenting ethnically or politically motivated killings, attacks, and incidents of intimidation.

UNMIK, KFOR, and the PISG generally cooperated with the ICTY regarding crimes committed during the 1999 conflict. The ICTY trial of Fatmir Limaj, PDK caucus leader, and two other Albanians, began in November. The ICTY announced it may issue additional war crimes indictments of Kosovo Albanians; however, it had not done so by year's end. ICTY Chief Prosecutor Carla Del Ponte announced on several occasions that the Hague Tribunal was investigating additional Kosovo cases, but cited several difficulties, such as unwillingness of Albanians to testify, witness intimidation, lack of written documents, and lack of cooperation from local and international structures.

The Kosovo Omudsperson Institution (OI) investigated allegations of government abuses of international human rights laws. The OI had a multiethnic staff and was active in issuing reports and recommendations. Its recommendations were rarely followed by UNMIK, particularly UNMIK police, but cooperation improved after the March riots. The OI reported that 2,967 persons contacted the OI resulting in 34 investigations and 22 reports during the year. The OI had no authority to intervene in cases against KFOR. Since 2001, the OI has maintained that Regulation 2000/47 on UNMIK and KFOR Status, Privileges, and Immunities was in violation of internationally recognized human rights. On May 4, the OI criticized KFOR for having resumed objectionable detention practices (see section 1.c.).

Section 5 Discrimination, Societal Abuses, and Trafficking in Persons

UNMIK regulations specifically prohibit discrimination on the basis of gender, race, or ethnic origin; however, violence and discrimination against women, persons with disabilities, and ethnic minorities persisted. On August 25, UNMIK promulgated the Law Against Discrimination approved by the Kosovo Assembly. Minority communities, particularly Kosovo Serbs, were subject to severe social, economic, and cultural discrimination, as well as intimidation and occasional violence. On March 17 and 18, violent mobs targeted Serbs and other minority communities, as well as Orthodox Churches, in the widespread destruction and violence that swept across Kosovo. In addition, Kosovo Albanians were forced from their homes in some places where they were the minority.

Women

Violence against women, including rape and a high level of domestic violence and spousal abuse, remained a serious and persistent problem. UNMIK regulations prohibit domestic violence and carry prison terms of 6 months to 5 years. Several court orders were issued during the year to protect victims of domestic violence.

Domestic abuse of women was common, and legal allegations and prosecutions involving domestic violence increased for the second year. The Center for Protection of Women and Children (CPWC), a local NGO, estimated that it received approximately 4,700 requests for assistance from victims of violence during the year. UNMIK DOJ Victim Advocacy and Assistance Unit (VAAU) victim advocates were involved in 765 domestic violence cases. The Kosovo judicial system processed 188 cases of domestic violence during the year; 52 of the 53 completed cases resulted in convictions, with sentences ranging from judicial reprimands to imprisonment. Traditional social attitudes towards women may contribute to the high level of domestic abuse and low number of reported cases. The OSCE, the Office of the Prime Minister, and the UNMIK Department of Justice launched a public information campaign On November 25 to help raise awareness. The KPS School included special training segments on domestic violence and rape in its curriculum.

UNMIK regulations criminalize rape. On April 6, a new criminal code was implemented, including a comprehensive chapter with increased punishments for rape and sexual assaults; however, spousal rape was not specifically addressed. Rape was underreported significantly due to the cultural stigma attached to victims and their families. According to UNMIK, victim advocates provided services to victims in 31 cases of rape. During the year, courts processed 42 cases of rape resulting in 52 convictions, some cases involving multiple defendants.

There were no governmental agencies dedicated to dealing with family violence; however, four shelters assisted victims of domestic violence and trafficking, two run by local NGOS and two by international NGOs. Several domestic and international NGOs pursued activities to assist women; however, they were constrained by a tradition of silence about domestic violence, sexual abuse, and rape.

The law prohibits prostitution, but prostitution remained prevalent. The UNMIK Police Trafficking and Prostitution Investigation Unit (TPIU) actively investigated cases of prostitution and suspected trafficking in persons (See Section 5, Trafficking). Trafficking in women for the purpose of sexual exploitation was a serious problem (see Section 5, Trafficking).

There was no specific law against sexual harassment. Social awareness of sexual harassment remained low, and few cases were reported.

Women have the same legal rights as men, but traditionally not the same social status, which affected their treatment within the legal system. Despite a lack of legal impediments, relatively few women obtained upper-level management positions in commerce or government. Traditional social attitudes toward women resulted in discrimination. In some rural areas, women often had little ability to make decisions involving their children or to exercise control over property. While women and men have equal rights to inherit property under Kosovo law, family property customarily passes only to men. Albanian widows, particularly in rural areas, risked losing custody of their children due to a custom calling for children and property to pass to the deceased father's family, while the widow returns to her birth family.

In June, UNMIK ratified the Law on Gender Equality, the first law initiated by an Assembly committee rather than by the Government. The UNMIK Office of Gender Affairs coordinated gender issues. During the year, UNMIK transferred authority over 26 Albanian and 4 Serb municipal gender officers to the Office of Gender Issues in the Prime Minister's Office of Good Governance. Ministries completed the appointment of ministry-specific "gender focal points"; however, officials who also held unrelated responsibilities often ignored gender issues.

UNMIK police and the OSCE continued an outreach campaign to recruit women for the KPS, in which they made up 15 percent of KPS membership. However, only approximately 77 out of 3,000 active duty KPC members were women (3 percent). Women continued to be active in politics, and several women served as heads of domestic NGOs. While the number of women with jobs continued to increase, female unemployment remained high at around 70 percent, and very few rose to senior levels, including in the KPS or other government organizations.

Children

UNMIK and the PISG were generally committed to the welfare and rights of children. The Ministry of Education, Science, and Technology and the Ministry of Health shared responsibility for issues related to child education and health; however, no one in the government dealt specifically with the issue of children's rights. A new Juvenile Justice Code entered into effect on April 20.

UNMIK regulations made enrollment in public school mandatory for children between the ages of 6 and 15, with some exceptions; however, some children from minority communities did not attend school due to security concerns. Primary education was compulsory, free, and universal. According to the Ministry of Education, the vast majority of school-age children under 15 attended school. Forty-six percent of children attended the nonobligatory secondary school, 43 percent of whom were female. Some children were forced to leave school early to work (See Section 6.d.).

UNMIK regulations require equal conditions for school children of all communities and accommodated minority populations by providing the right to native-language public education through secondary level. Schools teaching Serbian, Bosnian, and Turkish languages operated during the year. Enrollment for both Serb and Albanian children at the primary level was almost universal; however, at the secondary level, there was a marked gender and ethnic disparity, with lower rates of attendance and completion for Kosovo Albanian girls than for Kosovo Albanian boys or Kosovo Serb girls. A lack of freedom of movement and reluctance to depart from a Belgrade based curriculum led Kosovo Serb children to attend neighborhood schools that were sometimes housed in inadequate facilities and lacked basic equipment. Few schools in Kosovo house both Serb and Albanian pupils, who study different curricula.

UNMIK regulations provided for the licensing and funding of the Serb-run North Mitrovica University; however, UNMIK revoked its license during the year because of the illegal appointment of a new rector. This situation had not been resolved by year's end.

Romani, Ashkali, and Egyptian children attended mixed schools with ethnic Albanian children but reportedly faced intimidation in some majority Albanian areas. Romani children tended to be disadvantaged by poverty, leading many to start work at an early age to contribute to family income. Bosniak children were able to obtain some primary education in their own language, but faced a lack of trained Bosniak teachers. The Ministry also provided an expedited registration process for displaced minority children at the secondary and the higher education levels. On August 30, the OSCE and the Ministry of Education, Science, and Technology concluded a 4-week training course for 28 Romani teachers to establish a Romani minority curriculum. Albanian IDP children were not allowed access to the local school in the village of Biti in the majority-Serb Strpce municipality.

Humanitarian aid officials primarily blamed a high rate of infant and childhood mortality, as well as increasing epidemics of preventable diseases, on poverty that led to malnutrition, poor hygiene, and poor public sanitation. Public health conditions were especially poor among displaced persons and parts of the Romani community.

There were reports of child abuse, although it was not believed to be widespread. The Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare (MLSW) operated 31 centers for social welfare that assisted 1,200 orphans, 1,100 delinquent children, 50 abused children, and 120 children with behavioral problems during the year. The MLSW also managed foster homes and coordinated with NGOs to place children in the temporary shelters. High unemployment and family dislocation resulted in a high rate of child abandonment. Since the domestic adoption rate and foster family programs did not keep pace with the rate of abandonment, infants and children were sometimes housed in group homes with few caretakers. Since the end of war in 1999, Kosovars reportedly have abandoned 450 children, largely due to poverty, low level of education, and unwanted or unplanned pregnancy. Children with disabilities were often hidden away without proper care, particularly in rural areas. Children and their families, mostly Serbs, remained displaced following the 1999 war, and additional families were displaced following the March riots.

Child labor was a serious problem (see Section 6.d.). Children were trafficked to and through Kosovo for the purpose of sexual exploitation (see Section 5, Trafficking).

The Kosovo Child Rights Forum broadened its membership to include eight local and seven international NGOs during the year to address the gap in coordination among NGOs on children's issues. Save the Children initiated an advocacy project together with the local NGO, HANDIKOS, promoting rights of children with special needs. A Coordinator for Children's Rights was also appointed in the Prime Minister's Office of Good Governance and in the Ministry of Education.

Trafficking in Persons

UNMIK regulations criminalize trafficking in persons; however, trafficking of women and children remained a serious problem. There was evidence of both international and local official involvement in trafficking.

Conviction for trafficking in persons is punishable by 2 to 20 years in prison. Engaging or attempting to engage in trafficking is punishable by 2 to 12 years in prison, or up to 15 years if the victim is a minor; organizing a group to engage in trafficking is punishable by 5 to 20 years in prison; facilitating trafficking through negligence is punishable by 6 months to 5 years in prison. A client engaging in sex with a victim of trafficking may be sentenced for up to 5 years in prison, while sex with a trafficked minor carries penalties of up to 10 years in prison. The sentence for sexual intercourse through use of violence (rape) is 1 to 10 years in prison; for sexual intercourse with a girl under 14 is 1 to 5 years in prison. Penalties are slightly more severe under the trafficking regulation and can apply to perpetrators not directly involved in sexual relations.

Efforts were made by UNMIK, the PISG, international organizations, and NGOs to combat trafficking. Despite considerable improvements to UNMIK's antitrafficking efforts during the year, low prosecution rates and sentence lengths, as well as failure of police to adapt to new techniques increasingly employed by traffickers, were serious problems. UNMIK's Trafficking and Prostitution Investigation Unit (TPIU) arrested 56 persons for trafficking in human beings and made another 21 arrests for trafficking related offenses, resulting in 39 new trafficking cases filed by the office of the prosecutor. While precise data was not available at year's end, the majority of such cases resulted in convictions. In November, KPS officers, with assistance from the TPIU, arrested five Kosovo Albanians suspected of human trafficking; three of the defendants were convicted and sentenced to prison terms of 2 to 4 years. Victims often elected repatriation before testifying against traffickers, which undermined effective prosecutions. The low rate of convictions and short sentences further compounded this reluctance to testify. Other factors that contributed to the low number of prosecutions included the increasing sophistication of organized crime efforts to avoid direct links between the victims and senior crime figures, lack of a witness protection program, and inadequate training for judicial personnel.

Coordination of the antitrafficking effort is the responsibility of UNMIK police, including TPIU, KPS, and border police, UNMIK Department of Justice, including the UNMIK's VAAU, the OSCE, the Prime Minister's Office of Good Governance, and the Ministries of Health, Education, Public Services, and Labor and Social Welfare. UNMIK actively investigated trafficking. During the year, the TPIU conducted 60 raids, 477 regular operations, and 25 covert operations, and inspected 2,386 premises, resulting in a list of 206 off-limits premises and the closing of 76 premises suspected of involvement in trafficking.

Kosovo is a source, transit, and destination point for trafficked persons. Internal trafficking was a growing problem. As in previous years, the vast majority of victims were women and children trafficked from Eastern Europe into Kosovo for the purpose of sexual exploitation, and through Kosovo to Macedonia, Albania, and Western Europe. There are no reliable statistics of the overall scale of the trafficking problem in Kosovo. CPWC assisted 59 victims of trafficking during the year, of whom 88 percent were female, 70 percent were minors, 84 percent were residents, and 78 percent were Albanians. The IOM, which primarily focused on cross-border trafficking, assisted 58 victims, including 17 locals. IOM figures indicated that about half of Kosovar victims were internally trafficked, followed by about 20 percent to Macedonia, 10 percent to Albania and Italy, and 6 percent to other destinations in Western Europe. The TPIU worked with both of these organizations and others to assist a combined total of 48 victims, of whom 11 were residents and 32 were repatriated to their countries of origin, mainly Moldova and Albania.

International victims were trafficked to Kosovo almost exclusively from Eastern Europe, the Balkans, and the former Soviet Union. According to IOM, over 50 percent of assisted international victims trafficked into Kosovo since 2000 were from Moldova, 22 percent from Romania, 13 percent from Ukraine, and the rest from Bulgaria, Albania, Russia, and Serbia, while just under 5 percent were originally from Kosovo. Serbia was the entry point into Kosovo for 55 percent of trafficking victims, Macedonia for 24 percent, and Albania for 5 percent. Women from Moldova have also been trafficked into Kosovo through Austria and Switzerland. Some women were trafficked through Kosovo to Macedonia, Albania, Italy, and other Western European destinations.

According to CPWC, Kosovar victims were overwhelmingly women under age 18 from poor, ethnic Albanian families. Based on the experiences of local victims assisted by IOM since 2002, a large number of victims were minors (62 percent), particularly young girls between the ages of 13 and 15; the youngest reported victim was 12 years old. The overall number of cases involving minors increased during the year. Local children and young girls from rural areas were particularly at risk of being trafficked, as were those from urban areas plagued with a high level of poverty, unemployment, and illiteracy. According to a 2003 IOM report, prior abuse in the family and financial hardship were the strongest determining factors for potential victims of trafficking; 70 percent of victims were poor and over 80 percent lacked a high school education. Their families reportedly sold some victims.

Most trafficking in Kosovo was conducted for the purpose of sexual exploitation, but some victims were also subjected to forced labor through domestic servitude or in bars and restaurants. Trafficking victims worked primarily in the sex industry, mostly in brothels and nightclubs, and increasingly in private residences. Less than 5 percent reported that they were aware that they would be working in the sex industry when they left their homes. Trafficking victims reported that they were regularly subjected to beatings, rape, denial of access to health care, and confiscation of their travel and identity documents. Victims were often found in poor health and psychological condition. Victims reported being beaten in 79 percent of cases examined by the IOM.

Methods of trafficking increased in sophistication. In reaction to an aggressive eradication campaign by the TPIU, traffickers increasingly shifted the commercial sex trade out of public bars and clubs and into private homes, where operations were more difficult to detect. Traffickers increasingly used financial incentives to encourage victims of trafficking to refuse assistance. The IOM reported that of the 409 (mostly international) victims it has assisted since 2000, 75 percent were recruited through false job promises, while 8 percent were forced or kidnapped. In 45 percent of the cases, the recruiter was an acquaintance of the victim, and in about 10 percent of the cases, the recruiter was a friend or family friend. Recruiters were more often female than male. The pattern for Kosovar victims differed somewhat; fewer Kosovar victims (33 percent) were recruited through false job promises, and more (25 percent) through force or false marriage proposals (20 percent).

Traffickers often worked as part of a coordinated effort between Kosovo Serb and Kosovo Albanian organized crime elements, with Serbia acting as a particularly active transit hub for trafficked victims from Eastern Europe into and through Kosovo. The Kosovo Organized Crime Bureau (KOCB) was responsible for investigating these cases but had not yet developed adequate cooperation mechanisms with specialized units such as the TPIU. Bar and brothel owners purchased victims from organized crime rings. The majority of clients of women trafficked for sexual exploitation were young men. Approximately 80 percent of the clients of women trafficked for sexual exploitation were local residents, while approximately 20 percent were international persons. Amnesty International (AI) released a report in May arguing that the presence of peacekeepers in Kosovo fueled the sexual exploitation of women and encouraged trafficking, and that some peacekeepers were directly involved in trafficking. The report claimed that international personnel made up about 20 percent of the persons using trafficked women and girls, even though its members comprise only 2 percent of Kosovo's population.

The PISG and UNMIK international administration acknowledged the problem of trafficking in persons, and made strong efforts to address the problem in practice. UNMIK and PISG authorities do not officially condone trafficking; however, there was anecdotal evidence that such practices occurred. Some local prosecutors reported instances in which the same lawyer represented an accused trafficker as well as the victim. Also, anecdotal evidence suggested the existence of a complex set of financial relationships and kinship ties between both political leaders and organized crime networks that have financial interests in trafficking. At year's end, there were 200 establishments on UNMIK's list of off-limits premises, with 70 percent of those in Prizren and Gnjilane, close to the Macedonia and Albania borders. There were no cases of international personnel caught in the act of soliciting or engaging in prostitution; however, 5 KFOR soldiers in Mitrovica and an UNMIK police commander were found in off-limits premises and sent home in 2003. The June 2003 case against an UNMIK police officer and three Kosovo Albanians arrested on suspicion of involvement in a child prostitution ring was dismissed due to insufficient evidence gathered from the victims' testimony. However, the investigation of a Pakistani officer involved in the case was ongoing at year's end.

Responsibility for victim assistance fell mostly to the PISG, but lacking adequate capacity and resources, it was led by international and local NGOs. While UNMIK, the OSCE, and the IOM did not directly provide shelter for domestic victims, they worked with international and local NGOs, such as UMCOR and CPWC, which operated shelters that provided medical care and psychological counseling services to victims of trafficking. An interim secure facility also provided temporary shelter to victims while they considered whether to be repatriated or to testify against traffickers. Police through OSCE regional officers referred suspected victims to the IOM for an initial interview.

Increased awareness of trafficking led to considerable progress on victim protection. UNMIK regulations provided a defense for victims of trafficking against criminal charges of prostitution and illegal border crossing; however, a few local judges sometimes incorrectly sentenced trafficking victims to jail. Some local judges wrongly issued deportation orders against women convicted of prostitution or lack of documents; however, UNMIK did not enforce such deportation orders. Victims who did not accept assistance from the IOM were released but were subject to rearrest, short jail sentences, and deportation if they continued to work as prostitutes. Victims were encouraged to provide information for criminal prosecutions. UNMIK's VAAU provided legal counsel and assistance to trafficking victims. According to the TPIU, almost all victims were reluctant to testify in court in front of their traffickers and were permitted to provide evidence directly to prosecutors with IOM representatives or other advocates present. Lack of adequate witness protection remained a serious problem throughout the Kosovo criminal justice system. Cultural taboos and the threat of social discrimination caused most repatriated Kosovar victims to remain silent about their experience.

Prevention campaigns were led by international organizations and NGOs, particularly the IOM, which worked to increase local awareness and to prevent trafficking. The Prime Minister's Office of Good Governance in cooperation with the Ministry of Education, developed antitrafficking educational materials used in elementary and secondary school curricula. The IOM completed public awareness campaigns to prevent trafficking in 2003 and worked on another campaign targeting vulnerable populations, especially young women. The VAAU leads UNMIK's role on education efforts to prevent trafficking, including the establishment of a hotline for victims of trafficking.

Persons with Disabilities

UNMIK regulations prohibit discrimination against persons with disabilities in employment, education, access to health care, and in the provision of other state services; however, there was considerable discrimination in practice despite some improvements during the year. Other laws addressed aspects of disability issues, such as a law on pensions for persons with disabilities over the age of 18, and on education that provided separate classrooms for persons with disabilities; however, in practice, these laws were not yet fully implemented and faced practical obstacles, such as lack of transportation for children with special needs, lack of a centralized commission to evaluate children's needs, inadequate facilities, and crowded classrooms.

Relevant ministries were responsible for protecting the rights of persons with disabilities, including the Ministries of Education, Health, Social Welfare, and Public Services. There were no specific social welfare provisions for the estimated 14,000 persons with mental disabilities. The law did not meet international standards and there was no expertise on the issue of the rights of persons with disabilities. There continued to be no guardianship laws with appropriate due process protections. For instance, the law does not recognize the placement of individuals in institutions and treatment against their will (involuntary treatment) as two different legal issues. High unemployment rates placed particular burdens on job seekers with disabilities. The law mandates access to official buildings; however, it was not enforced in practice.

In the absence of UNMIK and PISG social services for persons with disabilities, the local NGO Handikos was the only provider of extensive services for persons with physical disabilities in Kosovo; however, Handikos had no presence in the Serb-dominated northern municipalities.

The NGO Mental Disability Rights International (MDRI) has promoted rights for persons with mental disabilities since publication of its 2002 report, which found extensive evidence of neglect, physical abuse, sexual assault, and arbitrary detention at mental health care facilities. Staff and patients at the Shtimje Institute, the Pristina Elderly Home, and the Pristina University Hospital reportedly committed these abuses, but no criminal charges were filed by year's end. The programs were a product of policies established by UNMIK; however, UNMIK had largely transferred responsibilities for persons with disabilities to local personnel. UNMIK also established "boards of visitors" to provide oversight of group homes; however, MDRI said the boards were not independent and lacked expertise in human rights monitoring. In July 2003, MDRI issued another report alleging that, despite improvements in facilities, UNMIK failed to protect patients' rights and create safe alternatives to institutional care in the community, which UNMIK denied. Facilities and training have since improved significantly. In response to MDRI's report, the PISG spent $2.7 million (2 million euros) in 2003 to renovate Shtimje institution and fully utilize its original capacity of 300; it was occupied by 194 residents at year's end. MDRI alleged that patients were detained with no legal basis, since there is no law to regulate the process of committing persons to psychiatric or social care facilities or to protect rights within institutions. Following MDRI's suggestions, the PISG decided to expand options for independent living in the integration homes endorsed by MDRI.

On occasion, individuals in need of mental health treatment were convicted of fabricated or petty crimes and ended up in the prison system, which lacked resources for adequate treatment; however, MDRI trained some KPS officers to help prevent this. Additionally, despite documented abuses, no one in Kosovo has been punished for mistreatment of persons with mental disabilities.

In October, the OI criticized the Pristina University Clinic Center for housing prisoners with mental disabilities in the same ward as other patients and reported that some cases of incarceration of mentally ill patients in the psychiatric ward constituted illegal detention. In response, Kosovo prison authorities took over management of the psychiatric ward at Pristina University Clinic. UNMIK also built separate detachments for these prisoners in hospitals in Peje and Prizren in 2003, but not in Pristina.

National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities

Although UNMIK regulations and the Constitutional Framework protect ethnic minorities, in practice, Kosovo's most serious human rights problem was pervasive social discrimination and harassment against members of minority communities, particularly Serbs but also Roma, Ashkali, and Egyptians, with respect to employment, social services, language use, freedom of movement, the right to return, and other basic rights. Violence and property crime directed at Kosovo's minorities remained serious problems.

The March riots, which targeted Serbs, Roma and Ashkali, were the most serious outburst of violence and destruction since the 1999 conflict. UNMIK police recorded approximately 1,100 ethnically motivated crimes during the year, the vast majority (859) committed during March. Excluding the March riots, the 172 incidents suspected of having an ethnic motivation constituted a moderate increase (18 percent) over the 138 incidents last year. Overall, property crimes increased and crimes against persons declined for the first time since 1999; 59 percent of the incidents were property related offenses. However, according to UNMIK's Office of Community Affairs, incidents targeting minorities were generally underreported due to distrust of the KPS and the Kosovo legal system. In the latter half of the year, NGOs recorded approximately 10 incidents per week, over twice the number recorded by UNMIK police. These crimes included low-level crimes such as incidents of stoning, assaults, and harassment of Serbs and other minorities, as well as property crimes such as arson and vandalism, which occurred on almost a daily basis throughout Kosovo.

Approximately 62 killings occurred during the year, including 20 deaths as a result of the March violence; 11 of the victims were Serbs, including 8 during the March riots. Outside of the March riots, Kosovo Serbs were victims of three killings, three attempted killings, and one serious attack, including the following: The double killing in Lipljan on February 19, the attempted killing of a teenager in Caglavica on March 15, the killing of teenager Dmitry Popovic in Gracanica on May 6, the attempted killing in Zubin Potok on May 27, the explosive attack on a Kosovo Serb family working in a Vitina/Viti field on June 10, and the attempted killing in Lipljan on October 1.

Increased violence, particularly during the March riots, may have been politically motivated and to some extent coordinated by ethnic Albanian extremists. Some Kosovo government leaders were slow to condemn the violence, exacerbating the problem and helping to legitimize the severe social abuse of minorities. Reports by international NGOs such as Human Rights Watch and AI, as well as the OSCE, asserted that UNMIK, KFOR, and KPS could have done more to protect minorities in the period following the March riots.

The March 16 drowning of three Kosovo Albanian children from Cabra village in Zubin Potok Municipality ignited the March riots; the surviving child claimed Kosovo Serbs had chased them into the Ibar River with a dog. The media, prior to police and judicial investigations, reported this story. In addition, the drive-by shooting on March 15 of a 19 year old Kosovo Serb male in the Serb village of Caglavica in the Pristina region caused local Serbs to block the main Pristina Skopje highway. On March 16, approximately 18,000 Albanians attended prescheduled demonstrations against the arrests of ex KLA members by UNMIK Police. On March 17, demonstrations by Albanians started in Mitrovica to protest the drownings and in Pristina against the Serb roadblocks in Caglavica and Gracanica. Unrest soon spread to other parts of Kosovo and became increasingly violent. It appeared that there was a pattern to destroy Serb property and to expel the Serb population from enclaves in southern Kosovo. As a result of the riots, 20 persons were killed, including 8 Kosovo Serbs and 12 Kosovo Albanians, more than 900 were injured, more than 900 Serb, Romani, and Ashkali houses and 30 orthodox churches or monasteries were burned or severely damaged, and over 4,000 Serbs, Ashkalis, and Roma were made homeless.

After public order was restored, police and KFOR commenced large-scale operations to apprehend those responsible for the riots. By June, over 270 persons had been arrested on a wide range of charges related to the riots, including murder, attempted murder, arson, and looting. UNMIK recruited 100 additional police investigators, 6 prosecutors, and 3 judges to boost its investigative capability. By mid-June, international prosecutors were managing 52 of the most serious cases. The KPS internal affairs unit, run by UNMIK police officers, started 100 disciplinary investigations against KPS officers for failure to act and involvement in the riots. Of the seven people originally detained on suspicion of organizing or leading the March riots, criminal investigations were ongoing in four cases: KPC reserve commander, Naser Shatri; Chairman of the KLA War Veterans Association in Peja, Nexhmi Lajci; Chairman of the KLA War Veterans Association in Gjilan, Shaqir Shaqiri; and Chairman of the KLA War Veterans Association in Vushtrri, Salih Salihu. At year's end, the PISG had reconstructed over 90 percent of the damaged or destroyed houses, but church reconstruction remained frozen for political reasons (See Section 2.c.).

No progress was made during the year in investigating or prosecuting 2003 cases of violence against Serbs.

Civilians were responsible for the destruction, often through arson, of private property. The reported phenomenon of "strategic sales" of property persisted. There was evidence that Kosovo Albanians in several ethnically mixed areas used violence, intimidation, and offers to purchase property at inflated prices in order to break up and erode Kosovo Serb neighborhoods. For example, on May 26, a 35-year-old Kosovo Serb farmer was seriously wounded from gunfire from an unknown assailant in a neighboring, predominant Albanian village. Some cases of violence against Serbs may have been attempts to force persons to sell their property. An UNMIK regulation prevents the wholesale buy out of Kosovo Serb communities and seeks to prevent the intimidation of minority property owners in certain geographic areas; however, it was rarely enforced. Some municipalities were excluded from this regulation at their request. The Kosovo OI and human rights groups criticized the regulation as limiting the ability of Kosovo Serbs to exercise their property rights.

Kosovo Serbs also faced difficult conditions in the Republic of Serbia proper. For example, on May 23, a 14-year-old Kosovo Serb boy was killed on a school fieldtrip to the Republic of Serbia. After being harassed by a group of older Serbs, the boy was struck, lost his balance, and fell from a fortress to his death. Criminal proceedings in Serbia against the youths were ongoing at year's end.

Kosovo Serbs experienced societal discrimination in education and health care, but these services continued to be supplemented by funding from the SaM Government through the Coordination Center for Kosovo and parallel institutions, such as the hospital in North Mitrovica. Minority employment in the PISG continued to be low and confined to generally subordinate levels of the Government. In the PISG ministries, minorities occupied only about 10 percent of the posts, despite a PISG target of over 16 percent, and the overall percentage of minorities employed by the PISG has shown a downward trend.

The Turkish community was more closely integrated with Kosovo Albanians and felt the impact of social discrimination less than other minorities. Roma lived in dire poverty. Viewed as Serb collaborators by many Kosovo Albanians, they also suffered pervasive social and economic discrimination. They often lacked access to basic hygiene and medical care, as well as education, and were heavily dependent on humanitarian aid. Although there were some successful efforts to resettle Roma, Ashkali, and Egyptians in their prior homes, security concerns persisted. Bosniak leaders continued to complain that thousands of their community members had left Kosovo because of discrimination and a lack of economic opportunity.

Other Societal Abuses and Discrimination

Traditional societal attitudes about homosexuality in Kosovo intimidated most gays and lesbians into concealing their sexual orientation. Gays and lesbians generally felt insecure, with many reporting threats to their personal safety. Kosovo print media reinforced these attitudes by publishing negative articles about homosexuality that characterized gays and lesbians as being mentally ill and prone to sexually assaulting children. Individual homosexuals also reported job discrimination. Kosovo's newly passed Antidiscrimination Law included protections against discrimination based on sexual orientation; however, the law was not applied during the year. At least one political party, the Islamic-oriented Justice Party, included a condemnation of homosexuality in its political platform.

Incitement to Discrimination

International observers and the Temporary Media Commissioner accused Kosovo print and particularly broadcast media of inciting violence during the March riots (see Section 2.a.).

Section 6 Worker Rights

a. Right of Association

UNMIK regulations allow workers to form and join unions of their choice without previous authorization or excessive requirements, and workers exercised this right in practice. The only significant union, the Confederation of Independent Trade Unions of Kosovo (BSPK), claimed over 120,000 registered members, or about 6 percent of the total population; only 10 percent of its members were employed. UNMIK regulations prohibit antiunion discrimination; however, some union officials reported discrimination in practice. BSPK reported that the regulation preventing antiunion discrimination was respected by only a small number of firms and claimed that worker rights were abused in every sector, including international organizations, where staff did not have access to security insurance or pensions.

b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively

UNMIK regulations allow unions to conduct their activities without interference, and UNMIK protected this right in practice. UNMIK regulations also provides for the right to organize and bargain collectively without interference, and the Government did not restrict this right in practice; however, collective bargaining rarely took place. UNMIK regulations do not recognize the right to strike; however, strikes were not prohibited and several strikes occurred during the year.

There are no export processing zones.

c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor

UNMIK regulations prohibit forced or compulsory labor, including by children; however, there were reports that such practices occurred (see Sections 5 and 6.d.).

d. Prohibition of Child Labor and Minimum Age for Employment

UNMIK regulations protect children from exploitation in the workplace, including a prohibition of forced or compulsory labor and policies regarding acceptable working conditions; however, the Government did not always enforce these policies in practice. The pre-1989 labor laws that remain in force set the minimum age for employment at age 16 and at age 18 for any work likely to jeopardize the health, safety, or morals of a young person but permit children to work at age 15, provided such work is not harmful to the child or prejudicial to school attendance.

In villages and farming communities, younger children typically worked to assist their families. Urban children often worked in a variety of unofficial retail jobs, such as washing car windows or selling newspapers, cigarettes, and phone cards on the street. Some also engaged in physical labor, such as transporting goods. The number of these children working on the streets rose sharply since 1999, as large numbers of rural families resettled in cities after the conflict. According to one study, almost half of the children who worked such street jobs lived in rural villages before the 1999 conflict, and 20 percent commuted from villages to work in the cities. Almost 90 percent of the children interviewed said they were forced into such work by poverty, and over 80 percent said they worked up to 9 hours a day to support unemployed parents, often preventing school attendance. Primarily male children between the ages of 8 and 14 worked on the streets, but they also recorded children as young as age 6. There were no real employment opportunities for children in the formal sector. Trafficking of children was also a serious problem, mostly for prostitution (see Section 5).

The MLSW, in cooperation with the UNMIK DOJ, coordinated child protection policies, and the MLSW Department of Social Welfare has the responsibility for implementing interventions for the care and protection of children. In June, the International Program on the Elimination of Child Labor under the International Labor Organisation organized Kosovo's first workshop to establish a child labor monitoring system and signed a memorandum of understanding with UNMIK on child labor prevention.

Local and international NGOs, such as Save the Children, began children's rights campaigns to raise awareness of these issues.

e. Acceptable Work Conditions

UNMIK regulations provide for a minimum wage, but did not set its level. While many international agencies and NGOs paid adequate wages, the average full-time monthly public sector wage of $204 (151 euros) and the average private sector wage of $281 (208 euros) were insufficient to provide a decent standard of living for a worker and family.

UNMIK regulations provided for a standard 40-hour work week, required rest periods, limited the number of overtime worked to 20 hours per week and 40 hours per month, required payment of a premium for overtime work, and prohibited excessive compulsory overtime. Employers often failed to implement these regulations under conditions of high underemployment and unemployment.

Labor inspectors enforced health and safety standards, and the Kosovo Assembly passed a Law on Labor Inspectorate in 2003; however, it had not been implemented by year's end. The law does not permit employees to remove themselves from dangerous workplaces without jeopardizing their continued employment.

MONTENEGRO

Montenegro is a constituent republic of the state union of Serbia and Montenegro (SaM). Montenegro has a president and a parliamentary system of government. Filip Vujanovic was elected President in May 2003. A coalition led by Milo Djukanovic (currently prime minister) won a majority of seats in Parliament in 2002 elections. International monitors deemed both elections generally free and fair. The Montenegrin Government acted largely independently from the Republic of Serbia on most issues. Montenegro has a separate customs regime, a separate visa regime, its own central bank, and uses the euro rather than the Yugoslav dinar as its currency. The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however, courts often were subject to political influence and corruption and remained overworked and inefficient.

The Republic's police, under the authority of the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MUP), have responsibility for internal security. The Montenegrin State Security Service (SDB), also located within the MUP, has authority to conduct surveillance of citizens. While civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security services, there were a few instances in which elements of the security forces acted independently of government authority. Some members of security forces committed human rights abuses.

The economy, more market-based than state-owned, was mixed agricultural, industrial, and tourist-oriented. The population was approximately 686,000, including refugees and displaced persons from Kosovo. Real gross domestic product growth for the year was approximately 4.1 percent, and annual inflation was approximately 4 percent. During the year, wages significantly outpaced inflation but remained low compared with the cost of living.

The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens; however, there were problems in some areas. Police at times beat and abused civilians. Impunity was a problem. Media independence was a problem. Pressure from politicians sometimes resulted in distorted coverage of events by state and some private media. Domestic violence and discrimination against women continued to be problems. Trafficking in women and children for sexual exploitation continued to be a problem. Some ethnic discrimination persisted, particularly with regard to Roma.

RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS

Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:

a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life

There were no reports of the arbitrary or unlawful deprivation of life committed by the Government or its agents.

b. Disappearance

There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.

c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment

The law prohibits such practices; however, police occasionally beat suspects during arrest or while suspects were detained for questioning. The reported cases of police beatings were less severe and fewer in number than in previous years.

There were no actions taken against the police officer responsible for the May 2003 beating of Igor Zindovic by year's end.

The local state prosecutor initiated an investigation of police inspector Dobrasin Vulic and three other unidentified police officers for the August 2003 beating of Nikola Popovic. The investigation was ongoing at year's end.

During the year, the local state prosecutor dropped disciplinary proceedings against two police officers for beating Izet Korac in October 2003, citing lack of evidence.

During the year, three police officers were tried for the 2002 beating of Darko Knezevic; one officer was given a suspended sentence of 7 months while the two other officers were acquitted.

During the year, six police officers in Berane were tried for beating five Muslim men in Petnjica in 2002. One officer, a probationary recruit, was disciplined and fined 50 percent of his salary, and his contract was not renewed. The other five officers were acquitted.

Prison conditions generally met international standards; however, some problems remained. Prison facilities were antiquated, overcrowded, and poorly maintained. Due to inadequate prison budgets, prisoners often had to obtain hygienic supplies from their families, although the prisons provided basic supplies to those who could not obtain them otherwise.

Women were held separately from men. The law mandates that juveniles be held separately from adults and pretrial detainees be held separately from convicted criminals; however, in practice, this did not always occur due to overcrowding.

The Government permitted prison visits by human rights observers, including the International Committee of the Red Cross and local nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). The Ombudsman, elected by Parliament in 2003, had the right to visit detainees and prisoners at any time, without prior notice. The Ombudsman's office routinely made prison visits, meeting with detainees and inmates.

d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention

The law prohibits arbitrary arrest and detention, and, unlike in previous years, the Government generally observed these prohibitions.

The MUP controls both National and Border Police. These two services generally were effective in maintaining basic law and order; however, their effectiveness in fighting organized crime was limited. A sizable percentage of the police force was made up of Bosniaks (Bosnian Muslims), many of whom were deployed in a predominantly Muslim area in the north known as the Sandzak. Impunity was a problem. The Government investigated some police abuses. Criminal procedures and sentences against police were rare; when initiated, they were often prolonged with convictions resulting in minor penalties.

Corruption was a problem; the small, close-knit society discouraged reporting corruption and provided criminals access to law enforcement officers.

The international community provided substantial financial and technical assistance to upgrade the quality of training and facilities for the police, with a special focus on combating trafficking in persons. Assistance also was provided to train the police to better combat organized crime.

The new Criminal Procedure Act took effect in April, and replaced all previous criminal procedure laws. The act defines the authority of police in pretrial processes and permits police involvement in these processes only with the approval of a judge. Training of police lagged, hampering full implementation of the new act; however, reported beatings of prisoners in pretrial detention declined. The law also contains new measures for combating organized crime and for in-court witness protection. The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) noted that the act strengthens protection of human rights and freedoms of citizens while giving more power to police, prosecutors, and courts to combat the most serious criminal offenses.

Arrests require a judicial warrant or "high suspicion that the suspect committed an offense." A suspect could be detained for up to 48 hours before being taken before a judge; the law provides for access to an attorney in this initial period, which in at least some cases did occur. Most abuses occurred in this initial detention period (see Section 1.c.). There is no general requirement for a juvenile suspect to have an adult present during police interrogation; however, if a juvenile faces a sentence of 5 years or more, an attorney must be present. If a criminal case goes to trial for a crime with a possible sentence greater than 5 years, a lawyer must be appointed if the defendant cannot afford one. There is a system of bail; however, it was not widely used because citizens could rarely raise money for bail. Pretrial prisoners were permitted visits by family members and friends, and this was generally respected in practice. Long trial delays, combined with the difficulty in meeting conditions for bail, occasionally led to lengthy pretrial detention.

e. Denial of Fair Public Trial

The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however, a historical lack of cooperation between police and prosecutors, a backlog of cases, often primitive courtroom facilities, and corruption remained problems. The Government at times influenced prosecutors for political reasons.

The court system consists of municipal, higher (or district), and supreme courts at the republic level. The 2002 Law on Courts mandates formation of an Appeals Court and an Administrative Court to reduce the burden on the Supreme Court; however, these new courts had not been formed by year's end.

During the year, a Judicial Council was established and began functioning in accordance with the law. The Supreme Court President chairs the Council, and other members include judges, lawyers, and academics; no executive branch members are included. The Judicial Council selects and disciplines judges and handles court administration, such as preparation of the judiciary's budget request. The law also requires that cases be assigned to judges by rotation.

The law provides for the right to a fair trial, the presumption of innocence, access to a lawyer, and the right of appeal; although the Government at times influenced the judiciary, these rights were generally respected in practice.

There were no war crimes trials in Montenegro during the year.

By the end of the year, the Supreme Court had not ruled on Nebojsa Ranisavljevic's appeal of the 2002 conviction by the Bijelo Polje District Court for a war crime committed in Bosnia. The HCM continued to pursue its request for an investigation of Dobrica Cosic.

There were no reports of political prisoners.

f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence

The Constitution prohibits such actions; however, the law allows the SDB to eavesdrop on citizens without court authorization. Some observers believed that police used wiretapping and surveillance against opposition parties and other groups on a selective basis. Many individuals and organizations operated on the assumption that they were, or could be, under surveillance.

Citizens could inspect secret files kept on them by the SDB from 1945 to 1989; however, they did not have access to post-1989 files.

Eviction of Roma from illegal settlements, and sometimes legal residences, was a problem (see Section 5).

Unlike in the previous year, there were no reports that membership in the appropriate political party was a prerequisite for obtaining positions or advancing within certain parts of the Government.

Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:

a. Freedom of Speech and Press

The Constitution and laws provide for freedom of speech and of the press; however, there were some restrictions of freedom of the press in practice. Despite some steps to move away from government control of the media, certain media retained close ties to the Government. Officials brought or threatened libel suits when accused of wrongdoing. The motive for the May 27 killing of Dusko Jovanovic, the director and editor-in-chief of the leading opposition daily Dan, remained unknown at year's end; however, Dan and other media outlets called the killing a major attack on freedom of the press and journalistic safety. The Government indicted one suspect in connection with the killing and was seeking other suspects at year's end.

The independent media was active and expressed a wide variety of political and social views without government restriction.

The Media Law mandates regulatory structures designed to insulate former state-owned media from direct party control; these include a Radio and Television Council (RTVCG) which took over editorial oversight of the National Public Radio and Television from the Government. The Council was formed in 2003, with members selected by a variety of NGOs and professional groups; however, some observers noted that many Council members had close ties to the Government. Only one out of a dozen local, government owned newspapers was privatized; the other municipal-owned papers went out of publication due to lack of private capital.

The print media consisted of private news outlets and one national state-owned newspaper, which published a wide variety of domestic and foreign articles. Domestic radio and television stations regularly broadcast programs from Belgrade's BK Television, Croatian National Television, Italian National Television, the British Broadcasting Corporation, Deutsche Welle, the Voice of America, and Radio Free Europe.

During the year, radio and television stations could not get licenses to broadcast because of delays in transferring the regulatory authority from the Government to an independent regulatory body. The regulatory Broadcasting Agency was established in 2003; on December 29, it issued its first public tender for allocation of frequencies but had not begun allocating licenses by year's end.

In support of efforts to pass a law on direct elections for the State Union parliament, on October 20, part of the opposition ended a 16-month boycott of the Parliament. The opposition started the boycott when the RTVCG Council ordered that full coverage of Parliament cease in 2003, arguing that government domination of the media made it necessary for citizens to see unedited parliamentary coverage. On October 19, the editorial team of RTVCG declared that it would provide live coverage of all parliamentary sessions. Essentially all opposition parties returned to the Parliament by year's end; however, one party with one Member of Parliament remained out.

There were no publicized cases of direct government censorship of the media; however, officials continued to bring libel suits against some media outlets, the newspaper Dan in particular, when the media accused them of wrongdoing. On September 20, the Basic Court in Podgorica fined the deputy editor-in-chief of Dan $18,900 (14,000 euros), in a libel suit filed by Prime Minister Djukanovic. Dan had reprinted a Belgrade newspaper's article alleging Djukanovic's involvement in a notorious human trafficking case. A second libel case by Djukanovic against Dan, for printing an opinion piece asserting that Djukanovic used the services of trafficked women, ended when Dan's editor was acquitted by the court. Dan was fined $8,100 (6,000 euros) for defamation in a separate libel suit brought by the chief of the State Security Service. Despite the continued risk of libel suits, there continued to be a modest increase in the willingness of the media to criticize the Government.

The appeal of former editor-in-chief of Dan, Vladislav Asanin, in the 2001 Djukanovic case remained pending at year's end.

The Government did not restrict access to the Internet or academic freedom.

b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association

The Constitution provides for freedom of assembly and association, and the Government generally respected these rights in practice.

c. Freedom of Religion

The law provides for freedom of religion, and the Government generally respected this right in practice. There was no state religion, although the Montenegrin Constitution mentions the Orthodox Church, Islamic Religious Community, and Roman Catholic Church as equal and separate from the State, and the Serbian Orthodox Church received some preferential treatment in practice.

While there was no formal registration requirement for religions, religious groups had to register as citizen groups with the Montenegrin MUP and the Republic Department of Statistics in order to gain status as a legal entity, which is necessary for real estate and other administrative transactions. There were no reported problems with registration in practice.

There was no progress noted during the year on restitution of previously seized church property.

Religion and ethnicity were intertwined closely and in many cases it was difficult to identify discriminatory acts as primarily religious or primarily ethnic in origin. Minority religious communities reported better cooperation with state organizations leading to increased ability to operate normally; however, some elements in society continued to discriminate against such communities.

Tensions continued between the canonically unrecognized Montenegrin Orthodox Church and the Serbian Orthodox Church. These tensions stemmed from disputes over claims to the large patrimony of the Montenegrin Orthodox Church from before its absorption into the Serbian Orthodox Church in 1920 and over political questions. Pro-Serbian political parties strongly supported moves to establish the Serbian Orthodox Church as the official state religion, while proindependence parties pushed for the recognition of the Montenegrin Orthodox Church. Contention between the two churches was not marked by the level of violence seen in previous years; however, the Serbian Orthodox Church reported harassment and the failure of local police to intervene to prevent threatened violence.

For a more detailed discussion, see the 2004 International Religious Freedom Report.

d. Freedom of Movement within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Repatriation.

The Constitution provides for these rights, and the Government generally respected them in practice.

The law prohibits forced exile, and the Government did not employ it.

There were approximately 17,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) from Kosovo. The majority of IDPs were ethnically Montenegrins or Serbs; however, there were also Roma (1,300) and others. Discrimination and harassment against Roma remained a serious problem (see Section 5).

The law provides for the granting of refugee status to persons in accordance with the 1951 U.N. Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees or its 1967 Protocol. There is no law that provides for asylum. In practice, the Government provided some protection against refoulement, the return of persons to a country where they feared persecution. The Government granted refugee status. Such cases were referred to the office of the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in Belgrade for determination. Refugees that the UNHCR determined had legitimate fears of persecution were then resettled elsewhere. Persons who entered Montenegro illegally claiming fear of persecution were sent to Belgrade, where they were detained for up to 3 weeks in a special jail. In these cases, the UNHCR also was requested to determine the legitimacy of persecution claims.

The Government generally cooperated with the UNHCR and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees and asylum seekers. According to the UNHCR, there were approximately 8,400 refugees in Montenegro, the majority of whom were from Bosnia and Herzegovina, with most of the remainder from Croatia. Conditions for refugees varied; those with relatives or property in the country were able to find housing and, in some cases, employment. Approximately 1,300 Romani IDPs lived in collective centers with limited access to health care and education; however, the Government took measures during the year to move these Roma out of camps into more permanent and private living arrangements.

The law treats refugees as economic migrants and deprives them of the right to register with the Montenegrin Employment Bureau, a right IDPs also lacked; unregistered persons were denied full and equal access to the local labor market. The 2003 Decree on Employment of Nonresident Physical Persons was designed to limit economic migration; however, a $3.38 (2.5 euros) per-day surcharge it levied on employment of nonresidents also applied to refugees and IDPs, making their labor more expensive than comparable labor of Montenegrin citizens.

Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Government

The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government peacefully, and citizens exercised this right in practice through periodic, free, and fair elections held on the basis of universal suffrage.

Filip Vujanovic was elected President in May 2003 in generally free and fair elections. Djukanovic has been in power as President or Prime Minister almost all of the previous 13 years. Prime Minister Djukanovic's coalition, and a coalition led by Socialist People's Party president Predrag Bulatovic of pro-Serbia opposition parties dominated the political scene in Montenegro. The opposition coalition collapsed in 2003 following a series of interparty disagreements. The opposition has boycotted the Parliament since public television's 2003 decision to reduce live coverage of parliamentary sessions (see Section 2.a.).

There was a widespread perception of government corruption, particularly the executive and judicial branches.

There is no law providing public access to government information.

There were 8 women in the 75-seat Parliament, and 2 women in the cabinet (Ministers of Culture and Foreign Economic Relations). Vesna Medenica, a female judge, is the State Prosecutor. At year's end, there was one female mayor in Montenegro's 21 municipalities. In rural areas, husbands commonly directed their wives' voting.

There were 11 members of ethnic minorities in the 75-seat legislature, and 3 in the Cabinet. Ethnic Albanians and Bosniaks participated in the political process, and their parties, candidates, and voters participated in all elections. Four parliamentary seats are allocated by law to ethnic Albanians; two of these seats were held by members of Albanian parties and the other two were held by members of Prime Minister Djukanovic's coalition.

According to a 2003 survey by the Ministry for Protection of Rights of Minorities and Ethnic Groups, there were no Roma in the state administration, and only 0.15 percent of local administration employees were Roma. In late September, the Roma Republican Party was formed; it was the first political party representing Romani interests.

Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights

A number of domestic and international human rights groups generally operated without government restriction, investigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. Government officials were somewhat cooperative and responsive to their views. There were a substantial number of NGOs investigating human rights cases, including HCM and the Center for Democracy and Human Rights. NGOs were credited with helping to reduce police brutality and other abuses.

The Government cooperated with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in allowing access to witnesses. In September, government representatives on the State Union Council for Cooperation with the ICTY withdrew from the council, claiming lack of cooperation from Serbia; the ICTY Prosecutor's office stated that the resignation was a local matter that should not impair cooperation with the Tribunal.

Parliament established an Ombudsman in 2003 to protect human rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution, laws, ratified international human rights agreements, and generally accepted principles of international law, when these rights are violated by actions or omissions of state bodies, local governments, or public services. The Ombudsman does not have authority over the work of the courts, except in cases of prolonged procedure, obvious abuses of procedure, and failure to execute court decisions. Anyone can appeal to the Ombudsman, and the procedure is free of charge. Upon finding a violation of human rights or freedoms, the Ombudsman may initiate disciplinary procedures or dismissal of the violator. Failure to comply with the Ombudsman's request for access to official data, documents, or premises, or to the Ombudsman's request to testify at a hearing, is punished by fines of 10 to 20 times the minimum monthly wage of $675 to $1,350 (500 to 1,000 euros). No fines were imposed during the year. Although independent in practice, the Ombudsman was more effective in responding to individual violations of human rights than in addressing systemic problems.

A parliamentary committee on human rights continued to exist, but was inactive during the year.

Section 5 Discrimination, Societal Abuses, and Trafficking in Persons

The law provides for equal rights for all citizens regardless of ethnicity, social status, or gender; however, in practice, the Government provided little protection against discrimination.

Women

High levels of domestic violence persisted, particularly in rural areas. During the year, official agencies, including the police, did a better job in responding to domestic violence; however, efforts were still inadequate. Domestic violence is a crime punishable by a fine or prison sentence of up to 10 years, depending on the seriousness of the offense or, if death results, by a sentence of 3 to 12 years in prison. Victims of domestic violence rarely filed complaints with the authorities. According to a survey conducted during the year by the NGO SOS Hotline for Women and Child Victims of Violence-Podgorica, only 30 percent of victims reported domestic violence incidents to police; however, domestic violence-related offenses made up 30 percent of all police arrests. The Government prosecuted a small number of domestic violence cases; however, NGOs reported that judges refused to impose jail sentences even though prosecutors routinely asked that convicted abusers be imprisoned; most convictions resulted in probation.

Punishment for rape, including spousal rape, is 1 to 10 years' imprisonment; however, the crime only can be prosecuted if the victim brings charges. According to a local NGO, 80 percent of domestic violence cases against women involved spousal rape; however, there were no reports of indictments of alleged rapists. A lack of female police officers contributed to long delays in investigating rapes, assaults, and offenses against women.

Prostitution is a crime, as are mediation and procurement of prostitution. The Government took active measures to suppress prostitution, mediation, and procurement.

Trafficking in women for sexual exploitation was a problem (see Section 5, Trafficking).

Sexual harassment was a problem. Women did not enjoy equal status with men, and few women held upper-level management positions in government or commerce; however, increasing numbers of women served as judges, and there were many women in professional fields such as law, science, and medicine. Legally, women were entitled to equal pay for equal work; however, in practice, they did not always receive it.

Traditional patriarchal ideas of gender roles, which hold that women should be subservient to male members of their families, continued to subject women to discrimination in the home. In rural areas, particularly among minority communities, women did not always have the ability to exercise their right to control property, and husbands commonly directed wives' voting.

Children

The Government attempted to meet the health and educational needs of children; however, insufficient resources impeded achievement of this goal. The educational system provided 8 years of free, mandatory schooling. Although ethnic Albanian children had access to instruction in their native language, some Albanians criticized the Government for not developing a curriculum in which Albanians could learn about their ethnic culture and history. Most Romani children received little or no education beyond the primary school level; UNHCR and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) began programs during the year to make education more accessible for Romani children.

There were reports that child abuse was a problem, although there was no societal pattern of such abuse. The law does not allow a juvenile to make an allegation of a crime without a parent or guardian present; consequently, there was almost no reporting of child abuse or incest.

Trafficking in girls for the purpose of sexual exploitation was a problem (see Section 5, Trafficking).

Trafficking in Persons

The law prohibits trafficking in persons; however, trafficking in persons remained a serious problem. There were reports that police and other officials were involved in trafficking.

The new Criminal Code, which took effect in April, sets the punishment for all trafficking in persons violations at up to 10 years' imprisonment. During the year, 18 persons were arrested on suspicion of trafficking in persons; 15 were charged, 1 case was dismissed, and charges were pending in the other cases at year's end. Nine cases from previous years were still in the courts; one person was sentenced to 5 months in prison after retrial on appeal from conviction. Convictions for trafficking remained infrequent and punishments were weak, largely due to judicial leniency.

The National Coordinator appointed by the MUP chairs the antitrafficking working group composed of relevant ministries, social services, the OSCE, the International Organization for Migration (IOM), and NGOs. A subgroup to combat trafficking in children was established in February. The Government coordinated its antitrafficking efforts with other countries in the region, particularly through the Southern European Cooperative Initiative Center in Bucharest.

A controversial case involving the rape and torture of a trafficked woman from Moldova, identified by the initials S.C., continued at year's end. Government officials allegedly were involved directly in the purchase, sale, rape, and torture of S.C. After a 4-month judicial investigation, Montenegrin Deputy State Prosecutor Zoran Piperovic and two other suspects were charged with mediation of prostitution, and a fourth person was charged with trafficking in persons and mediation of prostitution. In June 2003, after reviewing the judicial investigative report, Podgorica Prosecutor Zoran Radonjic dismissed charges against all the suspects, citing insufficient evidence. Foreign governments, the European Union, and the OSCE strongly criticized the decision not to try the case. The Government had not implemented several 2003 recommendations made by the international community concerning this case at year's end. Montenegro remained primarily a transit point for trafficked persons, particularly women and children, and, to a lesser extent, a destination. According to local NGOs, foreign victims likely came from Romania, Ukraine, Moldova, Bulgaria, and Russia, often passing through Belgrade and on to Kosovo or Albania, where they continued on to Italy and other West European countries. The police and NGOs reported larger number of cases of internal trafficking. Statistics on trafficking were difficult to obtain, as traffickers increasingly stopped holding their victims in public locales such as bars and nightclubs.

Traffickers were often Montenegrin nationals but sometimes worked with foreign partners. They usually used fraud to entice their victims and resorted to force and coercion to keep the victims from leaving. For example, in August, four citizens were charged with trafficking when Ukrainians, who were lured to Montenegro with false promises of high-paying jobs, instead were held in what the MUP called "slavery," forced to do manual construction labor in unhealthy conditions without pay, and were starved and sometimes beaten if they refused to work.

The highly publicized "S.C." case and police crackdowns on nightclubs and brothels may have forced the sex industry into a lower profile. Women's organizations reported a decline in requests for help by trafficked women, which they attributed to the removal of women from bars and nightclubs to brothels set up in private residences, where they had less opportunity to escape or be discovered.

A 2002 protocol provides procedures for protecting trafficking victims by distinguishing them from prostitutes and illegal migrants, as well as by establishing procedures for referring victims to appropriate social services; however, according to local NGOs, law enforcement authorities continued to mismanage some cases involving potential victims. The Government repatriated victims with assistance from the IOM.

International organizations sponsored police training in methods of dealing with human trafficking. Local NGOs, with funding from international donors, ran a shelter in Podgorica and hotlines throughout Montenegro; the Government, in cooperation with the IOM and OSCE, opened a second shelter in March. Internationally sponsored public awareness campaigns continued to be conducted throughout the country.

Persons with Disabilities

There was no official discrimination against persons with disabilities in employment, education, access to health care, or in the provision of other state services; however, there was societal discrimination against persons with disabilities. The law mandates access to new official buildings for persons with disabilities, and the Government enforced these provisions in practice; however, facilities for persons with disabilities were inadequate, including at polling stations. The Government provided mobile voting for handicapped or ill voters who could not come to polling stations.

National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities

Societal discrimination against ethnic minorities was a problem. Prejudice against Roma was widespread, and local authorities often ignored or tacitly condoned societal intimidation or ill treatment of Roma, some of whom were IDPs from Kosovo. According to a local NGO, 70 percent of Roma were illiterate, 70 percent did not speak the local language, 95 percent were officially unemployed, 40 percent had no access to public utilities, and 90 percent lived below the poverty level.

Romani IDPs, who lived primarily in collective centers and scattered settlements throughout the country, often lacked identity documents and access to basic human services (see Section 2.d.). Eviction from illegal settlements and, sometimes, legal residences was a serious problem. During the year, there was some limited official recognition of the problem, with authorities in the capital providing land and utility connections for an international NGO project to replace illegal and inadequate Romani housing.

Some Bosniaks complained that the division of the Sandzak region between Montenegro and Serbia, which also divided some families and property, created some problems for residents.

Section 6 Worker Rights

a. The Right of Association

The law provides for the right of all workers to join and form unions of their choosing; however, military personnel may not form unions. Non-military workers exercised this right in practice. Most, but not all, of the workforce in the official economy was unionized.

b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively

The law allows unions to conduct their activities without interference, and the Government protected this right in practice. The law provides for the right of collective bargaining; however, collective bargaining remained at a rudimentary level of development. The law provides for the right to strike, and workers generally exercised this right in practice; however, the law prohibits strikes by military and police personnel.

c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor

The law prohibits forced or compulsory labor, including by children; however, there were reports that such practices occurred (see Sections 5 and 6.d.).

d. Prohibition of Child Labor and Minimum Age for Employment

The official minimum age for employment is 15 years, although in farming communities it was common to find younger children assisting their families. Children also could be found in a variety of unofficial retail jobs, typically washing car windows or selling small items such as newspapers. The high unemployment rate ensured that there was little demand for child labor in the formal sector. Some children worked in the "gray zone" between voluntary and forced labor; however, there were no reports that such practices occurred systematically.

e. Acceptable Conditions of Work

The national minimum wage was $67.50 (50 euros) per month, which did not provide a decent standard of living for a worker and family. The law requires a 30-minute rest period daily, limits hours worked to 40 per week except in specified unusual circumstances, and requires an unspecified premium for work in excess of 40 hours per week.

The Government did not give high priority to the enforcement of established occupational safety and health regulations. Workers did not have the right to remove themselves from situations that endanger health and safety without jeopardy to their employment.

SRBIJA I CRNA GORA

Izveštaji o stanju ljudskih prava po zemljama za 2004. godinu
Objavila Kancelarija za demokratiju, ljudska prava i rad

28. februar 2005.

Državna zajednica Srbije i Crne Gore (SCG) je ustavna republika koja se sastoji od relativno velike Republike Srbije i mnogo manje republike Crne Gore. * Dve republike zadržale su veći deo stvarne vlasti, dok se odgovornosti vlade državne zajednice u osnovi svode na Ministarstvo spoljnih poslova, vojsku (VSCG, bivša VJ), ljudska i manjinska prava, inostrane i domaće ekonomske i trgovinske odnose. Srbija ima parlamentarni sistem sa vladom na čijem je čelu premijer Vojislav Koštunica. Boris Tadić izabran je za predsednika posle dva kruga glasanja 13. i 27. juna, na izborima koji su uglavnom ocenjeni kao slobodni i fer. Nova višestranačka vlada formirana je u martu. Ustav predviđa nezavisno sudstvo; međutim sudstvo je bilo neefikasno i često podložno političkom uticaju i korupciji.

Vojska SCG je preko ministra odbrane podređena Vrhovnom savetu odbrane (VSO), čiji su članovi sa pravom glasa predsednici SCG, Srbije i Crne Gore. Vojska je nadležna za spoljnu odbranu zemlje. U Srbiji policija, kao sastavni deo Ministarstva unutrašnjih poslova (MUP), ima zadatak da sprovodi zakon i održava red. Bezbednosna obaveštajna agencija (BIA) nalazi se pod kontrolom srpske vlade kao celine, koja u stvari tu kontolu predaje premijeru. Civilne vlasti uglavnom imaju kontrolu nad snagama bezbednosti. Neki članovi snaga bezbednosti izvršili su zloupotrebe ljudskih prava.

Ekonomija je bila u tranziciji, od sistema koji se zasnivao na društvenoj imovini ka tržišnom sistemu, koji je mešavina industrije, poljoprivrede i uslužnih delatnosti. Izuzimajući Kosovo, broj stanovnika u Republici Srbiji iznosi 7,5 miliona, dok u celoj SCG ima 8,2 miliona. U toku godine domaći bruto produkt u SCG porastao je za 6 %. Prosečna plata planirana je tako da nadmaši inflaciju. Raspodela prihoda i ekonomske mogućnosti nisu bile ujednačene. Siromaštvo i nezaposlenoct najveći su u južnoj i istočnoj Srbiji, među izbeglicama iz ratova u Hrvatskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini (BIH), kao i među interno raseljenim licima (IDP) sa Kosova.

Vlada je uglavnom poštovala ljudska prava svojih građana, ali je ipak, u nekim oblastima, bilo problema. Policija je s vremena na vreme tukla pritvorene i maltretirala građane. Policija je efikasno vršila istrage ubistava visokih ličnosti izvršena za vreme Miloševićeve ere; međutim, postoje problemi zbog nekažnjavanja prestupnika i korupcije. Sudovi su i dalje zagušeni predmetima i paralizovani zbog administrativnih problema, pa se sudski procesi odvijaju veoma sporo. Sud za ratne zločine, koji je kao deo Opštinskog suda grada Beograda osnovan 2003. godine, počeo je tokom ove godine sa suđenjima za ratne zločine. Mediji su bili uglavnom nezavisni; međutim, novinari su sprovodili izvesnu samocenzuru zbog opasnosti da budu izvedeni na sud po privatnoj parnici i zbog indirektne političke manipulacije.

Bilo je slučajeva proizvoljnih hapšenja i pritvora. Sudstvo je i dalje podložno političkom uticaju. Slaba saradnja između sudstva i drugih vladinih ustanova usporila je primenu zakonodavnih reformi.

Dve osobe u Srbiji, koje su optužene od strane Međunarodnog tribunala za bivšu Jugoslaviju (ICTY), predale su se Tribunalu. Vlada je Tribunalu dostavila mnoga dokumenta i dala dopuštenje svedocima da svedoče; međutim, ICTY je i dalje ostaje nezadovoljan sveukupnom saradnjom SCG, naročito zbog toga što veruje da je glavni optuženi Ratko Mladić na slobodi u Srbiji.

U martu mesecu, posle antisrpskog nasilja na Kosovu bilo je nekoliko slučajeva društvenog nasilja i diskriminacije usmerenih protiv verskih manjina. Nasilje i diskriminacija žena i etničkih manjina predstaljali su problem. Trgovina ženama i decom i dalje je problem, u vezi sa kojim je vlada preduzela korake u pravcu rešavanja.

POŠTOVANJE LJUDSKIH PRAVA

Odeljak 1

Poštovanje integriteta ličnosti, koje ne dozvoljava:

a. Proizvoljno ili nezakonito lišavanje života

Nije bilo političkih ubistava; međutim 15. maja policija je pucajući ubila naoružanog prestupnika na administrativnoj granici sa Kosovom. Zajedno sa predstavnikom Kosovskih snaga (KFOR), koje predvodi NATO, policija je istražila slučaj i utvrdila da je pucanje bilo opravdano.
Suđenje osumnjičenima za ubistvo premijera Đinđića u martu 2003. godine još je trajalo na kraju godine. Đinđića su navodno ubili pripadnici Crvenih beretki (autonomne policije državne bezbednosti iz doba predsednika bivše Federativne Republike Jugoslavije Slobodana Miloševića), u dogovoru sa pripadnicima organizovanog kriminala, tzv. Zemunskim klanom.

Policijske istrage došle su do nekih saznanja u vezi sa političkim ubistvima iz ranijih godina. Suđenje dvojici bivših policajskih funkcionera i još petorici drugih optuženika (od kojih se dvojica još kriju na slobodi) za ubistvo bivšeg šefa Beogradske policije Boška Buhe 2002. godine, završeno je oslobađajućom presudom u novembru zbog nedostatka dokaza.

Ponovno suđenje bivšem šefu Resora državne bezbednosti (RDB) Radomiru Markoviću za pokušaj ubistva vođe Srpskog pokreta obnove Vuka Draškovića, 1999. godine, kada su ubijene četiri osobe počelo je 2.februara. Obnovljeni proces još je trajao na kraju godine i Marković je još u zatvoru.

Suđenje devetorici ljudi za ubistvo bivšeg predsednika Srbije Ivana Stambolića i pokušaj ubistva Vuka Draškovića 2000. godine počelo je 23. februara. Proces koji se vodi u beogradskom Specijalnom sudu za borbu protiv organizovanog kriminala, još uvek je trajao na kraju godine.

Domaći sudovi i ICTY nastavili su sa suđenjima za zločine počinjene za vreme sukoba u Hrvatskoj, BiH i na Kosovu, između 1991-1999, uključujući i suđenje bivšem predsedniku SRJ i Srbije Slobodanu Miloševiću u ICTY-u. (Vidi Odeljak 1.e i 4).

U toku ove godine nije bilo poginulih od nagaznih mina.

b. Nestanak lica

Nije bilo slučajeva politički motivisanih nestanaka.

U toku godine SCG i srpske vlasti nastavile su da sarađuju sa susednim zemljama i međunarodnim organizacijama na traganju za nestalim licima i istraživanju grobnica otkrivenih u Srbiji; međutim napreduje se veoma sporo.

U toku godine vlasti su izvršile ekshumaciju dva stratišta, gde je nađeno 77 tela nastradalih u sukobima u Hrvatskoj i BiH; od njih je identifikovano 21 telo i predato porodicama (9 u SCG i 12 u BiH). Vlasti su takođe identifikovale 181 telo, koja su prethodno bila ekshumirana iz masovnih grobnica iz sukoba na Kosovu, i vratile ih na Kosovo. Radeći u saradnji sa međunarodnim organizacijama i Međunarodnom komisijom za nestala lica, vlasti nisu do kraja godine završile identifikaciju i repatrijaciju ostalih leševa.

c. Mučenje i druge surove, nehumane i ponižavajuće postupke i kazne
SCG i srpski zakoni zabranjuju takva dela, ali policija ponekad tuče pritvorena lica i zlostavlja građane.

Odbor za ljudska prava iz Leskovca izvestio je da je u leskovačkom kraju bilo manje slučajeva torture i maltretiranja od strane policije nego 2002. i 2003, ali da se malo napredovalo u rešavanju nekadašnjih zloupotreba.

Generalni inspektor MUP-a potvrdio je da je u toku vanrednog stanja 2003. bilo šest slučajeva mučenja od strane policije, ali je izjavio da počinioci nisu identifikovani.

Do kraja godine mali broj tužbi koje su nevladine organizacije (NGO) podnele u ime pojedinaca koji su tvrdili da su bili mučeni za vreme vanrednog stanja 2003. godine, povučene su na zahtev žrtava zbog toga što počinioci nisu mogli biti identifikovani.

Policija najčešće tuče i fizički zlostavlja ljude za vreme hapšenja i prvobitnog pritvora; sitni kriminalci su najčešće žrtve takvog zlostavljanja. U junu mesecu jedan čovek koga je policija zaustavila radi provere ličnih dokumenata, zatražio je identifikacioni broj policajca koji ga je zaustavio. Prema iskazu žrtve, policajac ga je tada uveo u policijska kola i otprilike 10 puta udario po glavi. Centar za humanitarno pravo (HLC) poslao je pismo o tom incidentu Generalnom inspektoru MUP-a, koji je odgovorio da nema nikakvu informaciju o tom slučaju. Posle toga, MUP nije istraživao taj slučaj.

Komitet za ljudska prava iz Leskovca izvestio je da su jednom prilikom 33 osobe iz Beograda bile maltretirane posle privođenja u policijsku stanicu u Vlasotincu.

Prijavljen je slučaj da je policija pretila jednom čoveku da će ga sudski goniti zato što je rekao da će ih tužiti zbog zlostavljanja. U drugom slučaju, jedan čovek iz Zrenjanina, koji je tvrdio da su ga 13. januara policajci tukli u njegovom kafiću, podneo je privatnu tužbu 24. avgusta, zbog toga što niko nije odgovorio na njegovu prethodnu žalbu. Opštinski tužilac podneo je tužbu protiv dva policajca (Zorana Gagića i Dragana Bojanića) zbog zlostavljanja dok su bili na dužnosti, kao i protiv vlasnika kafića zato što je ometao policiju u vršenju dužnosti. Za razliku od prethodnih godina, nije prijavljen nijedan slučaj da su policajci tukli ili pretili batinama da bi sprečili pritvorenike da podnesu prijave zbog ranijeg zlostavljanja.

Javni tužilac podneo je tužbu protiv trojice policajaca koji su avgusta 2003. godine tukli jednog čoveka 30 dana, tj. za sve vreme pritvora. Rasprava po tužbi istog čoveka za ranije brutalno ponašanje policije prema njemu iz 2001. godine, morala je da bude odložena, jer se optuženi policajci nisu pojavili na sudu.

U toku godine, vođeni su postupci u vezi sa slučajevima iz ranijih godina protiv policajaca koji su optuženi da su tukli pritvorenike da bi iznudili priznanje. Smatrajući da nema dovoljno dokaza da su dela bila izvršena, javni tužilac je odbacio tužbu koju je HLC podneo 2003. protiv neidentifikovanovanih članova čačanske policije. U tužbi HLC-a tvrdilo se da su maja 2003. godine neidentifikovani članovi policije pretili i udarili Željka Popovića pokušavajući da od njega iznude priznanje da je izvršio krađu. Nakon što je tužba bila odbijena, HLC je podneo tužbu u privatnoj parnici i zahtevao dalju istragu. Istražni sudija je 6. oktobra održao suđenje po pribvatnoj tužbi, a sve do kraja godine proces nije okončan. Oktobra 2003. javni tužilac optužio je Popovića za krađu, ali do kraja godine ovaj slučaj nije imao ni jedno ročište.

Dva policajca iz Vranja, koji su 2002. godine tukli Nenada Tasića osuđeni su na 7 i 5 meseci zatvora, ali je sud oborio odluku javnog tužioca da se tim policajcima ubuduće zabrani rad u policiji. Krajem godine Vrhovni sud je još razmatrao ovaj slučaj. U aprilu je Prvi opštinski sud u Beogradu presudio da država plati Tasiću 10.000 dolara (600.000 dinara) kao odštetu u građanskoj parnici koju je podneo HLC. Okružni sud u Beogradu je 29. novembra potrvdio ovu presudu.

Razmatran je i slučaj Roma Nebojše Maljića, koga je leskovačka policija navodno tukla palicama 2002. godine. Posle napada Maljića su optužili da je ometao policiju u vršenju dužnosti; suđenje protiv njega počelo je u toku godine i na kraju godine još nije bilo završeno. Odbor za ljudska prava podneo je prijavu protiv policajaca koji su zlostavljali Maljića, ali do kraja godine suđenje nije započeto.

Uslovi u zatvoruma uglavnom su u skladu sa evropskim standardima; međutim uslovi se veoma razlikuju od zatvora do zatvora, a neki zatvorski stražari zlostavljaju zatvorenike. Helsinški odbor za ljudska prava u Srbiji (HCS) utvrdio je da neki zatvori obezbeđuju zatvorenicima čiste i bezbedne uslove; međutim, ima i takvih gde su zatvoranici prinuđani da žive u prljavim i nehumanim uslovima, a to se naročito odnosi na bolnicu Beogradskog popravnog doma, u kojoj se nalaze psihijatrijski zatvorenici. Kvalitet hrane varira od slabog do jedva prihvatljivog, a zdravstvena zaštita je često neadekvatna. Čuvari su nedovoljno obučeni za svoj posao i ne znaju da postupaju sa zatvorenicima.

U zatvorima se dogodilo nekoliko slučajeva prirodne smrti i samoubistava. Neki zatvorenici žalili su se da ih drugi zatvorenici zastrašuju i povremeno napadaju. Zatvorenici su mogli da prijave takve slučajeve zatvorskom osoblju ili okružnom sudu; vlasti su uglavnom reagovale na njihove žalbe i smeštale zatvorenike u zasebne ćelije, ili su ponekad disciplinski kažnjavale prestupnike stavljanjem u samicu.

Muškarci i žene drže se u zatvoru u posebnim odeljenjima. Maloletnici treba da budu smešteni odvojeno od odraslih, međutim u praksi to se nije uvek poštovalo. Zatvorenici koji su čekali na suđenje držani su posebno od osuđenih zatvorenika.

Vlada je dozvolila Međunarodnom komitetu Crvenog krsta (ICRC) i lokalnim nezavisnim monitorima iz organizacija za ljudska prava, uključujući i HCS, da posete zatvore i razgovaraju sa zatvorenicima bez prisustva stražara.

Na domaćim suđenjima bilo je pretnji i napada na svedoke i potencijalne svedoke.

d. Proizvoljna hapšenja i pritvaranje

Ustav zabranjuje proizvoljno hapšenje i pritvaranje ljudi i vlast se uglavno držala ovih zabrana.

Otprilike 23.000 policajaca u Srbiji nalazi se u sastavu Sektora javne bezbednosti MUP-a Srbije. Sektor se deli na sedam direktorata: uniformisanu policiju (uključuje saobraćajnu i patrolnu policiju), kriminalističko istraživanje, organizovani kriminal, jedinice za specijalne operacije (uključuju žandarmeriju i specijalnu antiterorističku jedinicu, ili SAJ), odeljenje za personalna pitanja i obuku, i graničnu policiju. Policija je podeljena po oblastima na 33 sekretarijata. Sve opštinske i seoske jedinice su ogranci republičke policije. Efikasnost policije bila je neujednačena i uglavnom ograničena. Mnogi službenici policije, uključujući i najviše službenike, su preostali kadar iz Miloševićevog režima. Većina policajaca su srpske nacionalnosti, ali ima i Bošnjaka (bosanskih Muslimana), etničkih Mađara, i jedan mali broj Albanaca i drugih etničkih manjina. U južnoj Srbiji, Multietničke policijske snage sastoje se pretežno od etničkih Albanaca i Srba.

Korupcija i nekažnjeno ponašanje predstavljali su problem u policiji, a u institucionalnom smislu postojalo je malo načina da se ponašanje policije nadgleda i kontroliše. Zvanje Generalnog inspektora MUP-a je uvedeno 2003. godine, koji je dobio ingerencije sa izvršnom snagom, ali je on na kraju godine još uvek imao vrlo malo mogućnosti da vodi istrage. Ministar finansija Mlađan Dinkić je izjavio 24. septembra da će nekoliko članova MUP-a biti optuženo zbog protivpravnog prisvajanja novca prilikom ugovaranja kupovine opreme; međutim do kraja godine nije pokrenut nikakav postupak protiv njih. Ministar SCG za ljudska i manjinska prava ustanovio je 2003. godine telefonsku liniju »SOS«, preko koje bi žrtve policijskog zlostavljanja i drugih zloupotreba prijavljivale svoje slučajeve. Do kraja godine preko te telfonske linije primljene su 934 potpuno dokumentovane prijave o raznim slučajevima. Vlada je neke od tih slučajeva rešila. Na primer, zajednica Jehovinih svedoka prijavila je da je nekoliko lica 2. decembra ušlo u njihov Kraljevski dom u Loznici i tražilo 1.350 dolara (1.000 evra) mesečno, na ime zaštite, nagoveštavajući da policija neće intervenisati. Ministarstvo za ljudska i manjinska prava obavestilo je o ovom problemu MUP i prestupnici su bili pozvani na razgovor. Pretnja se više nije ponovila. U toku godine vlada i Organizacija za evropsku bezbednost i saradnju (OEBS) obučavali su policiju, između ostalog i o odnosima u zajednici.

Prema rečima Generalnog inspektora MUP-a (IG), IG je u toku godine preporučio pokretanje postupka protiv 15 službenika MUP-a, premeštanje 13 službenika na druga radna mesta, smanjenje plate za 34 službenika, predavanje 23 slučaja nelegalne ili nedolične aktivnosti službenika šefovima oblasnih sekretarijata radi dalje istrage. Prema nalozima dobijenim od IG, šefovi oblasnih sekretarijata preduzeli su disciplinske postupke protiv 12 službenika, prebacili su na druga radna mesta 2 službenika, prijavili jednog službenika zbog nedoličnog ponašanja, i preporučili smanjenje plate za 8 službenika. Pored toga, IG je podneo 71 krivičnu tužbu protiv 83 službenika za dela zloupotrebe položaja, davanje ili uzimanje mita, krivotvorenje, korupciju, prevare, predavanja lažnog izveštaja, maltretiranje na dužnosti, nanošenja telesne povrede, nanošenja lakše telesne povrede, nemoralan rad, otkrivanje službene tajne, posredovanje u prostituciji, i neovlašćeno posedovanje oružja.

Sudovi su u nekim prilikama nalagali vlastima da isplate odštetu zbog policijskih zloupotreba. U aprilu je Prvi opštinski sud u Beogradu naložio vladi da plati odštetu od 10.000 dolara (600.000 dinara) Nenadu Tasiću po privatnoj tužbi (vidi Sekciju 1.c.).

Zakonskim amandmanima donešenim u maju, očuvan je dvogodišnji limit pritvora od optužbe do završetka prve instance suđenja kod velikog broja slučajeva, ali je produžen limit od 4 godine za zločine koji podležu maksimalnoj kazni od 40 godina zatvora. Amandmanima je takođe sa jedne na dve godine produžen maksimalni pritvor, koji se sprovodi ako apelacioni sud poništi presudu suda. Ovi amandmani donešeni su zbog taktike odugovlačenja koju su primenjivale odbrane da bi oslobodile svoje klijente. Osoba koja ostane u nezakonitom pritvoru može da zahteva rehabilitaciju i odštetu od vlade.

U izvesnim slučajevima policija je opunomoćena da hapsi i bez naloga nadležnog sudije, recimo, kada postoji osnovana sumnja da je neka osoba izvršila ubistvo; međutim, hapšenja se obično vrše samo sa nalogom. Istražni sudija mora da odobri svaki pritvor koji je duži od 48 sati i ovo pravilo sprovodilo se u praksi. Zakonski amandmani od maja meseca daju pravo pritvorenim licima da se hitno obrate istražnom sudiji sa zahtevom da on odredi zakonitost njihovog pritvora i da naredi oslobađanje iz pritvora, ako ustanovi da je pritvor nelegalan. Uhapšena lica moraju odmah biti obaveštena o njihovim pravima; međutim, postoje prijave da je bilo slučajeva da policajci nisu saopštili pritvorenim licima da se ono što kažu može iskoristiti protiv njih. Kaucija je dozvoljena ali se retko koristi; pritvorena lica za koja se predviđaju kazne ispod 5 godina, često bivaju puštena pošto potpišu obavezu da će se sami javiti na sud.

U principu, uhapšena lica imaju pravo na advokata; međutim, u praksi je bilo slučajeva nepoštovanja ovog prava. Ima prijava da je policija u izvesnom broju slučajeva vršila pritisak na advokate da sa okrivljenim licima samo delimično razgovaraju nasamo, a bilo je slučajeva gde taj kontakt uopšte i nije obavljen nasamo. Takođe je bilo slučajeva da se osumnjičena lica saslušavaju bez prisustva advokata, a da u zapisniku piše da je advokat bio prisutan. Članovima porodice je obično bilo dozvoljeno da posećuju zatvorenike. Nijedno osumnjičeno lice nije moglo biti zadržano u pritvoru više od 3 meseca bez ovlašćenja istrašnog sudije, niti više od 6 meseci bez podizanja optužnice; ovo je u praksi poštovano. Zakon zabranjuje upotrebu sile, pretnje, prevare ili iznuđivanja, kao i to da se dokazi dobijeni na taj način, koriste na sudu. Da bi neka izjava mogla da se iskoristi na sudu, advokat osumnjičene osobe mora da bude prisutan prilikom davanja izjave. Nije bilo slučajeva da su izjave dobijene pod pretnjama ili iznuđene silom, bile korišćene na sudu. Za razliku od prošle godine, nije bilo prijava da su pritvorena lica držana u izolaciji.

Prijavljen je jedan slučaj da je jedan novinar priveden na »informativni razgovor« (vidi Odeljak 2.a.).

Najveći problem predstavljao je produženi pritvor pre suđenja. Zakon zabranjuje preterano kašnjenje države u pokretanju zvaničnog postupka protiv osumnjičenih lica, kao i u otvaranju istrage; međutim, do takvih kašnjanja je redovno dolazilo. Zbog neefikasnosti sudova, često je prolazilo mnogo vremena do dolaska nekog slučaja na sud, a kad bi proces i započeo suđenja su trajala suviše dugo (vidi Sekciju 1.e.).

e. Uskraćivanje javnog i pravičnog suđenja

Ustav predviđa nezavisno sudstvo; međutim sudovi su i dalje bili podložni korupciji i političkom uticaju.

Sudovi su bili veoma neefikasni (neki sudski procesi trajali su godinama), a nije bilo drugih zvaničnih kanala kojim bi se slučajevi mogli rešiti. Vlada i sudstvo napravili su ove godine veoma mali napredak u pravcu implementacije širokih organizacionih reformi propisanih zakonima o sudovima, sudijama i javnim tužiocima iz 2001. godine. Narodna skupština izglasala je amandman koji propisuje da tužioce imenuje Vrhovno sudsko veće, umesto ranijeg propisa da to čini vlada, a Narodna skupština to naimenovanje potvrđuje.

Bilo je pokušaja zvaničnika vlade da miniraju sudske postupke koji su politički osetljivi, čak i vršenjem pritiska na tužioce. Novinar Miša Vasić napisao je u jednom od svojih članaka da je postojao telefonski poziv u kome je jedan privatni advokat navodno pokušao da ubedi člana zemunske kriminalne grupe Dejana Milenkovića »Bagzija« da lažno svedoči da je glavni svedok optužbe u slučaju Đinđićevog ubistva umešan u jedno drugo ubistvo. U tom telefonskom razgovoru, koji je navodno snimio bivši šef policije za organizovani kriminal (UBPOK), advokat je tvrdio da ministar unutrašnjih poslova Jočić i šef BIA-e Radomir »Rade« Bulatović podržavaju nagodbu da Dejan Milenković »Bagzi«, koji je takođe jedan od optuženih u slučaju Đinđićevog ubistva, dobije status zaštićenog svedoka u zamenu za lažno svedočenje (vidi Odeljak 2.a.). Nedeljnik Vreme, u kome je objavljen Vasićev članak, objavio je kasnije navodne odlomke iz tog telefonskog razgovora.

Savet ministara SCG zaustavio je 1. jula sve tekuće sudske procese u vojnom sudu SCG dok politički lideri nisu rešili pitanje jurisdikcije i uloge vojnog sudstva; vojni sudovi ostali su zatvoreni do kraja godine, s tim da budu raspušteni 1. januara 2005. Pored vojnog suda, jedini drugi sud SCG, Sud državne zajednice Srbije i Crne Gore, ustavnovljen je maja i juna, uz naimenovanje njegovih sudija. Sud je zadužen za koordinaciju pravosuđa u državnoj zajednici, koja se sastoji u rešavanju sudskih sporova između srpskih i crnogorskih insitutcija, presuđivanju o žalbama građana koji tvrde da su im narušena prava garantovana Ustavnom poveljom SCG, i u rešavanju sporova koje zajednička carinska kancelarija SCG ne može da razreši.

Sudski sistem Srbije sastoji se od opštinskih i okružnih sudova, Vrhovnog suda i Ustavnog suda. Specijalni sudovi za ratne zločine i organizovani kriminal ustanovljeni su u okviru Okružnog suda grada Beograda. Ustavni sud donosi odluke o ustavnosti zakona i propisa, a vlasti treba da sprovode njegove odluke. Da bi se olakšao rad Vrhovnog suda, zakon propisuje da se ustanovi administrativni apelacioni sud i druga instanca apelacionog suda, međutim, 2004. godine Narodna skupština odložila je osnivanje tih sudova do 2007. godine, zbog toga što nisu izvršene potrebne pripreme za njihovo osnivanje.

Visoki sudski savet, koji sačinjavaju sudije Vrhovnog suda, predlaže sudije, koje odobrava Narodna skupština. Visoki personalni savet, u zajednici sa Narodnom skupštinom kažnjava i otpušta sudije; međutim, u toku godine nije bilo otpuštanja.

Centar za obuku sudija organizovao je edukacione programe širom zemlje. Međunarodne organizacije i nevladine organizacije, uključujući i HLC i Beogradski centar za ljudska prava (BCHR), takođe su tokom godine organizovali obuku za sudije.

Sudski procesi su uglavnom javni, ali su za vreme svedočenja svedoka države (tj. lica protiv kojih su optužbe ili povučene ili nisu uopšte podnete, u zamenu za svedočenje) zatvoreni za javnost. U sudovima ne postoje porote. Po zakonu se pretpostavlja da su optuženi nevini i imaju pravo da ih advokat zastupa, ako je potrebno na račun države, i da bude prisutan na suđenju. Osim toga, sudovi moraju po potrebi da obezbede prevodioce. I odbrana i tužba imaju pravo da se žale na presudu. Optuženi imaju pravo na pristup dokaznom materijalu države i da ispituju svedoke. Sva ova prava se uglavnom poštuju u praksi.

Zamenik javnog tužioca Milan Sarajlić, koga su teretili da je bio plaćen od strane zamunskog klana organizovanog kriminala, pušten je iz zatvora zbog slabog zdravlja. U toku godine ustanovljeno je da on nije mentalno sposoban za suđenje, tako da suđenje nije ni zakazano.
Specijalni sud za ratne zločine je 9. maja 2004. godine počeo svoj prvi proces (slučaj Vukovar-Ovčara; vidi u nastavku). Ovaj sud optuženima daje ista prava kao i regularni sudovi.

Postoji polunezavisni Tužilac za ratne žločine, koga imenuje Narodna skupština, i malobrojna Istražna služba za ratne zločine u okviru UBPOK-a, a obezbeđene i specijalizovane sudske prostorije i namenska pritvorna jedinica pri Sudu za ratne zločine.

17. marta 2004. Aleksandar »Saša« Cvjetan osuđen je na 20 godina zatvora za ubistvo 19 etničkih Albanaca na Kosovu 1999. godine. U decembru je Vrhovni sud naložio ponavljanje sudskog procesa da bi se utvrdila neka činjenična i proceduralna pitanja, kao na primer da li je Cvjetanov advokat bio prisutan za vreme priznanja zločina od strane optuženog.

U septembru je Vrhovni sud oborio presudu četvorici ljudi osuđenih za ratni zločin u Sjeverinu, zbog toga što se na suđenju nije tačno odredilo koji je optuženi izvršio koji zločin. Vrhovni sud naložio je ponovni sudski proces, koji do kraja godine nije otpočeo.

ICTY je dva lica nižeg ranga, koja su umešani u masakr u Vukovaru (poznat i kao slučaj Ovčara), prepustio srpskim vlastima da im sude. Specijalni tužilac Srbije za ratne zločine proširio je istragu daleko premašujući informacije dobijene od ICTY-a, i u januaru 2004. optužio osam osoba za taj zločin. Suđenje šestorici optuženih počelo je 9. marta i to je bilo prvo suđenje u Specijalnom sudu za ratne zločine. U maju su pridodate optužnice za još 12 lica. Dva optuženika postali su svedoci države, a jedan je umro skočivši kroz prozor pri pokušaju bekstva. Tako je ostalo 17 optuženika, a suđenje je i dalje trajalo na kraju godine.

U toku godine počela su suđenja u odsustvu Miloradu Ulemeku »Legiji« i Dejanu Milenkoviću »Bagziju« za ubistvo Đindića; međutim, Ulemek se predao pre kraja suđenja. Članu SAJ jedinice Dejanu Demiroviću sudi se u odsustvu za ubistvo 19 etničkih Albanaca izvršeno u Podujevu na Kosovu 1999. godine. Na kraju godine suđenja još nisu bila okončana, a nije se pojavio nijedan slučaj narušavanja prava optuženih.

Nije bilo prijava političkih zatvorenika.

f. Proizvoljno mešanje u privatnost, porodicu, dom i korespondenciju

Ustav zabranjuje takva dela; međutim vlada je u nekim slučajevima u praksi povredila ova prava. MUP po zakonu mora da zatraži sudski nalog pre praćenja potencijalne kriminalne aktivnosti i sme da uđe u nečije prostorije samo sa izvršnim nalogom, osim radi »spasavanja ljudi i imovine«; međutim, ponekad u praksi policija nije poštovala ove zakonske propise.

Mnogi posmatrači smatraju da su vlasti selektivno nadgledale komunikacije i prisluškivale razgovore, čitale imejlove i ozvučavale telefone.

Vlada nije ispunila svoje obećanje da će za javnost otvoriti tajne dosijee sa podacijam o ljudima, koji su prikupljani za vreme starih režima. Oni dosijei koji su malom broju ljudi dostavljeni na njihov zahtev, već su bili očišćeni od dokumenata u kojima su mogli biti osetljivi izveštaji o tim osobama. Jedan od ljudi koji je dobio svoj dosije, opomenut je da će ako objavi dokumente, biti optužen da je otkrivao državne tajne.

Za razliku od prethodne godine, nije bilo proterivanja Roma iz divljih naselja.

Odeljak 2

Poštovanje građanskih sloboda, u koje spada sledeće:

a. Sloboda govora i štampe

Zakoni SCG i Srbije predviđaju slobodu govora i štampe; međutim, iako su mediji često bez represalija kritikovali vladu, politički pritisak koji se mogao očekivati sa raznih strana, nesigurna statutarna sitacija, i opasnost od tužbi za klevetu, nametnuli su suzdržanost kod novinara, urednika i drugih poslenika u medijima. Za razliku od prošle godine, viši članovi vlade nisu vršili pritisak na medije.

U zemlji postoji mešavina privatnih medija i medija koja su delimično ili potpuno vlasništvo vlade. Vlada je izdavala dnevni list Borbu i posedovala jednu od najznačajnijih štamparija, takođe nazvanu Borba. Najstariji nacionalni list Politika nalazi se u zajedničkom vlasništvu Nemačkog medijskog džina WAS i vlade, ali je vodi nekoliko akcionarskih kompanija.

Vlada je finansirala novine na mađarskom jeziku, a medijska kuća koja je u vlasništvu države, Radio Televizija Srbije (RTS), emituje nekoliko programa na mađarskom jeziku. Radio stanice, čiji su vlasnici opštinske vlasti, takođe emituju programe na jezicima manjina. Tanjug je državna novinska agencija i mnoge televizijske stanice koriste njihove vesti.

RTS, koja je pod kontrolom države, ima najviše emisija kako na televiziji tako i na radiju. Pored tri kanala RTS-a, vlada ima uticaja i na neke druge krupne televizijske stanice, kao što su TV Politika i TV Novi Sad, i na tri stanice Radio Beograda. Izveštavanje RTS-a bilo je uglavnom objektivno; međutim, ponekad se primećivala blaga naklonjenost vladi. Na rukovodstvo kuće moglo se politički uticati, pošto je vlada postavljala glavne urednike. Vlada je 18. marta zamenila generalnog direktora RTS-a Aleksandra Crkvenjakova i na njegovo mesto postavila čoveka lojalnog vladi, Aleksandra Tijanića. Ministar kulture i informisanja Dragan Kojadinović tvrdio je da je Crkvenjakov uklonjen zbog manjkavog izveštaja o martovskoj provali anti-srpskog nasilja u martu na Kosovu; međutim, mediji su objavili vest o Tijanićevom naimenovanju nekoliko dana pre eskalacije nasilja na Kosovu. Upravni odbor RTS-a dao je ostavku iz protesta zbog Tijanićevog naimenovanja.

Dve glavne privatne TV stanice, BK i TV Pink, imaju pristrasnu uređivačku politiku naklonjenu vladi. Nakon što je vlada 2002. godine odobrila RTV B-92 privremenu dozvolu emitovanja programa po celoj republici, ne rešivši konačnu dodelu frekvencija, ova medijska kuća instalirala je nove predajnike da bi postala nacionalni kanal i mogla da konkuriše TV Pinku i BK. Za razliku od prošle godine, glavni urednik RTV B-92 Veran Matić, nije ovog puta obavestio javnost da su ga vlasti ponovo upozorile da njegova medijska kuća neće dobiti radio ili televizijske frekvencije, ako ne promeni način izveštavanja. Otprilike 300 televizijskih stanica i 700 radio stanica koje nezavisno rade, emitovalo je program sa privremenim dozvolama ili bez ikakvih zakonskih osnova.

Udruženje nezavisnih elektronskih medija (ANEM) je protestovalo 8. oktobra protiv odluke Opštinskog suda u Trsteniku zbog odluke da dodeli vlasništvo Televizije Trstenik, koja je deo lokalne javne kompanije RTV Trstenik, Srpskoj pravoslavnoj crkvi. ANEM je tvrdio da je ova odluka, koja je kasnije u toku godine povučena, prekršila odredbe zakona o privatizaciji elektronskih medija.

Radio stanice koje su bile u vlasništvu opština, vršile su pritisak na lokalne novinare da ne izveštavaju o problemima opštinskih vlasti.

Desio se slučaj da je jedan novinar pozvan na »informativni razgovor«.
UBPOK je pozvao novinara Misu Vasica na informativni razgovor na zahtev Okružnog javnog tužioca Beograda. Vasic je pozvan na razgovor nakon što je pisao o telefonskom pozivu u kome je jedan privatni advokat navodno ponudio optuženom status svedoka optužbe ako bude lažno svedočio u slučaju Đinđićevog ubistva. Advokat je navodno tvrdio da su dva visoka funkcionera vlade podržala ovu nagodbu (vidi Odeljak 1.e.).

Časopis hrvatske manjine Hrvatske riječi je 13. i 14. januara primio pet pretećih telefonskih poziva sa anti-hrvatskom sadržinom.

Novinari redakcije vesti RTV B-92 su 27. marta otkrili bombu ispod svojih kola, koja su bila parkirana u Raškoj, gradu na jugu Srbije, dok su novinari bili na Kosovu i izveštavali o talasu nasilja protiv Srba. Policija nije identifikovala prestupnike, a istraga se na kraju godine činila sporom i neaktivnom.

Zakon obezbeđuje sistem propisa koji treba da podržavaju slobodne i nezavisne medije, i nalaže formiranje Radio difuznog saveta, koji treba da transformiše RTS u javni radiodifuzni servis i da dodeli radio i TV frekvencije. Međutim, do kraja godine ovaj zakon nije primenjen. Neki posmatrači smatraju da je stalni nedostatak jasnih smernica stvorio klimu koja je neprijateljski nastrojena prema slobodnom izražavanju. Neki mediji otvoreno su pokušali da se ulaguju vladi, u nadi da će dobiti povoljan tretman, kada novi reformatorski zakoni o medijima budu u potpunosti primenjeni.

Kleveta je i dalje ostala krivično delo. Iako vlada nije podnela nijednu krivičnu prijavu, nizak prag koji definiše klevetu pruža mogućnost pojedincima iz vlade, kao i pripadnicima Miloševićevog režima, da dobiju privatne parnice protiv medija koji su ih kritikovali. Kleveta se može kazniti zatvorom, a sudovi imaju snagu da odrede »uslovnu kaznu« kojom će ućutkati novinare koji su izneli uvrede, jer postoji opasnost da će ako dalje budu vređali, biti odmah uhapšeni. Gradski sud u Šapcu je 16. marta osudio dopisnika Radio slobodne Evrope i Radio Libertija, Hanibala Kovača, za klevetu i odredio mu 2 meseca uslovne zatvorske kazne, zbog izveštaja iz 2003. godine, u kome je optužio visokog funkcionera Srpske radikalne partije (SRS) i bivšeg ministra u Miloševićevoj vladi Čedomira Vasiljevića, da je učestvovao u nasilnom preuzimanju jedne administrativne zgrade 1999. godine. Maja meseca, novinarka Ljiljana Jokić Kaspar osuđena je na 6 meseci zatvora, uslovno na 2 godine, zato što je napisala da je Miroslav Savić služio u rezervnom sastavu Crvenih beretki, koje su u vreme navodnog Savićevog službovanja, bile upletene u ubistvo premijera Đinđića 2003. godine.

Na kraju godine tužilac nije pokrenuo nikakav postpak u vezi sa tužbom za klevetu, koju je 2003. godine protiv Dinkića i Baraća podneo tadašnji ministar MUP-a Dušan Mihajlović. Tužbe za klevetu koje je 2003. godine podneo direktor za komunikacije u vladi Srbije, Vladimir »Beba« Popović protiv NIN-a, Vremena i RTV B-92, odbačene su u toku godine. Član Demokratske stranke Radisav Ljubisavljević povukao je svoju tužbu za klevetu podnetu protiv RTV B-92, 2002. godine.

Prema podacima HLC i BCHR, novinari ponekad sprovode samocenzuru zbog mogućih tužbi za klevetu i straha da ne razljute javno mnjenje, naročito kada su u pitanju teme koje se tiču ratova u bivšoj Jugoslaviji.

Za razliku od pređašnjih godina, vlada nije zabranila nijednu televizijsku ili radio stanicu, niti bilo koji list. Međutim, vlada je zabranila distribuciju knjige »Vojne tajne« zbog otkrivanja vojnih tajni. Oficiri Vojne policije su 26. marta zaplenili ostatak od 251 knjige iako su imali ovlašćenje Vojne policije da uzmu samo jedan primerak knjige. Vlada nije ograničila pristup Internetu; bilo je međutim prijava da vlada selektivno kontroliše dopisivanje preko imejla (vidi Odeljak 1.f.).

Vlada nije ograničavala akademsku slobodu. Vlada je promenila odluke ministra prosvete da ograniči sadržaj predavanja i da zameni akademski personal na osnovu političke podobnosti. Ministarka prosvete je 16. septembra je morala da podnese ostavku. Svetlana Đorđević, autorka knjige u kojoj nabraja kršenja ljudskih prava koja su srpska vlada i oficiri vojske činili na Kosovu 1999. godine, primila je veliki broj pretnji početkom 2003. godine posle objavljivanja svoje knjige. Neke od pretnji sadržale su simbole povezane sa Crvenim beretkama i njihovim bivšim vođom Miloradom Ulemekom, kome se sada sudi za ubistvo premijera Zorana Đinđića i druge zločine.

b. Sloboda mirnog okupljanja i udruživanja

Ustav obezbeđuje slobodu okupljanja i vlada je u praksi uglavnom poštovala ovo pravo.

c. Sloboda veroispovesti

Ustavi i zakoni SCG i Srbije predviđaju slobodu veroispovesti i državna zajednica i republičke vlade uglavnom su u praksi poštovale ovo pravo. U SCG ne postoji državna vera; međutim Srpska pravoslavna crkva ima nešto povoljniji tretman, u šta spada finansiranje izgradnje velikih crkvenih zdanja u Beogradu. U oružanim snagama i dalje se služi pravoslavna služba; međutim, pripadnici dugih veroispovesti mogu da prisustvuju službama drugih vera van svojih vojnih pošta.

Iako ne postoji zvaničan zahtev za registraciju verskih grupa, svaka grupa koja planira da održava skupove mora da se registruje kod lokalne policije. Verske grupe mogu se kod MUP-a registrovati i kao grupe građana da bi dobile status pravnog lica, koji je potreban za promet nekretnina i druge administrativne poslove.

Beogradska islamska zajednica prijavila je da neprestano ima teškoće oko dobijanja zemljišta i odobrenja zemlje za islamsko groblje u gradu.

Posle dugog spora između romske Protestantske evangelističke crkve i grada Leskovca na jugu Srbije oko rušenja crkve-šatora koji pripada ovoj crkvi, Vrhovni sud doneo je presudu u korist gradskih vlasti. Naime, od 463 nelegalne građevine predviđene za rušenje, izbor je pao baš na ovu crkvu-šator. Građevinski inspektori, policija i ekipa za rušenje su 30. aprila došli na lice mesta da sruše crkvu; međutim, vernici su sprečili rušenje i grad se složio da dozvoli prebacivanje crkve na drugo mesto. Na kraju godine crkveni lideri i gradski funkcioneri još su se dogovarali o detaljima ovog sporazuma.

Versko obrazovanje u osnovnim i srednjim školama nastavilo se tokom ove godine. Od đaka se zahteva ili da pohađaju predavanja jedne od sedam »tradicionalnih verskih zajednica«, ili da umesto toga pohađaju časove građanskog obrazovanja. U toku godine broj đaka prijavljenih za pohađanje verskog obrazovanja porastao je u odnosu na đake koji su izabrali građansko obrazovanje. Neki protestantski lideri i neke nevladine organizacije i dalje se protive verskom obrazovanju u javnim školama, kao i predlozima da se neke vere u republici Srbiji proglase za tradicionalne.

Tokom godine nije primećen nikakav napredak u procesu povraćaja ranije oduzete crkvene imovine.
Predstavnici Unije jevrejskih zajednica u SCG prijavili su rast antisemitizma u Srbiji. Nema podataka o fizičkom nasilju nad Jevrejima; međutim, ima grafita sa antisemitskom sadržinom i vandalizma na nekoliko jevrejskih grobalja. Prema izjavama predstavnika Unije jevrejskih zajednica u SCG, antisemitski govor mržnje često se javlja u knjigama sa malim tiražom. Štampanje novih knjiga (ili ponovna izdanja antisemitske strane literature), često je dovodilo do povećanja broja pisama punih mržnje i drugih izraza antisemitizma.

Slučaj Savić, u kome se protiv jednog pisca antisemitske literature vodio postupak zbog širenja rasne i nacionalne mržnje, odlagan je nekoliko puta. Poslednje suđenje, koje je odloženo 2003, navodno zbog slabog zdravlja optuženog, još nije bilo nastavljeno na kraju godine.

U SCG su vera i etnička pripadnost tesno povezane; u nekim slučajevima bilo je veoma teško odrediti da li su akti diskriminacije motivisani religioznim ili etničkim razlozima (vidi Odeljak 5). Manjinske verske zajednice i dalje imaju probleme sa vandalizmom nad crkvenim zdanjima, grobljima i drugim verskim zgradama. Mnogi napadi sastojali su se u pisanju grafita sprejom, kamenovanju ili skrnavljenju grobova; međutim u nekim slučajevima vršena su mnogo veća oštećenja. Često je reakcija policije bila neadekvatna.

Nakon parlamentarnih izbora decembra 2003. godine, na kojim je SRS osvojio većinu poslaničkih mesta, došlo je do naglog porasta dela vandalizma i nasilja protiv manjinskih etničkih i verskih grupa u severnoj srpskoj pokrajini Vojvodini (vidi Odeljak 5). U sledećem tekstu nabrojaćemo incidente koji su bili upereni protiv verskih objekata i vernika: 19. januara dogodilo se skrnavljenje mađarskog Katoličkog groblja u Novom Sadu; istog dana izvršeno je skrnavljenje Reformističke crkve u Somboru; 24. januara skrnavljenje hrvatskog katoličkog groblja u Subotici; zatim u noći između 26. i 27. marta jednog drugog groblja u Subotici, gde se sahranjuju Hrvati i Bunjevci (obe grupe pripadaju katoličkoj veri); u noći između 1. i 2. maja izvršeno je skrnavljenje 21 spomenika na katoličkom i pravoslavnom groblju u Novom Bečeju; kao i napad na sveštenike hrišćanske adventističke crkve u Novom Sadu. U vezi sa ovim poslednjim incidentom, do kraja godine policija još nije uhapsila prestupnike, niti podnela krivičnu prijavu, iako je identitet napadača poznat. Policija se trudila da umanji težinu ovog i drugih takvih slučajeva, pripisujući ih pijancima i mladim ljudima, i ne sprovodeći temeljnu istragu.

Kao reakcija na široko rasprostranjeno nasilje etničkih Albanaca protiv Srba i njihove lične i crkvene imovine 17. marta na Kosovu, u Srbiji je došlo do protesta koji su počeli u noći između 17. i 18. marta. Tada je je izvršeno nasilje nad muslimanskim verskim objektima koji pripadaju uglavnom bošnjačkim i romskim zajednicama.

U noći između 17. i 18 marta, 300 do 400 mladića opljačkalo je i zapalilo beogradsku džamiju. To su većinom bili momci iz beogradskih sportskih klubova, koji su prvo demonstrirali ispred zgrade srpske vlade, a zatim otišli do džamije. Vlada i politički lideri osudili su ovaj napad, a ministar Unutrašnjih poslova otpustio je komandira milicije opštine Stari Grad (iz Beograda), gde se džamija nalazila, zbog manjkave reakcije policije. Policija je zbog napada na džamiju uhapsila 110 osoba. Nakon što je jedna radio stanica navela adresu stana jednog muslimanskog dečaka koji je povređen pošto je pao sa krova džamije, neko je na njegovu kuću bacio eksplozivnu napravu.

Iste noći kada je napadnuta beogradska džamija, u gradu Nišu na jugu Srbije zapaljena je džamija, koja je izgorela u požaru. Na hiljade demonstranata opkolilo je džamiju i sprečilo policiju i vatrogasce da uđu u zgradu. Jedanaest lica, učesnika u napadu, optuženo je za »udruživanje u cilju nasilničke aktivnosti«, a takav prestup donosi kaznu do 5 godina zatvora.

I u severnoj srpskoj pokrajini Vojvodini došlo je do napada na imovinu muslimana posle događaja na Kosovu. HCS je zabeležio da se između 17. i 21. marta u Vojvodini dogodilo 40 napada na imovinu Albanaca i Muslimana Bošnjaka. Takođe, u gradu u zapadnoj Srbiji, Malom Zvorniku, napadači su 20. marta gađali kamenjem i polomili prozore na tamošnjoj džamiji.

Dogodio se i jedan napad na jedan nemuslimanski verski objekat, očigledno kao reakcija na događaje na Kosovu. Uveče18. marta rulja od 30-tak huligana spalila je protestantski Biblijski centar u Nišu, na koji su bacani Molotovljevi kokteli; policija, koja je izgleda pokušala da minimizira taj nemio događaj, do kraja godine nije identifikovala nijednog osumnjičenog, niti je bilo koga uhapsila.

Tokom godine nije se ništa novo dešavalo u vezi sa krivičnom prijavom koju je HLC podneo 2003. godine protiv Momira Vujića, zbog trogodišnjeg uznemiravanja suseda Muslimana iz etničkih razloga.

Više detalja o ovoj temi naći ćete u Međunarodnom izveštaju o slobodi veroispovesti za 2004. godinu

d. Sloboda kretanja unutar zemlje, putovanje u inostranstvo, iseljavanje i repatrijacija.

Ustav propisuje ova prava i vlada ih je uglavnom u praksi poštovala.

Sukobi koji su se dogodili u Bosni, Hrvatskoj i na Kosovu doveli su do velikog raseljavanja ljudi. U Srbiji ima oko 216.000 interno raseljenih lica (IDP-a) sa Kosova, uglavnom Srba, Roma i Bošnjaka.

Za vreme antisrpskih nasilnih demonstracija na Kosovu, preko 350 osoba, pretežno Srba, ali i Aškalija i Roma, napustilo je Kosovo i otišlo u Srbiju. Otprilike polovina ovih raseljenih lica vratila se kasnije u etničke enklave na Kosovu, ali ne uvek u svoje domove. Većina Srba - raseljenih lica sa Kosova, unajmila je neadekvatne stanove, ili je otišla kao gost kod familija koje su htele da ih prime, ili kod rođaka u Srbiji; međutim 9.000 raseljenih lica ostalo je u kolektivnim centrima, koje su strani posmatrači ocenili kao neodgovarajuće za bilo šta osim kao nužno utočište.

U toku godine ICRC je prestao da pomaže raseljena lica jer vlada nije u okviru dogovorenog vremena uradila ispitivanje njihove situacije, niti je preuzela odgovornost da pomogne onima kojima je pomoć bila potrebna. Vlada je nastavila da daje plate raseljenim licima koja su bila u kosovskoj vladi pre 1999. Vlada nije nasilno vraćala raseljena lica niti ih je drugde naseljavala. Bilo je pokušaja od strane vlade da se propagira dobrovljni povratak i naseljavanje rasljenih lica.

Srbija se složila da primi u zemlju na hiljade Roma sa Kosova, koji su bili pobegli u nekoliko zapadnoevropskih zemalja. Po procenama UNHCR-a u Srbiji živi 40-45.000 raseljenih Roma, pošto se smatra da su mnogi kosovski Romi bili kolaboracionisti Srba za vreme sukoba na Kosovu i zbog toga se ne mogu bezbedno vratiti na Kosovo. Životni uslovi Roma u Srbiji krajnje su loši. Često se događa da im lokalne opštine nerado daju smeštaj, nadajući se da Romi neće ostati u njihovoj zajednici ako im ne pruže utočište (vidi Odeljak 5). Ako se Romi negde i nasele, onda je to obično u kolektivnim centrima gde su životni uslovi minimalni, ili još češće u kampovima za nužni smeštaj u velikim gradovima, ili u njihovoj blizini.

HLC iznosi podatke da vlada nije dozvolila nekim raseljenim licima sa Kosova da u dokumentima promene zvanično mesto boravka; i zato oni nemaju zdravstveno osiguranje, socijalnu pomoć, ili normalnu dostupnost školama. Savet za ljudska prava iz Niša izveštava da je nekih 20.000 izbeglica i raseljenih lica na niškom području podvrgnuto »tihoj diskriminaciji« po pitanju stanovanja i zaposlenja.

Ustav zabranjuje nasilno proterivanje i vlada ga nije primenjivala.

Ustavi SCG i Srbije predviđaju davanje azila (na nivou SCG) ili izbegličkog statusa (na republičkom nivou) u saglasnosti sa Konvencijom UN-a od 1951. godine koja se odnosi na status izbeglica, ili njenim Protokolom iz 1967. godine, a vlada je ustanovila sistem za pružanje zaštite izbeglicama. Vlada je u praksi obezbedila zaštitu od ponovnog uznemiravanja, tj. vraćanja osoba u zemlju u kojoj bi bili progonjeni. Vlada je odobrila dobijanje izbegličkog statusa ili azila. Vlada je sarađivala sa Visokim komesarijatom za izbeglice UN-a (UNHCR-om) i drugim humanitarnim organizacijama u pružanju pomoći izbeglicama i azilantima. Vlada je takođe dala privremenu zaštitu pojedincima koji možda ne potpadaju pod status izbeglica po Konvenciji iz 1951. i Protokolu iz 1967.

Bosanske vlasti i vlasti SCG su 2003. godine potpisale su sporazum i protokol o povratku izbeglica; međutim, do kraja godine sporazum nije primenjen u praksi. UNHCR, OEBS i Evropska Unija takođe su tokom godine pomogle da se uvede trilateralni pristup povratku izbeglica, povezavši SCG, BiH i Hrvatsku u tom poslu.

U Srbiji ima oko 282.000 izbeglica iz drugih zemalja naslednica Socijalističke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije. Najviše ih ima iz Hrvatske (188.000) i Bosne (99.000). Tokom godine, UNHCR je na beogradskom aerodromu otvorio kancelariju, koja pomaže azilantima koji stižu iz inostranstva. Iako se priliv u toku godine smanjio, vlada je uz podršku UNHCR-a, radila na zatvaranju preostalih kolektivnih centara u kojima su bile smeštene izbeglice iz BiH i Hrvatske, na taj način što je postavljala uslove za ostanak u kolektivnom smeštaju i što je za neke izbeglice nastojala da nađe alternativni smeštaj.

Odeljak 3

Poštovanje političkih prava: pravo građana da promene vladu

Ustavna povelja SCG obezbeđuje građanima pravo da na miran način menjaju vlast i oni su to pravo spovodili u praksi na povremenim slobodnim i fer izborima, zasnovim na opštem pravu glasa. I SCG i Republika Srbija imaju parlamentarni sistem vlasti. Narodna skupština Srbije je 22. decembra u saglasnosti sa Ustavnom poveljom SCG, izmenila izborni zakon amandmanom kojim se omogućava direktan izbor poslanika za parlament SCG; ranije je srpska vlada imenovala svoje predstavnike. U SCG, parlament SCG bira predsednika SCG; u Srbiji se predsednik bira direktnim glasanjem.

U dva izborna kruga za predsednika Srbije, 13. juna i 27. juna, izabran je Boris Tadić iz Demokratske stranke (DS). Posmatračka misija OEBS-a saopštila je da su međunarodni i domaći vanpartijski posmatrači uglavnom zadovoljni procedurom glasanja, iako su zabeležene neke manje nepravilnosti. Izveštavanje medija o kampanji bilo je opsežno i uravnoteženo. Posmatračka misija OEBS-a na izborima za Narodnu skupštinu (parlament) Republike Srbije decembra 2003. izvestila je da su izbori uglavnom obavljeni u skladu sa zahtevima OEBS-a. Elektronski mediji i štampa izveštavali su o kampanji obimno i uravnoteženo, a državni mediji uglavnom su se držali zakona i pravila. Na listama četiri partije ili koalicije nalazila su se i lica optužena za ratne zločine. SRS, čijem se lideru Vojislavu Šešelju sudi u Hagu u ICTY-u, dobila je većinu poslaničkih mesta (82 od 250); međutim, demokratske partije sve zajedno dobile su kontrolu nad više od polovine poslaničkih mesta. Manjinska koalicja demokratskih partija je 3. marta formirala vladu uz spoljnu podršku Socijalističke partije Srbije (SPS).

U izvršnom delu vlade postojala je znatna korupcija. Ministar Mlađan Dinkić objavio je da će nekoliko funkcionera MUP-a biti optuženo zbog protivpravnog prisvajanja novca pri ugovaranju kupovine opreme; mećutim do kraja godine nije podneta nijedna krivična prijava. Takođe je široka javnost uočila korupciju među lokalnim vlastima. Antikorupcijski savet vlade, koji je bio savetodavno telo, prevashodno se usredsredio na korupciju u vezi sa privatizacijom.

Narodna skupština je 2. novembra donela Zakon o slobodnom pristupu informacijama od javnog značaja. Zakon predviđa dostupnost informacija od »legitimnog javnog značaja« (sa mnogo izuzetaka) i ustanovljuje mesto nezavisnog Komesara za informacije od javnog značaja, koga bira Narodna skupština, sa ciljem da se on bavi žalbama građana ako neka od agencija vlade odbije zahtev za davanje informacije. Na kraju godine zakon je bio tek u prvoj fazi primene. Pokušaji "Transparensi internešnala" da dobije neke informacije pomoću novog zakona, nisu imali velikog uspeha.

U parlamentu SCG, koji ima 126 poslaničkih mesta, ima 13 žena poslanika, a u srpskoj Narodnoj Skupštini od 250 poslanika, njih 23 su žene. U srpskoj vladi od 16 ministara samo je jedna žena ministar. U političkim organizacijama žene su bile vrlo aktivne; međutim u srpskoj vladi i vladi SCG, samo 10 posto pozicija na parlamentarnom i ministrskom nivou pripada ženama.

U parlamentu SCG-a koji ima 126 poslaničkih mesta, 7 poslanika je iz redova manjina, dok ih u srpskoj Narodnoj skupštini sa 250 poslanilkih mesta, ima 11. U srpskoj vladi među 16 ministara nema nijednog predstavnika manjina, a u vladi SCG od 5 ministara, jedan je pripadnik manjina. Dve najbrojnije etničke grupe, Srbi i Crnogorci, dominiraju u političkom rukovodstvu zemlje. U martu mesecu, usvojen je amandman zakona, kojim se partije na etnilkoj osnovi izuzimaju od propisane granice od 5 posto osvojenih glasova za ulazak u Narodnu skupštinu. Romi su i dalje nastavili svoju istorijsku naviku da slabo izlaze na izbore; veoma mali broj etničkih Albanaca učestvovalo je na republičkim parlamentarnim izborima, ali su zato glasali na lokalnim izborima u Preševu.

U Vojvodini mađarska manjina sačinjava oko 15 % stanovništva i mnoge regionalne političke položaje drže etnički Mađari. U Sandžaku Bošnjaci su na vlasti u opštinama Novi Pazar, Tutin, Sjenica i Prijepolje.

Etničke grupe osnovale su 11 manjinskih saveta.

Odeljak 4

Stav vlade po pitanju istraživanja međunarodnih i nevladijnih organizacija o navodnim kršenjima ljudskih prava

Veliki broj nezavisnih domaćih i međunarodnih grupa za ljudska prava uglavnom su radili svoj posao bez ikakvih ograničenja od strane vlade i vršili istrage i objavljivali svoje nalaze o pojedinim slučajevima u vezi sa ljudskim pravima. Predstavnici vlade obično su bili kooperativni i spremni da reaguju na njihove primedbe.

Vlada je bila uglavnom neprijateljski raspoložena prema nekoliko nevladinih organizacija za ljudska prava, mada im nije pravila nikakve smetnje u radu. Na primer, policija nije adekvatno reagovala kada je u martu mesecu ljutita grupa ljudi pretila direktorki Fonda za humanitarno pravo Nataši Kandić; Fond za humanitarno pravo je u nemilosti vlade zbog svojih izveštaja o ratnim zločinima i drugim pitanjima.

Što se tiče saradnje sa ICTY, srpska vlada i vlada SCG načinile su veoma mali napredak. ICTY je i dalje nezadovoljan sveukupnom saradnjom sa SCG, naročito zbog toga što veruje da je glavni optuženi, general Ratko Mladić, na slobodi u Srbiji. Srpske vlasti su tvrdile da su tragale za Mladićem u toku godine, ali da ga nisu mogle naći, i da ne veruju da je on u Srbiji.

Dva optuženika ICTY-a iz Srbije predala su se Tribunalu; međutim, ima oko 16 optuženika ICTY-a povezanih sa ovom zemljom, uključujući i glavnog optuženog Ratka Madića, koji su i dalje na slobodi. ICTY tvrdi da su srpske vlasti upozorile Gorana Hadžića, jedinog državljanina Srbije optuženog u toku godine, da postoji tajna optužnica protiv njega, što mu je omogućilo da pobegne i izbegne hapšenje. Do kraja godine nije se saznalo gde se Hadžić nalazi.

Vlade SCG i Srbije načinile su napredak u pogledu udovoljavanja zahtevima ICTY-a za dobijanje izvesnih dokumenta, kao i u omogućavanju svedočenja svedoka. Tokom godine, nacionalni savet SCG za saradnju (NCC) prebacio je kancelariji tužilaštva ICTY-a dokumenta na više stotina stranica; međutim, izvestan broj zahteva ICTY-a ostao je bez odgovora do kraja godine. Na kraju godine, NCC je omogućio svedočenje 62 svedoka, na taj način što je potencijalne svedoke oslobodio odgovornosti pred domaćim sudovima za izdavanje državne tajne.

U toku godine i dalje su podizane domaće optužnice za ratne zločine i nastavljena su suđenja za ratne zločine u domaćim sudovima.

Ni u SCG, ni na nivou republike ne postoji nezavisni ombudsman za ljudska prava; međutim, Pokrajina Vojvodina ima ombudsmana, koji je tokom godine nezavisno obavljao svoju dužnost. Kancelarija vojvođanskog ombudsmana davala je u toku godine svoje ocene i preporuke o ljudskim pravima manjina, dečjim pravima, jednakosti polova i zatvorima. U toku 12 meseci rada, koji je započeo u novembru 2003. godine, kancelarija ombudsmana primila je od građana 265 pismenih žalbi, od kojih je, kako piše u godišnjem izveštaju ombudsmana, rešila 188.

Postoji jedna vladina ustanova za ljudska prava - Kancelarija za pravnu pomoć Ministarstva SCG za ljudska i manjinska prava, koja se bavi žalbama građana u vezi sa problemom ljudskih prava.

Odeljak 5

Diskriminacija, društvene zloupotrebe, trgovina ljudima

Zakoni SCG i Srbije predviđaju jednaka prava za sve građane, bez obzira na etničku pripadnost, jezik i društveni status, i zabranjuju diskriminaciju žena. Međutim, diskriminacija žena i etničkih manjina predstavljali su problem.

Žene

Nasilje nad ženama bilo je veliki problem, a visok stepen nasilja u porodici i dalje postoji. Nasilje u porodici je prestup za koji je predviđena kazna zatvora od 6 meseci do 10 godina, u zavisnosti od težine dela, a ako je pritom učinjeno ubistvo, minimalna kazna je 10 godina. Po jednoj proceni, polovina svih žena bila je fizički i emocionalno zlostavljana. Ono malo zvaničnih ureda koji se bave borbom protiv nasilja u porodici ima nedovoljno sredstava za rad, ali je javnost sada bolje obaveštena o ovom problemu. Silovanje od strane supruga smatra se krivičnim delom, međutim, mali broj žrtava podnosi tužbu vlastima. Za slučajeve nasilja u porodici nisu potrebne tužbe žrtava da bi se sprovelo krivično gonjenje i tokom godine je bilo krivičnih gonjenja za ovakva dela. Prema podacima zastupnika prava žrtava, reakcija policije na nasilje u porodici značajno se popravila; izvestan broj policajaca pružio je pomoć ženama koje su bile žrtve nasilja, pritvorivši počinioce dela da bi zaštitili žrtve.

Silovanje je predstavljalo problem. Silovanje, uključujući i ono u porodici, podleže kazni od 1 godine do zakonski maksimalne kazne (koja sada iznosi 40 godina zatvora) za lakše delo, dok je kazna za teško delo minimalno 3 godine, a za slučaj smrti ili silovanje maloletnika, minimalno 5 godina. Prijavljuje se samo mali broj silovanja, zbog toga što se žrtve plaše da neće dobiti zaštitu, da će im se počinitelji nedela osvetiti, ili da će biti osramoćene na sudu.

Centar za autonomna ženska prava u Beogradu otvorio je telefonsku liniju za prijavljivanje silovanja i zlostavljanja u porodici i bio pokrovitelj nekoliko samoorganizovanih grupa za pomoć. Centar je takođe ponudio pomoć ženama izbeglicama (većinom srpske nacionalnosti), od kojih su mnoge pretrpele najteža zlostavljanja ili silovanja za vreme sukoba u bivšoj Jugoslaviji. Savetodavni centar protiv nasilja u porodici drži prihvatilište za žrtve nasilja u porodici, koje vlada delimično finansira.

Prostitucija je nezakonita.

Trgovina ženama u svrhu seksualne zloupotrebe i dalje je problem (vidi Odeljak 5, Trgovina ljudima)

Seksualno uznemiravanje predstavljalo je problem, ali se malo zna o tom problemu. To je prestup za koji je najniža kazna novčana globa, a najviša 6 meseci zatvora za lakša dela, dok je za zlostavljanje potčinjanog lica ili štićenika kazna do 1 godine zatvora. Premda žene nemaju jednak društevni status kao muškarci, one ipak zauzimaju visoke položaje u vladi, politici i profesionalnim zanimanjima, mada ih nije bilo mnogo u privredi. U gradskim sredinama, kao na primer u Beogradu, Nišu i Novom Sadu, veliki broj žena radi u mnogim profesijama, na primer, u pravnom, akademskom i medicinskom sektoru. Žene su takođe aktivne u novinarstvu, politici i organizacijama koje se bave ljudskim pravima. Pošto sada pravila dozvoljavaju ženama da rade u policiji, policija je zaposlila veći broj žena. Po zakonu žene imaju pravo na istu platu za isti rad kao i muškarci, međutim, prema podacima Međunarodne helsinške federacije za ljudska prava, prosečna plata žena za 11 % je niža od prosečne plate muškaraca.

Zbog tradicionalno patrijarhalnih shvatanja uloge polova, naročito u seoskim sredinama, žene su žrtve diskriminacije u mnogim porodicama. U zabačenim seoskim krajevima, naročito u nekim manjinskim zajednicama, ženi se silom uskraćuje mogućnost da ostvaruju pravo na upravljanje imovinom. U seoskim sredinama i u nekim manjinskim zajednicama uobičajeno je da muž određuje ženi kako da glasa.

U toku godine vlada je osnovala Savet za jednakost polova, ali je do kraja godine ovo telo još bilo u procesu konsitutisanja. Postoji i parlamentarni odbor za jednakost polova. Vojvođanska vlada ima Sekretarijat za rad, zapošljavanje i jednakost polova.

Deca

Vlada je veoma predano radila na problemu prava i dobrobiti dece. Obrazovni sistem propisuje devetogodišnje slobodno i obavezno školovanje. Međutim, ekonomska oskudica delovala je nepovoljno na decu u obrazovnom sistemu, i to naročito na romsku decu, koja retko idu u obdanište. Prema jednom ispitivanju vlade, školu pohađa oko 99,8 % dece; međutim, vlada je potvrdila da mnogi Romi čergari nisu obuhvaćeni ovim izveštajem. U toku godine, u 48 osnovnih i srednjih škola, jednom nedeljno je držana nastava na romskom jeziku i o romskoj kulturi, koju je pohađalo 1.336 učenika.

U državnim klinikama zdravstvene usluge su besplatne, a postoji i ograničena lista lekova koji se mogu dobiti besplatno. Dečaci i devojčice imaju podjednako pravo na zdravstvenu zaštitu.

Ocenjeno je da otprilike 30 % dece biva zlostavljano. Iako je nastavnicima naloženo da prijavljuju slučajeve mogućeg zlostavljanja dece, oni to često nisu činili. Policija je uglavnom reagovala na pritužbe, i u toku godine je bilo sudskih gonjenja u vezi sa zlostavljanjem dece. Žrtvama je bila omogućena pomoć psihologa i pravnika, a postoji i centar za traume od incesta. Osim toga, žrtve zlostavljanja koje su bile u pratnji majke, mogle su da borave u prihvatilištima za nasilje u porodici.
Trgovina decom u svrhu seksualne zloupotebe ostaje i dalje problem (vidi Odeljak 5, Trgovina ljudima). Neka romska deca razmenjivana su za pare unutar romske zajednice u Srbiji, ili su prodavana drugim Romima u svetu da bi se koristila za prosjačenje i učešće u lopovskim bandama.

UNICEF je sarađivao sa osam lokalnih NGO-a na unapređenju dečjih prava. Deveti NGO, Beosupport, vodio je radnu grupu za borbu protiv trgovine decom, koja je podgrupa srpskog tima za borbu protiv trgovine ljudima. Projekt »Živeti zajedno« predstavlja zajedničku inicijativu sedam lokalnih NGO-a, koju koordiniše Centar za dečja prava iz Beograda, a koja se bavi podsticanjem mladih iz različitih sredina da prevaziđu barijere i žive zajedno u miru.

Trgovina ljudima

Zakon zabranjuje trgovinu ljudima, međutim, trgovina ljudima ostaje i dalje problem. Kazna za trgovinu ljudima je zatvor od 1 do 10 godine za jedan prestup, 3 do 40 goodina za više prestupa, a 5 do 40 godina ako se radi o maloletniku ili ubistvu.

U toku godine vlast je sudski gonila slučajeve trgovine ljudima, ali su izrečene kazne bile dosta blage. Bilo je barem šest sudskih procesa protiv trgovaca ljudima - većinom se radilo o grupi optuženika - koji još uvek traju ili su okončani 15. oktobra; međutim, zbog lošeg vođenja dokumentacije o postupcima započetim ranijih godina, bilo je teško tačno odrediti ukupan broj slučajeva. U Specijalnom sudu za borbu protiv organizovanog krimnala u Beogradu je 30. avgusta počelo suđenje desetorici ljudi. Ti ljudi su bili optuženi za zločinačku zaveru i prebacivanje žena iz Srbije u Italiju radi trgovine, gde su one bile naterane na prostituciju. Suđenje je na kraju godine još trajalo. Jedan sudski proces iz 2003. godine, koji se vodio protiv vođe organizacije za trgovinu ljudima i njegovih 12 saučesnika, završio se tako što je svih 13 optuženika osuđeno, a maksimalna kazna za glavnog organizatora bila je 3 i po godine zatvora. Na kraju godine podnete su žalbe na presude.

U toku godine policija je podnela 24 krivične tužbe za trgovinu ljudima protiv 51 osobe. Do kraja godine u dva procesa, 6 lica je osuđeno na kazne između dve i po i tri i po godine zatvora. Ostala 4 slučaja završila su se optužbama, 15 su pod sudskom istragom, a 3 slučaja je sud odbacio.

Tim Srbije za borbu protiv trgovine ljudima, koji vodi koordinator Zoran Zlokas (šef pogranične policije), sastoji se od agencija vlade, nevladinih organizacija i međunarodnih organizacija. Od strane vlade učestvuju: Vrhovni sud, Kancelarija javnog tužioca, Beogradski Interpol, MUP, Ministarstvo za rad, zapošljavanje i socijalna putanja, Ministarstvo obrazovanja, Ministarstvo pravde, Ministarstvo finansija i privrede, Ministarstvo zdravlja, Ministarstvo spoljnih poslova (na nivou SCG) i Ministarstvo za ljudska i manjinska prava (na nivou SCG). U toku godine tim za borbu protiv trgovine ljudima pridodao je svome resoru i trgovinu decom. Vlada je pomagala međunarodnim istragama u vezi sa trgovinom ljudima i učestvovala u regionalnim operacijama protiv trgovine ljudima.

Srbija je bila tranzitna zemlja, a u manjoj meri zemlja porekla i konačno odredište trgovine ženama i devojkama u svrhu seksualne zloupotrebe. Srbija je bila prevashodno tranzitna zemlja za međunarodnu trgovinu ženama, koje su bile prebacivane na Kosovo, u Hrvatsku, BiH, Albaniju i zapadnu Evropu. Glavne izvorne zemlje za trgovinu ljudima bile su Moldavija, Ukrajina, Rumunija, Rusija i Bugraska. Prema podacima iznetim u studiji jedne nevladine organizacije objavljenoj u toku godine, u Srbiji je bilo je ili je kroz nju prošlo najmanje 2.000 žrtava trgovine ljudima. Između ostalih, bile su to žene prodate za seksualnu zloupotrebu, deca koja su ubacivana u prosjačke bande i ljudi eksploatisani kao sezonski poljoprivredni radnici.

Prema preliminarnim rezultatime jedne studije koju je radila Međunarodna organizacija za migraciju (IOM), vlada, nevladine organizacije i međunarodne organizacije pomogle su u Srbiji 39 stranih žrtava trgovine ljudima (među njima je bilo 8 maloletnika) u toku godine, dok je srpskih žrtava te vrste bilo 15 (od njih 7 maloletnika) i oni su dobili pomoć u SCG ili negde drugde u regionu. U studiji je otkriveno da je među stranim žrtvama bilo više žrtava eksploatacije radne snage nego seksualne eksploatacije. Što se tiče srpskih žrtava, taj odnos nije jasan. U 24 krivične prijave koje je policija tokom godine podnela zbog trgovine ljudima bilo je 35 žrtava, od kojih 22 maloletnika. Od tih maloletnika, 13 (12 devojčica i 1 dečak) bili su seksualno eksploatisani, 8 (4 dečaka i 4 devočice) korišćeni su za prosjačenje, a jedna žrtva je prisiljena na brak. Od 22 maloletnika osam su bili Romi (6 je korišćeno za prosjačenje, 2 za seksualno iskorišćavanja). Samo jedna maloletna žrtva bila je strani državljanin (Bugarin). Sve punoletne žrtve bile su žene: 10 iz SCG, 2 iz Ukrajine i 1 iz Rumunije.

Srbija nema tradiciju jedne od glavnih izvornih zemalja za trgovinu ljudima, ali su zbog slabih ekonomskih uslova, srpske žene, a naročito romske, postale podložnije uticaju trgovaca ljudima. Veliki problem je bila trgovina decom koju su sprovodili Romi, koristeći ih za prosjačenje i krađu.

Žrtve su namamljivane preko oglasa, u kojima su nuđeni poslovi pratilja, davane bračne ponude i ponude za zapošljavanje. Često se dešavalo da su žene svesno išle da rade kao prostitutke, a kasnije postajale žrtve trgovaca ljudima. Žene su regrutovane, transportovane, prodavane i kontorlisane od strane međunarodne mreže organizovanog kriminala. Glavne tačke za držanje i prebacivanje žena u Srbiji su predgrađa Beograda i Pančevo.

Nema podataka da su funkcioneri vlade učestvovali ili prećutno dozvoljavali trgovinu ljudima u Srbiji. U toku godine, jedan funkcioner policije optužen je za potpomaganje prostitucije; on je suspendovan i na kraju godine još je čekao na suđenje.

U toku godine osnovana je Agencija vlade za koordinaciju zaštite žrtava da bi se obezbedila tačna identifikacija žrtava i njihovo kasnije prebacivanje organizacijama koje im pružaju pomoć. Ove godine otvoreno je drugo prihvatilište isključivo za domaće žrtve, dok prvo prihvatilište, koje vodi Savetodavni centar protiv nasilja u porodici, sada služi za pomoć stranim žrtvama. Nevladina organizacija Astra koji se bavi antitrafikingom, ima dežurnu telefonsku liniju na za pomoć žrtvama. Nevladine organizacije i doborovoljci pružaju pravnu, medicinsku, psihološku i drugu pomoć žrtvama. IOM je organizovao repatrijaciju žrtava i pomagao domaćim žrtvama da se reintegrišu u društvo. Isto tako, IOM je vodio regionalni klirinški centar za informisanje o žrtvama trgovine ljudima, koji je delovao u Beogradu u kancelarijama dobijenim od vlade. U toku godine MUP je ozvaničio privemeni boravak žrtava. U prošlosti je to bilo rađeno nezvanično. Vlasti su podsticale žrtve da uzmu učešće u suđenjima trgovcima ljudima i nisu ih sudski gonili.

Bilo je i mnogo inicijativa da se javnost obavesti o ovom problemu. Tako je emitovan jedan domaći dokumentarni film o tome, organizovana je edukacija tinejdžera i dece bez roditelja u 150 vladinih centara za socijalni rad, emitovan je oglas javne službe UN-a za borbu protiv trafikinga, a u nastavni plan srednjih škola uvedeno je obrazovanje o trgovini ljudima. Emitovano je i mnogo TV i radio spotova.

Osobe sa umanjenim sposobnostima

Nije bilo diskriminacije osoba sa umanjenim sposobnostima ni prilikom zapošljavanja, ni u obrazovanju, ni u zdravstvenoj zaštiti, niti u obezbeđivanju drugih usluga koje pruža država. Međutim, u praksi pogodnosti za osobe sa umanjenim mentalnim i fizičkim sposobnostima nisu bile adekvatne, a rešavanje ovog problema nije bilo prioritetno za vladu. Postoje specijalizovane škola za osobe sa umanjenim sposobnostima, ali kada je u pitanju visoko obrazovanje, nema nikakvih posebnih pogodnosti niti pomoći. Zapošljavanje su otežavali visoka stopa nezaposlenosti i nedostatak odgovarajućih uslova za osobe sa umanjenim sposobnostima. Zakon propisuje omogućavnje pristupa osobama sa umanjenim sposobnostima novim javnim zgradama i vlada je uglavnom u praksi sprovodila ove odredbe zakona. Prilikom zamene trotoara, vlasti su spustile ivičnjake na raskrsnicama. Vlada je obezbedila glasanje van glasačkih mesta za osobe koje zbog invaliditeta ili bolesti nisu mogle da dođu na birališta.

Postoji služba vlade koja pruža pomoć ratnim veteranima sa invaliditetom; međutim, ne postoji kancelarija opšteg tipa za pomoć invalidima.

Nacionalne/rasne/etničke manjine

Manjine čine 25 do 30% stanovništva u Srbiji, a uključuju Mađare, Bošnjake, Rome, Slovake, Rumune, Vlahe, Bugare, Hrvate, Albance i ostale.

U severnoj srpskoj pokrajini Vojvodini broj incidenata uperenih protiv manjina znatno se povećao nakon što je SRS većinom glasova pobedila na parlamentarnim izborima u Srbiji decembra 2003. Mada su se incidenti većinom svodili na vandalske napade na groblja, domove, crkve i kulturne objekte, bilo je i pretnji smrću i napastvovanja (vidi Odeljak 2.c.). Na primer, 2. aprila potpredsednik Mađarske demokratske stranke Vojvodine Bela Čorba pronašao je kuhinjski nož dužine 30 cm. koji je zavijen u papir i gurnut ispod njegovih vrata. Za nož je bila prikačena poruka na srpskom jeziku koja je glasila «zaklaćemo te«. Jednog đaka srednje škole, Mađdara, prebio je 28. septembra jedan srpski dečak kome se ovaj osmehnuo iz autobusa. Prema rečima prisutnih svedoka i same žtrtve, srpski dečak je rekao: »Nijedan Mađar nije mi se nikad osmehnuo, i nijedan mi se nikad neće ni osmehnuti«! Drugi dečaci pridružili su mu se i počeli da tuku mladog Mađara, a kad su prijatelji žrtve pokušali da mu pomognu, i njih su prebili. Policija je pronašla napadače i podnela krivičnu prijavu protiv njih.

Broj i ozbiljnost incidenata došli su do vrhunca pred lokalne izbore u celoj republici i pokrajinske izbore u Vojvodini septembra meseca, a onda su se smanjili na relativno nizak nivo. Meta su obično bile dve najbrojnije manjine u Vojvodini, etnički Mađari i etnički Hrvati, ali i druge grupacije, Slovaci, Rusini, Rumuni, Romi, Aškali, Jevreji i Kinezi, imale su neprilike. Uznemiravane manjine žalile su se da policija nije dovoljno aktivno gonila prekršioce i da je ponekad umesto njih, okrivljavala žrtvu. Zbog ovih problema, saznaje se da je Sekretar za manjine Pokrajine Vojvodine počeo da se sastaje sa policijom u vezi sa tim napadima i da zahteva preduzimanje preventivnih mera. Kao rezultat tih sastanaka, na ugroženim mestima brojno su povećane policijske patrole, ali je reakcija policije i dalje ostala nedosledna.

U septembru mesecu premijer Koštunica osnovao je Savet za nacionalne manjine, čiji je zadatak da nadgleda manjinska prava i da uzme u razmatranje pripremanje nacrta zakona i propisa, koji bi u praksi ispunjavali ta prava. U ovaj Savet, na čijem je čelu premijer, uključeni su predsednici pojedinačnih saveta svih nacionalnih manjina, kao i ministri kulture, prosvete, administracije i lokalne vlade, vera, pravde i unutrašnjih poslova. U oktobru su se vlade SCG i Mađarske sporazumele da osnuju stalnu bilateralnu komisiju koja će se baviti problemima mađarske manjine u Srbiji (pretežno u Vojvodini) i srpske manjine u Mađarskoj. Komisija je održala svoj prvi sastanak 8. decembra 2004.

Bilo je nekoliko izveštaja o nebrizi policije za bezbednost etničkih Albanaca na jugu Srbije, naročito zbog neadekvatne reakcije na nekoliko oružanih pljački na drumovima u maju i junu mesecu, koje su izvršili maskirani napadači, koji su tvrdili da su članovi ekstremističke Albanske nacionalne armije (AKSh). Prestupnici su napadali kola sa stranim registracijama (čiji su vlasnici verovatno bili albanski gastarbajteri koji su išli na Kosovo da provedu letnji odmor) i zahtevali da im se da novac. Prilikom jednog incidenta, pljačkaši su pucali na jedna kola koja nisu htela da se zaustave, i ubili jednog i ranili troje putnika iz kola. Posle ovog incidenta, policija je, prema izveštajima, uhapsila neke od prestupnika, ali se albanska etnička zajednica žalila da je policija ignorisala njihove ranije pritužbe o pljačkama, pre nego što je ovaj fatalni događaj skrenuo pažnju javnosti na taj problem. I dalje su stizali izveštaji o fizičkom zlostavljanju i brutalnosti policije, ali se ne primećuje značajno povećanje istih u odnosu na prošle godine.

Vođe etničkih Albanaca u južnim srpskim oštinama Preševo, Bujanovac i Medveđa, i dalje se žale da Albanci nemaju dovoljan broj predstavnika u državnim strukturama. Etnički Albanci iz južne Srbije proporcionalno su zastupljeni u multietničkoj policiji u južnoj Srbiji i drže vlast u lokalnim opštinskim vladama gde imaju većinu.

U decembru mesecu agencija za privatizaciju odobrila je prodaju jednog javnog preduzeća na jugu Srbije etničkom Albancu koji je amnestirani član Oslobodilačke vojske za Preševo, Medveđu i Bujanovac (UCPMB), što je prema izveštajima, bila prva prodaja javnog preduzeća etničkim Albancima. Sledećeg dana, članovi lokalne opštinske skupštine pozvali su premijera Koštunicu, zamolivši ga da blokira ove prodaju da bi »zaštitio nacionalne interese«. Agencija za privatizaciju brzo je povukla svoje odobrenje pod izgovorom da je postojao samo jedan kvalifikovani ponuđivač, iako je izvestan broj takvih prodaja sa jednim ponuđivačem već prošao kao validan. Ponuđivač se žalio da je prodaja odbijena iz etnički motivisanih razloga.

Udruživši se sa OEBS-om, Koordinacionim telom za južnu Srbiju i opštinskim liderima, MUP je formirao radnu grupu, koja će se baviti problemima između zajednice etničkih Albanaca i policije.

Zakon o manjinama SCG priznaje Rome kao nacionalnu manjinu i izričito zabranjuje njihovu diskriminaciju. Ipak, Romi su i dalje meta mnogobrojnih slučajeva policijskog nasilja, verbalnog i fizičkog maltretiranja od strane običnih građana i socijalne diskriminacije. Često se dešavalo da policija ne vrši istragu slučajeva u kojima je izvršeno socijalno nasilje nad Romima. Na kraju godine suđeno je dvema osobama zbog slučaja iz 2003. godine kada su Romi pretučeni, a poseban proces pred sudom za maloletnike vođen je protiv jednog maloletnika, koji je takođe bio umešan u tu tuču.

Mnogi Romi žive ilegalno u divljim naseljima u kojima ne postoje osnovne službe, kao što su škole, zdravstvena zaštita, vodovod i kanalizacija. Neka od ovih naselja nalazila su se na vrednim industrijskim i komercijalnim lokacijama nad kojima su privatni vlasnici želeli da povrate vlasnička prava; a neka su se nalazila na zemljištu koje pripada državnim preduzećima predviđenim za privatizaciju. Nije bilo prijava da su romska naselja zatvarana tokom godine: jedno naselje na privatizovanom zemljištu u Beogradu predviđeno je za rušenje, ali se odustalo od toga dok se ne obezbedi lokacija za alternativni smeštaj za IDP i Rome koji tu žive. Evropski romski centar (ERRC), HLC i Centar za manjinska prava iz Beograda su 6. avgusta podneli krivičnu prijavu u vezi sa napadom koji su 2003. godine izvršila šestorica seljaka na proširenu romsku porodicu muslimanske vere u Lužanima. Napad je usledio posle pretnji i uvreda koje su neromski susedi više godina izgovarali protiv etničke pripadnosti i vere ove porodice. Izveštaj policije o ovom napadu bio je nepotpun i netačan, i nije postojala nikakva indikacija da će policija ubuduće obezbediti zaštitu ovoj porodici, pa se 36 članova te porodice iselilo.

Beogradska Gradska skupština usvojila je plan za izgradnju 58 malih naselja za društveno nezaštićena lica, sa ciljem da preseli neke od Roma iz nelegalnih naselja. Međutim, naselja još nisu sagrađena zbog protivljenja suseda oko predviđenih lokacija.

Romi koji su IDP sa Kosova bili su posebno diskriminisani i uznemiravani (vidi Odeljak 2.d.).

Obrazovanje Roma i dalje predstavlja problem. Mnoga romska deca ne pohađaju osnovnu školu, ili iz porodičnih razloga, jer se smatra da nisu dorasla za to, ili zbog duštvenih predrasuda. Zbog nepohađanja osnovne škole mnoga romska deca nisu naučila da govore srpski. Zbog nepoznavanja srpskog jezika neka romska deca pogrešno su upisana i pohađaju škole za decu sa emocionalnim oštećenjima, a kulturne norme otežavaju njihov uspeh na standardizovanim testovima na srpskom jeziku. UNHCR je uz pomoć srpske vlade počeo sa programima za zdravstveno obrazovanje Roma i programe za romsku decu, koji će im omogućiti da po znanju stignu ostalu decu. Vlada SCG iznela je podatak da je upis romske dece u škole porastao. U toku godine bilo je 70-toro romske dece u srednjim školama i 69-toro Roma u višim stručnim školama i na univerzitetima.

Kao reakcija na široko rasprostranjeno nasilje etničkih Albanaca (koji su većinom Muslimani) protiv Srba sredinom marta na Kosovu, spaljene su dve džamije u Srbiji (u koje su išli Bošnjaci, Romi i drugi Muslimani) (vidi Odeljak 2.c.).

Ministarstvo SCG za ljudska i manjinska prava otvorilo je specijalnu telefonsku liniju “SOS” za manjine i ostale čija su ljudska prava ugrožena. U julu mesecu je to Ministarstvo, u zajednici sa OEBS-om i jednom lokalnom nevladinom organizacijom, organizovalo u Beogradu regionalnu konferenciju pod nazivom “Tolerancija iznad svega”.

Druge društvene zloupotrebe i diskriminacija

Srpska zajednica homoseksualaca i dalje se drži povučeno u strahu od nasilja i diskriminacije. Jednom prilikom ova zajednica je izašla u javnost, kada je održana parada gej ponosa 2002. godine, međutim događaj je nasilno prekinut, a policija je pomagala napadačima. U medijima su izašli uvredljivi napisi o homoseksualcima.

Podstrekivanje na diskriminaciju

Zakon zabranjuje širenje informacija koje podstiču nasilje, mržnju i diskriminaciju; međutim, u štampi je nastavljena propaganda protiv “sekti”, vođe verskih zajednica su primetili da su se dela vandalizma obično dešavala posle takvih napisa i štampi. Neki nastavni tekstovi koji se koriste u vojnoj i policijskoj akademiji, sadrže propagandu protiv verskih sekti.

Odeljak 6

Prava radnika

a. Pravo na udruživanje

Zakon propisuje da svi radnici, osim vojnog i policijskog personala, imaju pravo da se učlanjuju u sindikate ili da ih osnivaju po svojoj sopstenoj volji. To pravo je uslovljeno restrikcijama u koje spada odobrenje Ministarstva za rad i izjava poslodavca da je vođa sindikata u stalnom radnom odnosu, što se u stvari svodi na to da je potrebna i dozvola poslodavca. Državni savez sindikata i dalje je dominantan u organizovanom radu, zbog toga što ovaj sindikat više odgovara rukovodstvu industrije, koja je još uvek pretežno u vlasništvu države. Manji savezi nezavisnih sindikata konkurišu savezu državnih sindikata, ali su imali uspeha samo u relativno malom delu zvanične privrede van poljoprivrede, koja nije u državnom sektoru. U državnom sektoru 60 do 70% radnika učlanjeno je u sindikate. U privatnom sektoru samo 4 do 6 % radnika je učlanjeno u sindikate a u poljoprivredi samo oko 3 %.

Krivični zakon ne zabranjuje diskriminaciju sindikata i to nije bilo veliki problem u toku godine. Iako nije precizno ukazao ni na jedan problem te vrste, nacionalni sindikalni centar “Nezavisnost” uopšteno je izvestio Međunarodnu konfederaciju slobodnih sindikata da su njegovi članovi u Srbiji bili izloženi “maltretiranju i progonima” od strane direktora kompanija i vlade, i da su vlasti otezale sa prijemom dve trećine prijava za registraciju lokalnih ispostava “Nezavisnosti” preko zakonom dozvoljenog vremenskog roka. “Nezavisnost” tvrdi da su direktori kompanija zabranjivali rad sindikata i da im nisu dozvoljavali ulaz u prostorije kompanije, pod izgovorom da nisu registrovani. “Nezavisnost” takođe tvrdi da su izvešteni da su radnicima smanjivane plate, da su prebacivani na radna mesta sa nižom platom, da im se pretilo i da su čak bivali napadani po učlanjenju u “Nezavisnost”. Domaći nezavisni stručnjaci za rad nisu mogli da potvrde ove tvrdnje. Prema izjavi jednog nezavisnog stručnjaka za rad, u jednoj fabrici traktora oko 20 članova sindikata “Nezavisnost” sprečeno je da radi, što je izazvalo žestok sukob. Taj isti stručnjak tvrdi da tokom godine nije bilo slučajeva u kojima su direktori kompanija maltretirali članove sindikata. Odobravanje prijava za registraciju bilo je ponekad zadržavano po mesec dana do dva meseca, ali je razlog za to često bila nepotpuna prijava.

b. Pravo na organizovanje i kolektivno pregovaranje

Zakon dozvoljava da sindikati neometano sprovode svoje aktivnosti, a vlada je ovo pravo štitila u praksi. Pravo na organizovanje i kolektivno pregovaranje bilo je priznato i slobodno se sprovodilo u praksi. U sindikat mora da bude učlanjeno 15% zaposlenih da bi sindikat mogao da pregovara sa poslodavcem, ili 10% svih zaposlenih da bi mogao da pregovara sa vladom.

Zakon predviđa pravo na štrajk, a sindikati su u toku godine organizovali nekoliko štrajkova; međutim, zakon ograničava štrajkove zaposlenih u organizacijama koje pružaju “usluge od bitnog značaja”, kao što su prosveta, električna energija i poštanske službe, u kojima radi oko 50% svih zaposlenih. Zaposleni moraju da najave štrajk najmanje 15 dana unapred i da obezbede “minimalni proces rada”.

Ne postoje slobodne izvozne zone.

c. Zabrana prinudnog, obaveznog rada

Zakon zabranjuje prinudni i obavezni rad, uključujući i rad dece. Međutim, bilo je izveštaja da je takvih slučajeva bilo u praksi (vidi Odeljak 5, Trafiking i 6.d.)

d. Zabrana rada dece i donja starosna granica za zapošljavanje

Donja starosna granica za zapošljavanje je 16 godina, mada je u selima i poljoprivrednim zajednicama uobičajeno da i mlađa deca rade kao pomoć u porodici. Osim toga, deca, naročito romska, mogu se naći kako rade razne neprijavljene sitne poslove, obično peru prozore na kolima ili prodaju sitnije stvari, na primer novine; međutim, poslednjih godina ova vrsta rada manje se primenjuje, jer odrasli, u nedostatku drugih zaposlenja, preuzimaju većinu takvih poslova. Romsku decu često njihove porodice primoravaju na fizički rad, teraju ih na prosjačenje, ili ih prodaju u inostranstvo da bi se organizovano bavili prošnjom ili krađom. Inspekcija Ministrastva za rad, zapošljavanje i socijalna pitanja proveravala je da li ima zaposlene dece; međutim, Ministarstvo je izvestilo da nije naišlo na prekršaje tokom godine. Ministarstvo je u svoje redovne programe zaštite dece i porodice uključilo i prevenciju zapošljavanja dece.

e. Prihvatljivi uslovi rada

Minimalna plata od otprilike 95 dolara (5.600 dinara) mesečno nije bila dovoljna za pristojan životni standard radnika i njegove porodice. Standardna radna nedelja od 40 sati uglavnom se poštovala u državnim preduzećima, ali ne i u privatnim firmama. Prema zakonu o radu zaposleni ne mogu da rade prekovremeno duže od 4 sata dnevno, ili više od 240 sati tokom jedne kalendarske godine. Za vreme osmočasovnog radnog dana propisana je pauza od 30 minuta. Između dve smene tokom radne nedelje mora da bude najmanje 12 sati pauze, dok za vreme vikenda pauza mora da traje najmenje 24 sata. Plaćanje prekovremenog rada, a to je 50% preko redovne plate, regulisano je kolektivnim ugovorom.

Svaka firma je obavezna da oformi odeljenje za sigurnost i bezbednost koje treba da primenjuje propise sigurnosti i bezbednosti; međutim, u praksi ova odeljenja se obično bave elementarnim aspektima sigurnosti, kao što je kupovina sapuna i deterdženata, umesto nabavkom sigusnosne opreme za radnike. Prema nekim procenama, u Srbiji je bilo 20.000 povreda na radu godišnje, od kojih se otpilike 100 završavalo fatalno. Radnici nemaju pravo da se sklone kada su u situaciji da su im zdravlje ili sigurnost ugroženi, a da ne rizikuju da izgube posao.

KOSOVO

U skladu sa Rezolucijom Saveta bezbednosti UN, Kosovo se nalazi pod civilnom upravom Privremene administrativne misije UN Kosova (UNMIK). UNMIK donosi propise u vezi sa građanskim i zakonskim obavezama vladinih organa i privatnih lica i ratifikuje zakone koje je usvojila Skupština Kosova. UNMIK je objavio ustavni okvir za privremenu samoupravu Kosova (Ustavni okvir), kojim se definišu Privremene institucije samouprave (PISG). Kosovo ima višepartijski sistem, u kome su dominantne četiri partije etničkih Albanaca i nekoliko partija i koalicija manjinskog stanovništva. U oktobru su održani izbori za Skupštinu Kosova, koji su uglavnom ocenjeni kao slobodni i fer. Ustavni okvir predviđa nezavisno sudstvo; međutim, sudstvo i dalje pati od favoritizma, spoljnih uticaja, a naročito od međuetničkih problema.

Mirovne snage na Kosovu (KFOR), koje pod okriljem UN-a predvodi NATO, nastavile su da izvršavaju svoje zadatke, koji se sastoje u održavanju unutrašnje bezbednosti i zaštite od spoljnjih opasnosti. Civilna policija UNMIK-a nastavila je proces prenošenja osnovnih policijskih ovlašćenja i funkcija na lokalnu Kosovsku policijsku službu (KPS). Kosovski zaštitni korpus (KPC), koji se većim delom sastoji od demilitarizovanih članova Oslobodilačke vojske Kosova (KLA), nastavio je da razvija svoje kapacitete u pravcu civilne službe za brzo reagovanje u kriznim situacijama. Međunarodne civilne vlasti UNMIK-a i rukovodstvo KFOR-a uglavnom su održavali efikasnu kontrolu nad snagama bezbednosti; međutim bilo je slučajeva da su neki pripadnici snaga bezbednosti delovali nezavisno od svojih nadređenih. Neki pripadnici međunarodnih i lokalnih snaga bezbednosti kršili su ljudska prava.

Privreda u tranziciji od centralno planske ka tržišnoj privredi, zasniva se pretežno na poljoprivredi, rudarstvu i građevinarstvu, i u velikoj meri zavisi od pomoći iz inostranstva. Broj stanovnika procenjuje se na 2,3 miliona, mada su demografske cifre nepouzdane u nedostatku skorašnjeg popisa stanovništva. Privredni rast iznosio je oko 3,5 % godišnje. Nezaposlenost se procenjuje negde između 30 do 50% kod etničkih Albanaca, dok je kod etničkih Srba i drugih etničkih grupa na Kosovu još viša. Povećanja plata bila su uglavnom usaglašena sa inflacijom.
UNMIK i Privremene institucije samouprave su uglavnom poštovali ljudska prava stanovnika Kosova; međutim, u nekim delovima bilo je velikih problema te vste, naročito u odnosu na kosovske Srbe. Za vreme nereda u martu mesecu, KFOR i UNMIK odgovorni su za smrt nekoliko demonstranata koji su ubijeni nakon što su se oglušili na opomene i počeli da prete međunarodnoj policiji i ljudima koje je ona štitila. Nekoliko ljudi je poginulo za vreme napada koji su izgleda bili etnički motivisani, a neki od počinilaca ubistava uhapšeni su u toku godine. Jedan čovek je poginuo, a nekoliko je ranjeno od nagaznih mina, a posebno od neeksplodiranih projektila (UXO). Problem je bilo dugotrajno držanje u pritvoru pre suđenja, a sudstvo nije uvek na vreme otpočinjalo procese. UNMIK je povremeno ograničavao slobodu okupljanja i silom je rasterivao neke od demonstracija. Verske tenzije i dalje postoje. Sloboda kretanja za etničke manjine, naročito Srbe sa Kosova i dalje je veliki problem. Nasilje i diskriminacija žena i dalje su značajan problem. Ozbiljan problem predstavljala je trgovina ljudima, naročito ženama radi seksualne zloupotrebe. Osobe sa umanjenim mentalnim i fizičkim sposobnostima bile su diskriminisane od društva. Ozbiljan problem predstavljalo je žestoko društveno nasilje, zlostavljanje i diskriminacija uperena protiv manjinskih zajednica, a naročito za vreme martovskih nereda. Rastući problem bio je korišćenje dece za rad.

POŠTOVANJE LJUDSKIH PRAVA

Odeljak 1 Poštovanje integriteta ličnosti

a. Proizvoljno i nezakonito lišavanje života

Ni UNMIK, ni Privremene institucije samouprave, ni KFOR, niti njihovi predstavnici nisu izvršili nijedno politički motivisano ubistvo; međutim marta meseca KFOR i UNMIK ubili su nekoliko demonstranata Albanaca u toku nereda, dok su branili sebe, kosovske Srbe i druge manjine od nasilničke rulje (vidi Odeljak 2.b. i Odeljak 5). Jedan oficir specijalne policije UNMIK-a pucao je 17. aprila na grupu od 24 oficira UNMIK-a za korekciju dok su napuštali Zatvorski centar u Mitrovici, ubivši 3 i ranivši 11 oficira. Istraga koja je usledila ustanovila je da je počinilac dela, koji je kasnije izdahnuo od povreda zadobijenih u toku incidenta, delovao na svoju ruku.

Nagazne mine i neeksplodirani projektili, preostali iz doba sukoba 1999, i dalje predstavljaju problem, naročito u ruralnim područjima. U toku godine od neeksplodiranih projektila ili nagaznih mina poginula je jedna, a ranjeno 13 osoba, dok je u toku 2003. poginulo 3, a ranjeno 16 osoba. Najveća opasnost pretila je od neeksplodiranih projektila, a naročito od ostataka kasetnih bombi koje je bacao NATO.

Mala, slabo organizovana grupa »Čuvari mosta« iz Mitrovice i dalje je postojala, ali je uglavnom bila neaktivna. Za vreme martovskih nereda oni jesu bili na mostu Austerlic, ali za razliku od ranijih godina, nisu bili umešani u kršenje ljudskih prava.

Predstavnici KPS i UNMIK policije koji su istraživali osetljive ili političke zločine često su bili meta napada. Na primer, 23. marta u Podujevu su ubijeni oficir KPS-a Arsim Rustoli i oficir UNMIK policije Ganac Kojo Esuman, u napadu koji je izvršen na njihovu patrolu. Četvorica kosovskih Albanca koji su optuženi za taj zločin još su čekali suđenje na kraju godine.

Tri kosovska Albanca osumnjičena za ubistvo jednog policajca međunarodnih snaga i jednog člana Kosovske policije u martu, predati su u pritvor UNMIK-a nakon što su uhapšeni 8. juna u Albaniji. Među osumnjičenima se nalazi i Florim Ejupi, koji je najtraženiji begunac na Kosovu. On je pobegao iz zatvora u logoru KFOR-a u Bondstilu, gde je boravio posle hapšenja u vezi sa bombaškim napadom na autobus u Merdarima kod Podujeva 2001. godine, u kome je poginulo 11 i ranjeno 40 Srba.

Navodno je bilo i politički motivisanih ubistava među kosovskim Albancima. Na primer, 17. marta nepoznata lica ubila su oca Avzi Elezaja, koji je bivši borac Oslobodilačke vojske Kosova (KLA) i nekadašnji telohranitelj predsednika Alijanse za buduće Kosovo (AAK) Ramuša Haradinaja.

Takođe je navodno bilo i etnički motivisanih ubistava Srba u toku godine, naročito za vreme martovskih nereda. U martovskim neredima ubijeno je 20 lica, od kojih 8 etničkih Srba i 12 etničkih Albanaca. U Lipljanu su 19. februara policija i KFOR u vozilu parkiranom na putu pronašli tela dva Srbina, sa prostrelnim ranama. Sedamnaestogodišnji Srbin Dimitrije Popović je ubijen 5. juna, dok je jedan drugi maloletni Srbin ranjen prilikom pucnjave iz kola u pokretu. Policajci KPS-a odmah su uhapsili dva mlada Albanca, Albeta Krasnićija i Labinota Gašija, koji su priznali zločin. Na kraju godine oni su još čekali na suđenje.

Nije bilo nikakvog daljeg postupka u vezi sa sledećim ubistvima iz 2003. godine: ubistvo dva svedoka u slučaju grupe Dukađini, Tahir Zemaj ubijen je u januaru, a Ilir Selimaj u aprilu; ubistvo snajperom člana UNMIK policije Satiša Menona u avgustu; ubistvo oficira KPS-a Hajdara Ahmetija u septembru; i ubistvo oficira KPS-a Agima Makolija takođe u septembru. Policija UNMIK-a objavila je da se za Bedrijem Krasnićijem traga u vezi sa ubistvom članova KPS-a Sebahate Tolaja i Isufa Haklaja, novembra 2003.

Do kraja godine nije izvršeno hapšenje zbog ubistava Smajla Hajdaraja i Ilira Selimaja, kao i njegove trudne snaje, izvršenih 2002. godine.

Nestanak lica

Nema saznanja da je bilo politički motivisanih nestanaka lica; međutim, dešavali su se kriminalni prestupi otmica sa traženjem otkupa, a i dalje ima na hiljade nestalih lica iz rata 1999. godine.

U toku godine, tužilaštvo iz Prizrena izdalo je naloge za hapšenje dva bivša srpska policajca, Gorana Janjuševića i Slaviše Miljkovića, koji su pod sumnjom da su izvršili ratne zločine nad civilnim stanovništvom u prizrenskoj regiji, uključujući i kidnapovanje i ubistvo Ardiana Zimađiua za vreme sukoba 1999. Do kraja godine osumnjičeni nisu uhvaćeni.

Otprilike 3.200 lica i dalje se na kraju godine vodilo kao nestalo u sukobu na Kosovu, od kojih su 77 % Albanci, 17 % Srbi i 6 % pripadnici ostalih etničkih grupa. U toku godine Kancelarija UNMIK-a za nestala lica i forenzičko ispitivanje (OMPF) nastavila je identifikaciju posmrtnih ostataka nestalih lica sa Kosova. Od svog osnivanja 2002. godine pa do kraja godine, OMPF je izvršila 1.170 ekshumacija i 858 autopsija. Otkrivena su mnoga tela nestalih osoba, akcenat je stavljen na utvrđivanje identiteta ekshumiranih ostataka, da bi se tela mogla vratiti porodicama i sahraniti. Do kraja godine OMPF je Međunarodnoj komisiji za nestala lica (ICMP) predala 2.160 uzoraka kostiju za identifikaciju pomoću ispitivanja DNK, a dosad joj je vraćeno 797 rešenih slučajeva.

OMPF je nastavila da sarađuje sa vladom Srbije na prebacivanju iz Srbije identifikovanih posmrtnih ostataka žrtava sa Kosova iz rata 1999, koji su pronađeni u masovnim grobnicama u Srbiji; međutim, to se odvijalo veoma sporo. Iz Republike Srbije OMPF-u je prebačeno 849 tela, koja su predata porodicama da bi ih sahranili. Među njima je bio 641 etnički Albanac i 98 pripadnika nealbanskih etničkih grupa. Udruženja porodica nestalih lica organizovala su niz protesta 30. avgusta i 3. do 5. novembra, zahtevajući da vlada Srbije odmah vrati na Kosovo preko 200 identifikovanih posmrtnih ostataka i da otvori dosijea srpske vlade o nestalim licima. Iz političkih razloga zaustavljen je dijalog tehničke prirode o nestalim licima između zvaničnika Prištine i Beograda, ali na kraju godine UNMIK je radio na obnavljanju dijaloga.

b. Mučenje i drugi surovi, nehumani i ponižavajući postupci i kazne

Ustavni okvir i Zakon o krivičnom postupku zabranjuju takve postupke, i nije bilo saznanja da su predstavnici UNMIK-a, KFOR-a ili PSG-a vršili takve radnje.

Predstavnici KFOR-a su 16. februara uhapsili komandira KPS-a Selima Krasnićija i još trojicu članova KPC-a pod sumnjom da su 1998. godine bili umešani u zlostavljanje nevinih ljudi u prizrenskom kraju.

U toku godine neki članovi KPC-a osumnjičeni su za loše vladanje; međutim, nije otkriveno u kolikoj je meri u to bilo umešano rukovodstvo KPC-a. U toku godine 12 članova KPC-a koji su bili pod sumnjom decembra 2003, vraćeni su na dužnost pošto policijska istraga nije uspela da pronađe dovoljno dokaza o krivičnom delu.

Bilo je izveštaja o pretnjama i napadima na albanske političke i društvene ličnosti Kosova, kao i na pojedince među kosovskim Albancima. Na primer, 21. februara eksplozivna naprava, postavljena u kolima u Peći, ranila je kosovskog Ministra za zaštitu čovekove okolina i prostorno planiranje, Etema Čekua, dva partijska funkcionera AAK i dva pripadnika KPC-a. Nepoznati napadači su 30. juna napali člana predsedničkog ogranka Demokratske partije Kosova (PDK) u Peći, Redžu Krasnićija. Do kraja godine nije otkriveno nijedno osumnjičeno lice za taj zločin; međutim, dobri poznavaoci prilika uglavnom su ovakve napade pripisivali suparničkim političkim partijama. Takođe je moguće u nekim slučajevima da motivi nisu politički, već rezultat klanovske borbe ili običnog kriminala.

Srbi, Romi, Aškali i druge manjine redovno su bili izloženi društvenom zlostavljanju, kao i napadima nasilničke rulje za vreme martovskih nereda (vidi Odeljak 5). Na primer, 5. marta kosovski Albanci prebili su u blizini južne Mitrovice jednog kosovskog Srbina dok je putovao vozom.

Postoje verodostojni izveštaji o politički motivisanim pokušajima zastrašivanja predstavnika UNMIK-a i KFOR-a. Na primer, 24. marta bačena je ručna granata u pravcu mosta u Mitrovici sa severne strane koja je naseljena pretežno Srbima, i tom prilikom dva vojnika KFOR-a zadobila su lakše povrede. U avgustu je Srbin Živorad Cvetković, osuđen na 5 godina zatvora za to krivično delo.

Zatvori su uglavnom zadovoljavali međunarodne standarde, a UNMIK je dozvolio posete zatvorima međunarodnih inspektora za ljudska prava. Uslovi u zatvorima i kaznenim ustanovama bili su uglavnom dobri i nisu mogli ozbiljno ugroziti ničije zdravlje niti život. Objekti su povremeno bili prenatrpani; međutim, u toku godine počela je izgradnja dva nova objekta. UNMIK je držao osam objekata (u Prizrenu, Mitrovici, Prištini, Gnjilanu, Peći, Lipljanu i dva zatvorska bloka u Dubravi), koji mogu da prime ukupno 1.356 zatvorenika. Zatvorski sistem bio je pod upravom Popravne policije UNMIK-a, koja je sve više prenosila dužnosti na lokalnu Popravnu službu Kosova (KCS).

UNMIK je izvršio promene koje je preporučila jedna nezavisna komisije u svom izveštaju iz 2003. godine, i na taj način popravio higijenske uslove u zatvoru Dubrava, poboljšao obrazovne i rekreativne aktivnosti, omogućio dodatnu obuku za osoblje popravnog tima i poboljšao institucionalne i rukovodeće procese; međutim finansijska ograničenja bila su osnovni problem.

Žene su smeštene odvojeno od muškaraca, a maloletnici odvojeno od odraslih. Lica koja su u pritvoru čekala na suđenje smeštena su odvojeno od osuđenih zatvorenika i onih koji su se žalili na presudu i u zatvoru čekaju na odluku suda. Visoko rizični zatvorenici smešteni su u specijalni blok zgrada u zatvoru Dubrava. Zatvorenicima je bilo dozvoljeno da glasaju na oktobarskim izborima.
c. Proizvoljno hapšenje i pritvor

Ustavni okvir i Zakon o krivičnom postupku zabranjuju proizvoljno hapšenje i pritvor, a UNMIK, KFOR i PISG uglavnom su se držali ovih propisa u praksi.

Policija UNMIK-a nastavila je da prenosi policijska ovlašćenja i funkcije na KPS, zadržavajući pritom nadzor u svojim rukama. KPC je nastavio da vežba i usavršava svoje kapacitete za reakciju na krizne situacije, a bavio se i humanitarnim projektima. Na čelu policije UNMIK-a i KPS-a nalazi se Međunarodni komesar policije. Na kraju godine procenat pripadnika manjina u KPS-u iznosio je 15 %. U snagama bezbednosti, a naročito u pograničnoj policiji KPS-a, korupcija je bila problem.

Kancelarija UNMIK-a za nadzor istraživala je nivo korupcije u UNMIK-u i u sistemu krivičnog pravosuđa. Sudstvo je efikasno gonilo članove policije koji su činili zloupotrebe. Jedinica KPS-a za profesionalne standarde, koja je pod rukovodstvom policije UNMIK-a, sprovela je 100 disciplinskih istraga protiv policajaca KPS-a koji su ili učestvovali u nasilju, ili ga nisu sprečili za vreme martovskih nereda; većina ovih istraga još uvek nije bila završena na kraju godine. Jedna pripadnica policije otpuštena je zbog učešća u napadu na jednu porodicu iz redova manjina. Dok je na lokalnom nivou krivično pravosuđe uglavnom bilo neefikasno u vršenju istraga, hapšenju, ili osuđivanju izvršilaca krivičnih dela nad manjinskim stanovništvom, Pravosudno odeljenje UNMIK-a obavilo je u toku godine preko 300 krivičnih postupaka u vezi sa martovskim neredima (vidi Odeljak 1.e.). Ima međunarodnih nevladinih organizacija koje optužujue KFOR i UNMIK da nisu učinili ništa da bi sprečili pobunu iz marta meseca.

Policija je obično otvoreno hapsila osumnjičeno lice po nalogu sudije ili tužioca; međutim, u nekim slučajevima sa visokim rizikom za bezbednost, osumnjičene su hapsili pripadnici tajne policije sa maskama na licu. Svako hapšenje mora da se vrši na osnovu naloga tužioca, a uhapšeni moraju biti predati sudiji u roku od 72 sata po hapšenju; međutim, ima saznanja da je policija UNMIK-a koristila ovaj propis kao način blagog kažnjavanja bez namere da podigne optužnicu protiv uhapšenog, naročito kod manjih prestupa. Prema novom krivičnom zakonu, koji je stupio na snagu 6. aprila, osumnjičeni ima pravo da dobije obaveštenje o razlozima za hapšenje na jeziku koji on/ona razume; zatim da ne govori ništa osim svog imena i prezimena, niti da odgovara na pitanja; da dobije besplatnog prevodioca; da ima advokata ili da mu se obezbedi advokat ako nema novaca da plati pravničke usluge; da mu se obezbedi lečenje uključujući i psihijatrijsko lečenje; i da mu se dozvoli da obavesti jednog člana porodice. Ova prava su bila uglavnom poštovana u praksi.

Iako KFOR-u nisu bili potrebni nalozi za hapšenje, hapšenje se sporovodio na transparentan način. Međutim, postupci KFOR-a pri lišavanju slobode nisu uvek bili u potpunosti transparentni. Na primer, advokat bivšeg komandira KLA Šukri Buje, koji je uhapšen posle martovskih nereda, žalio se da je imao teškoća da pronađe gde mu je štićenik. Komandir KFOR-a ima dozvolu da inteveniše i da produži pritvor licima koja još nisu optužena za krivično delo, ili koja imaju odobrenje od suda da budu puštena na slobodu nakon 30 dana. KFOR je 4. maja produžio pritvor bivšem komandiru KLA Samiju Luštaku u logoru Bondstil, pod sumnjom da je umešan u martovske nerede i zbog mnogobrojnih prekršaja u vezi sa oružjem. On je kasnije oslobođen i sve optužnice su povučene.

Pritvoreni se može držati u predpredmetnom pritvoru maksimum mesec dana od dana hapšenja, što može biti produženo od strane suda maksimalno do 18 meseci. Novi krivični zakon, koji važi od 6. aprila, uključuje i mere koje umanjuju potrebu držanja uhapšenika u predpredmetnom pritvoru, a to su: kućni zatvor, molba da se vrati u pritvor po pozivu, i duže korišćenje kaucije. Međutim, i dalje postoji zastoj u rešavanju slučajeva predpredmetno pritvorenih, tako da je tokom godine bilo 2.000 lica koja čekaju na poziv u pritvor. UNMIK je obrazovao komisiju, čiji je zadatak da obešteti lica koja su držana u pritvoru, a kasnije je ustanovljeno da nisu kriva.

e. Uskraćivanje pravičnog i javnog suđenja

Ustavni okvir propisuje da sudstvo mora biti nezavisno; međutim, sudovi na lokalnom nivou bili su povremeno pristrasni i podložni spoljnom uticaju, naročito kada su bili u pitanju međuetnički procesi, tako da suđenja nisu uvek bila po propisu. Prema Rezoluciji 1244 Saveta bezbednosti Ujedinjenih nacija, UNMIK ima zakonodavnu vlast. Policija i pravosuđe UNMIK-a rade u zajednici sa lokalnim sudijama i tužiocima, ali u planiranju pravosudnog sistema, oblikovanju politike, operativnom radu, rukovođenju, administraciji, koordiniranju i nadzoru, zadržali su izvršnu vlast za sebe. Postoje verodostojni izveštaji o korupciji sudstva na lokalnom nivou, kao i tvrdnje da su sudovi, uključujući i Vrhovni sud, u nekim slučajevima, podložni uticaju vlade.

Sudski sistem sastoji se od Vrhovnog suda, 5 Okužnih sudova, 24 Opštinska suda i jednog Trgovinskog suda. UNMIK je postavio 18 međunarodnih sudija i 8 međunarodnih tužilaca da sude interetničke i duge osetljive procese. Na kraju godine u opštinskim sudovima bilo je 21.668 nerešenih predmeta, a u okružnim 2.371.

Vlada Srbije i dalje je finansirala i vodila paralelni pravosudni sistem u srpskim enklavama, kršeći tako Rezoluciju 1244 Saveta bezbednasti UN.

Preko Organizacije za evropsku bezbednost i saradnju (OEBS), UNMIK podržava rad nekoliko organizacija sa ciljem da se poveća profesionalizam sudskog korpusa. Sudski institut Kosova nastavio je da obučava sudije i tužioce. Jedinica za inspekciju sudova nastavila je da nadgleda rad sudova i daje predloge u vezi sa disciplinom i obukom. Kosovski sudski i tužbeni savet (KPJC) ima za zadatak da razmatra slučajeve sudskih prekršaja. Od 2001. godine KPJC je pokrenuo 458 istraga i u 41 slučaju pronašao dokaze o nepravilnom radu, pa je izrečeno 7 javnih ukora i izdato 10 preporuka za otpuštanje.

Iako po zakonu te slučajeve treba da sudi sudsko veće od pet sudija (od kojih su dvojica profesionalci, a trojica laici), propisi UNMIK-a dozvoljavaju da slučajeve osetljive etničke i političke prirode mogu da sude međunarodne sudije, po mogućstvu tročlano sudsko veće koja se sastoji od profesionalnih međunarodnih sudija. Od 232 aktivna slučaja u 2004. godini, gde je postupak vodilo Međunarodno sudstvo, njih oko 79 sudile su međunarodne sudije, pa je shodno tome i stopa osuda bila preko 90%.

Advokatska komora Kosova (KCA) i dalje je slaba, ali se polako popravlja. OEBS je osnovao lokalnu nevladinu organizaciju, pod nazivom Referalni centar za pitanja odbrane, kako bi pomogao KCA u usavršavanju znanja. Neki kosovski advokati srpskog porekla učestvovali su u pravnom sistemu, a Udruženje advokata Srbije nastavilo je da pruža pravnu pomoć kosovskim Srbima optuženim na Kosovu. Pored toga, OEBS je pružao bezbednosnu i logističku pomoć, tj. bezbedan prevoz srpskim advokatima koji su dolazili da brane svoje klijente pred sudovima na Kosovu.

Propisi UNMIK-a i Ustavni okvir obezbeđuju pravo na pravično suđenje, a međunarodno i lokalno sudstvo uglavnom je poštovalo to pravo; međutim, pravni eksperti i posmatrači stanja ljudskih prava i dalje su izražavali zabrinutost, tvrdeći da je u krivičnim postupcima koje kosovske sudije albanskog porekla vode protiv pripadnika etničkih manjina, pitanje pravičnosti problematično. Zbog toga su takvi slučajevi po pravilu predavani međunarodnom sudstvu. Suđenja su javna, a zakon predviđa da optuženi imaju pravo da prisustvuju suđenju, da mogu da se suoče sa svedocima, da se upoznaju sa dokaznim materijalom, i da imaju pravnog zastupnika, ako je potrebno i o državnom trošku. Optuženi se smatraju nevinim dok se ne dokaže krivica i imaju pravo na žalbu. Nema suđenja sa porotom; slučajeve vode sudska veća koja se sastoje od profesionalnih i laičkih sudija.

Sekcija za sudsku integraciju koju je osnovalo Odeljenje za pravosuđe UNMIK-a 2003. godine, sa ciljem da pospeši etničku integraciju sudija i tužilaca u kosovski pravni sistem, nastavila je da se bavi pravnim problemima manjina, da kontroliše tretman manjina u sudskom sistemu, da se bavi slučajevima diskriminacije i da omogućava integraciju pomoćnog osoblja suda. Specijalna Kancelarija suda za vezu (CLO) nastavila je da pomaže manjinskim zajednicama u srpskoj enklavi Gračanica, opština Priština, da lakše dođu do pravde. Pomoć Kancelarije za vezu sastojala se u tome što je manjinskom stanovništvu organizovala pratnju do suda, predavala dokumenta sudu u njih i pružala informacije u vezi sa dostupnošću suda. U toku 2004. godine, CLO je u Gračanici ispunio 1.656 zahteva za pomoć. Pored toga, UNMIK je u Gračanici otvorio Odeljenje prištinskog opštinskog suda, u kome rade dva sudca, čiji je cilj da manjinama omoguće bolji pristup pravosudnom sistemu Kosova.
Pored Međunarodnog suda za bivšu Jugoslaviju (ICTY), i kosovski istražni, sudski i kazneni sistemi nastavili su da rade na otkrivanju i kažnjavanju počinilaca ratnih zločina tokom sukoba 1999; međutim, mnogi slučajevi ostali su nerešeni. Na Kosovu se u lokalnim sudovim nastavilo sa suđenjima za domaće ratne zločine, i izrečeno je oko 38 kazni za navodne ratne zločine i genocid tokom sukoba 1999. godine. Na primer, Ejup Rujeva je bio optužen za navodne ratne zločine, kidnapovanje i ubijanje civila u februaru i martu 1999. godine, a u Okružnom sudu u Prištini sudilo mu je veće međunarodnih sudija za navodne ratne zločine; na kraju godine proces još nije bio okončan.

Nema izveštaja o postojanju političkih zatvorenika.

Direktorat UNMIK-a za stanovanje i imovinu (HDP) ima zaduženje da izvrši restituciju ili obeštećenje privatne imovine otete za vreme rata 1999. godine. HDP je nastavio da donosi presude po pitanju imovine, zatim da donosi zakonom obavezujuće odluke, da sudski izbacuje nelegalne stanare, vraća imovinu stanarima iz 1999, i da vodi brigu o imovini u ime vlasnika koji nisu na Kosovu. HPD je promenio delokrug rada da bi pitanje povratka raseljenih lica uklopio u svoju pređašnju delatnost, koja se sastojala isključivo od primene zakona o imovini, i tokom prošle godine uputio je potražioce čiji je imovinski zahtev uspešno rešen, na nevladine organizacije koje pomažu povratak lica. U toku godine HPD je rešavao oko 918 zahteva mesečno i vršio otprilike 440 sudskih izbacivanja (često se dešavalo da nelegalni stanari napuste stan pre izbacivanja). Da bi potražioci čiji je imovinski zahtev uspešno rešen mogli lakše da dođu u vezu sa njim, HPD je otvorio pozivni centar i u toku godine stupio je u kontakt sa oko 9.565 potražilaca. Od otprilike 29.000 zahteva primljenih do isteka roka 1. jula 2003. godine, HPD je do kraja godine rešio 23.055 slučaja.

U Mitrovici, u severnom delu grada, kosovski Srbi su nastavili da nelegalno koriste albansku imovinu, a kosovski Albanci u južnom delu Mitrovice, takođe nisu dozvoljavali Srbima pristup njihovoj imovini. Do kraja godine HPD je doneo presude u vezi sa 730 od 1.324 imovinskih zahteva u severnoj Mitrovici, Leposaviću i Zvečanu i započeo da sprovodi u delo odluke o izbacivanju nelegalnih stanara.

f. Proizvoljno ometanje privatnosti, porodice, doma i korespondencije

Propisi UNMIK-a i Ustavni okvir zabranjuju takva dela, a UNMIK, KFOR i PISG su uglavnom u praksi poštovali ovu zabranu; međutim, pojedini ljudi i lokalni NGO-i optužili su KFOR da je koristio preteranu silu pri vršenju pretresa u privatnim domovima. KFOR je 4. avgusta objavio da preduzima istragu protiv sedam članova KFOR-a zbog navodniog prekoračenja ovlašćenja prilikom traganja za sumnjivim licima za vreme martovskih nereda. Ti vojnici su kasnije javno ukoreni i vraćeni u domovinu.

Propis UNMIK-a o Tajnim i tehničkim merama sprovođenja nadzora i istrage dozvoljava da policija vodi tajne operacije sa prethodno dobijenom pismenom dozvolom istražnog sudije ili javnog tužioca. U toku godine nisu prijavljene nikakve zloupotebe.

Odeljak 2 Poštovanje građanskih sloboda

a. Sloboda govora i štampe

Propisi UNMIK-a i Ustavni okvir predviđaju slobodu govora i štampe, a UNMIK, KFOR i PISG su uglavnom u praksi poštovali ova prava i nisu ograničavali akademsku slobodu; međutim, ima tvrdnji da su UNMIK i PISG ometali slobodu govora i štampe, naročito za vreme martovskih nereda.

Nezavisni mediji bili su aktivni i iznosili su široku paletu gledišta bez ikakvih ograničenja. Većina štampanih i elektronskih medija bila je nezavisna, ali pod upravom UNMIK-a. Štampani mediji nisu imali veliki tiraž, dok su elektronski mediji bili uticajniji.

UNMIK je kontrolisao infrastrukturu radio-difuzije preko Odeljenja pošte i telekomunikacija, dok je OEBS nadzirao Odeljenje za medijska pitanja. UNMIK je takođe regulisao ponašanje i organizaciju elektronskih i štampanih medija i ustanovio zvanje Privremenog komesara za medije (TMC) i Komitet za medijske žalbe. TMC je zadužen za izdavanje kodeksa o radio-difuziji, za izdavanje dozvola i sprovođenje sankcija sa pravom kažnjavanja pred ukidanje i pravom da sasvim ukine medije prekršioce, u slučaju da prekrše propise UNMIK-a ili kodekse ponašanja; međutim TMC je smatrao da kodeks treba osavremeniti. Na primer, kodeks je propustio da primereno zaštiti privatnost dece i žrtava zločina. Ustavni okvir propisuje da Nezavisna medijska komisija (IMC) i Komitet javnih radio i TV stanica budu nezavisni od PISG. U toku godine UNMIK je sarađivao sa PISG-om da TMC preraste u IMC i Odbor javnih elektronskih medija; međutim zakon o formiranju IMC još uvek nije bio završen na kraju godine. U toku godine oformljen je Komitet o medijima koji ima mandat vlade, ali su posle oktobarskih izbora njegove nadležnosti prenesene na sveobuhvatniji Komitet o javnim službama, lokalnoj administaciji i medijima.

Iako se većina štampanih i elektronskih medija držala prihvaćenih novinarskih principa, ipak je bilo nekih izuzetaka. Oktobra meseca TMC je objavio izveštaj, u kome je kritikovao štampu zbog toga što za vreme izborne kampanje nije fer i ujednačeno predstavljala sve političke partije, uključujući i manjinske partije. TMC je primio samo jednu žalbu o pretnji upućenoj novinarima. Radio televizija Kosovo i TV 21 primili su 24. avgusta anonimni imejl poslat “u ime svih muslimanskih vernika", u kome se zahteva da prestanu da emituju sapunske opere.

Za vreme martovskih nereda Udruženje profesionalnih novinara Kosova tvrdilo je da je poseta TMC-a trima TV stanicama koje emituju program širom Kosova, bila mešanje u poslove štampe. Takođe je tvrdila da su policija UNMIK-a i KFOR blokirali signal TV Mitrovice. Lokalna TV stanica MEN iz Gnjilana optužila je policiju UNMIK-a da je 15. aprila opkolila stanicu i oduzela materijal snimljen za vreme martovskih nereda. Privremeni komesar za medije (TMC), Robert Žilet, izjavio je da mešanje policije i tužilaštva u rad medija, a naročito oduzimanje snimljene trake, ugrožava novinarsku slobodu i slobodu govora. Propisi UNMIK-a zabranjuju govor mržnje i govor koji podstiče na etničko nasilje, kao i novinske članke koji podstiču na zločinačku aktivnost i nasilje. Nakon nekoliko verodostojnih izveštaja u kojima su međunarodni posmatrači oštro kritikovali štampu, naročito elektronske medije zbog pristrasnog izveštavanja i podsticanja na nasilje za vreme martovskih nereda, TMC se 17. decembra obračunao sa tri kosovske nacionalne TV stanice (RTK, KTV i TV21) na taj način što su pristale da utroše preko 675.000 dolara (500.000 evra) na dodatno obrazovanje reportera i urednika.

Propisi UNMIK-a zabranjuju objavljivanje, kako u štampanim tako i u elektronskim medijima, ličnih informacija koje bi mogle ugroziti život, imovinu, ili bezbednost lica korišćenjem vansudske pravde ili na neki drugi način. Opštinski sud u Prištini oglasio je 22. juna urednika Bota Sote, Baruća Morinu, krivim zbog objavljivanja lažnih informacija o članu PDK Džavitu Halitiju, koji je bio indirektno optužen da je ubio Tahira Zemaja januara 2003. Morina je kažnjen novčanom kaznom od 1.823 dolara (1.350 evra).

Vlada nije ograničavala pristup Internetu.

b. Sloboda mirnog okupljanja i udruživanja

Propisi UNMIK-a i Ustavni okvir predviđaju slobodu okupljanja i udruživanja, a UNMIK, KFOR i PISG su u praksi uglavnom poštovali ova prava; međutim, da bi obuzdala martovske nerede i da bi zaštitila sebe i druge, policija UNMIK-a koristila je vatreno oružje. Organizatori demonstracija bili su obavezni da 48 sati unapred obaveste policiju o tome. Policija UNMIK-a procenila je da je tokom godine stotine hiljada ljudi učestvovalo u protestima, demonstracijama i blokiranju puteva, uključujući i 59 takvih događaja u martu i 197 događaja te vrste tokom ostalog dela godine, što sve u svemu čini povećanje od 150% u odnosu na razne demonstracije od prethodne godine. Na Dan nestalih lica, 30. avgust, policija UNMIK-a silom je uklonila oko 50 članova porodica nestalih lica, koji su blokirali glavni put u centru Prištine protestujući protiv sporog rešavanja slučajeva nestalih lica za vreme sukoba 1999. godine (vidi Odeljak 1.b.).

U martovskim neredima, u dva dana je učestvovalo između 50.000 i 75.000 demonstranata u svim većim gradovima Kosova. Za vreme martovskih nereda, KFOR i UNMIK preduzeli su mere da zaštite sebe i druge, kao i da obuzdaju mase. To je dovelo da nekoliko smrtnih slučajeva među albanskim protestantima i tvrdnji da je policija zlostavljala demonstrante. Na primer, dok je branio srpske stanare od albanskih protestanata, jedan pripadnik policije UNMIK-a pucao je i ubio jednog demonstranta iz pećke opštine. Ni protiv jednog vojnika KFOR-a, niti policajca UNMIK-a nije podneta krivična prijava u vezi sa njihovim delovanjem za vreme martovskih nereda.

UNMIK je rutinski odobrio registraciju poličkih partija i nevladinih organizacija.

c. Sloboda veroispovesti

Propisi UNMIK-a i Ustavni okvir predviđaju slobodu veroispovesti, a UNMIK i PISG uglavnom su u praksi poštovali to pravo.

Nema nekih posebnih propisa u vezi sa odobravanjem dozvola za verske grupe; međutim da bi mogle da kupe imovinu ili dobiju finansijsku pomoć od UNMIK-a ili nekih drugih međunarodnih organizacija, verske organizacije moraju da se registruju kao nevladine organizacije.

Većina stanovništva je muslimanske vere, značajan broj ljudi pripada Srpskoj pravoslavnoj crkvi i Rimokatoličkoj crkvi, dok je protestantska manjina veoma malobrojna.

Na Kosovu su verska i etnička pripadnost usko povezane. Kosovski Srbi poistovećuju sebe sa Srpskom pravoslavnom crkvom, koja ima uticaj ne samo na njihov verski, već i na njihov kulturni, istorijski i politički mentalni sklop. Uska povezanost vere i etničke pripadnosti delovala je na versku slobodu srpske zajednice (vidi odeljak 5). Značajni deo zajednice kosovskih Albanaca i dalje neprijateljski i sa sumnjom gleda na Srpsku pravoslavnu crkvu, zbog njenog političkog svrstavanja sa politikom vlade Srbije prema Kosovu. Razlike između muslimanskih, katoličkih i protestantskih zajednica uglavnom su bile prevaziđene zbog zajedničkog nasleđa etničkih Albanaca. Za vreme martovskih nereda bilo je mnogo napada na srpske pravoslavne crkve i groblja, što je izazvalo ogromna oštećenja imovine, uključujući i rušenje ili oštećenje 30 pravoslavnih verskih objekata, 900 kuća i poslovnih zgrada koje su pripadale etničkim manjinama. Nekoliko spaljenih crkava i manastira datira iz 14 veka i smatra se delom kulturne i verske baštine te oblasti. Misija Saveta Evrope procenila je da će za popravku i restauraciju oštećenih verskih objekata biti potrebno otprilike 13,1 miliona dolara (9,7 miliona evra). Posle nereda KFOR je u verskim objektima širom Kosova postavio bezbednosne odrede, da bi ih zaštitio od daljeg uništavanja. U nekim delovima Kosova KFOR je ponovo postavio stalne rampe, pojačao zaštitne mere, i povećao svoje prisustvo. I pored toga, i dalje je bilo sporadičnih napada na imovinu etničkih manjina.

Lideri kosovskih Albanaca su 2. aprila objavili otvoreno pismo kojim su osudili nerede i pozvali na obnavljanje etničkih odnosa; međutim, sa izuzetkom bivšeg premijera Bajrama Redžepija, većina ostalih lidera kosovskih Albanaca bila je izložena kritici zbog sporog odziva na potrebe manjina posle nereda.

U nekim manastirima, monasi i monahinje iz bezbednosnih razloga nisu mogli da koriste delove manastirskog imanja. Srpske porodice koje su imale rođake na Kosovu ili u Srbiji iz bezbednosnih razloga nisu mogle da putuju kod svoje rodbine za vreme verskih praznika ili ceremonija, uključujući i venčanja i sahrane. Poglavar Srpske pravoslavne crkve na Kosovu, Vladika Artemije Radosavljević, ostao je u manastiru na Kosovu u srpskoj enklavi Gračanica; vladičina rezidencija u Prizrenu spaljena je u martovskim neredima. Da bi obezbedili bolje kretanje, UNMIK i KFOR su tokom godine pružali bezbednosne usluge. Na primer, 14 februara policija je pratila 107 Srba kada su išli da posete obližnji manastir i groblje u Uroševcu.

Islamska zajednica Kosova navela je kao primere nedostatka verskih sloboda uskraćivanje radio frekvencija islamskoj radio stanici, zatvaranje molitvene odaje u nacionalnoj biblioteci i odbijanje prištinske opštine da dodeli javno zemljište za izgradnju džamije; međutim, opštinske vlasti tvrde da je od rata naovamo u Prištini sazidano 13 džamija.

2003. godine jedna učenica nije dobila dozvolu da nosi islamsku maramu u školskim prostorijama. Stav Ministarstva prosvete povodom tog događaja bio je da zakon zabranjuje aktivnosti koje propagiraju bilo koju veru u javnim prosvetnim ustanovama. Učenica se žalila Ombudsmanu Kosova, koji je objavio svoje neobavezujuće mišljenje da je interpretacija koju je dalo Ministarstvo primenljiva samo na nastavnike i druge službenike škole, ali ne i na učenike.

Protestanti su prijavili da su diskriminisani od strane medija, a naročito od RTK. Po mišljenju protestantskih verskih vođa, to što za vreme martovskih nereda nije bilo napada na njihove verske zgrade, znači da ih kovoska javnost sve više prihvata.

PISG je odvojio 5,7 miliona dolara (4,2 miliona evra) za prvu fazu rekonstrukcije 30 crkava, koje su oštećene za vreme martovskih nereda, ali je Srpska pravoslavna crkva odbila da sarađuje sa UNMIK-om u transparentnom tenderu za dobijanje sredstava.

Više detalja o ovoj temi naći ćete u Međunarodnom izveštaju o slobodi veroispovesti za 2004. godinu

d. Sloboda kretanja unutar zemlje, putovanje u inostranstvo, iseljavanje i repatrijacija

Propisi UNMIK-a i Ustavni okvir propisuju slobodu kretanja; međutim, međuetničke tenzije i problemi bezbednosti ograničavali su slobodu kretanja u praksi, a UNMIK, KFOR i PISG uglavnom nisu uspevali da zaštite ova prava manjinskih zajednica.

Za kretanje unutar zemlje nije potreban nikakav poseban dokument; međutim, kosovski Srbi i u nešto manjoj meri druge manjinske zajednice, veoma teško su mogli da se bezbedno kreću bez pratnje međunarodnih snaga bezbednosti. Posle martovskih nereda, KFOR i UNMIK ograničili su kretanje u većini zahvaćenih oblasti i selektivno su uveli privremeni policijski čas. Kosovski Srbi često su bili izloženi kamenovanju i sitnijim napadima od strane kosovskih Albanaca. Evo nekoliko slučajeva kamenovanja: u septembru, oktobru i decembru kamenovani su autobusi na putu za Skopje; u septembru je kamenovana grupa dece na putu za osnovnu školu; u oktobru je kamenovan poslovni voz kojim su putovali uglavnom kosovski Srbi, dok je prolazio kroz oblast pretežno naseljenu kosovskim Albancima; u decembru je kamenovan konvoj koji je u pratnji KFOR-a prolazio kroz Dečane.

Da bi popravio situaciju sa slobodom kretanja na taj način što bi Srbima i Albancima obezbedio međusobno neprepoznatljiva vozila, UNMIK je nastavio da Srbima nudi kosovske registarske tablice, za koje nisu morali ništa da plate, iako su već registrovali kola u Srbiji, ali srpska vlada nije podržala taj program. Rok za registraciju vozila na Kosovu produžen je da bi se kosovskim Srbima omogućilo da iskoriste ovu povoljnu ponudu. Po propisima UNMIK-a, Centralni građanski registar može da izdaje putne isprave svakom licu koje je stanovnik Kosova. Od 2000. godine UNMIK je izdao 1,3 miliona ličnih dokumenata, 500.000 putnih isprava, i 235.000 vozačkih dozvola. Iako u je građanskom registru broj pripadnika manjina negde preko 103.000, od kojih ima 71.000 Srba, manje od 1.000 njih se prijavilo za dobijanje UNMIK-ovih dokumenata. Kosovski Srbi često su uzimali srpske lične karte i putne isprave, pored kosovskih dokumenata koje su dobili od UNMIK-a. Mnogi kosovski Albanci takođe su uzimali srpska dokumenta da bi mogli da putuju i u zemlje koje ne priznaju UNMIK-ove isprave. UNMIK i PISG nisu ograničavali iseljavanje i repatrijaciju.

Zakon zabranjuje nasilno proterivanje i vlasti ga nisu primenjivale.

Od 1999. godine nešto preko 910.000 interno raseljenih lica (IDP-a) i izbeglica, većinom Albanaca, vratilo se ili je repatrirano na Kosovo; međutim, u toku 2004. godine vratio se veoma mali broj raseljenih lica. Neke međunarodne agencije i nevladine organizacije nastavile su da organizuju projekte povratka manjeg obima, koji su nazadovali zbog martovskih nereda. UNHCR je ocenio da je 230.000 pripadnika etničkih manjina raseljeno tokom sukoba 1999. godine. Do kraja godine na Kosovo se vratilo ukupno 12.218 lica, ali se ne zna koliki se broj lica od onih 230.000 raseljenih vratio, a koliko ih je ostalo i integrisalo se u Srbiji. Prema podacima UNHCR-a, 2.302 pripadnika manjinskih grupa vratilo se na Kosovo u toku godine, što je za 39 % manje od broja povratnika iz redova manjina u 2003. godini. Ovo je prvo opadanje broja povratnika od 1999, koje se većinom pripisuje martovskim neredima. Iako se u toku godine smanjio ukupan broj povratnika iz redova manjina, broj povratnika iz redova Roma, Bošnjaka i Goranaca povećao se u odnosu na 2003. godinu. Od dodatnih 4.000 Srba i Aškalija koji su se raselili za vreme martovskih nereda, njih 1.864 se još nije vratilo kućama do kraja godine. PISG je izvršio rekostrukciju 90% kuća od 900 zgrada oštećenih ili srušenih za vreme martovskih nereda, ali do kraja godine mnoge od njih ostale su puste.

Izgledi za povratak veoma se razlikuju, zavisno od oblasti i manjinske grupe. Ono što u velikoj meri utiče na šanse povratnika da se reintegrišu u staru sredinu, je mogućnost da govore jezikom svoje manjine, kao i to kakav je bio odnos između IDP-a i njihovih suseda pre konflikta. Za vreme martovskih nereda, naselje Aškalija u Vučitrnu spaljeno je i opljačkano, a njegovi stanovnici našli su utočište u bazi KFOR-a. Do kraja godine mnogi od njih odbili su da se vrate. Mnoga lica raseljena u martu, uključujući i Aškalije i Srbe, raseljena su po drugi put i domovi su im spaljeni po drugi put

Po zakonu se ne može dati azil niti izbeglički status koji propisuje Konvencija UN o izbegličkom statusu iz 1951. godine i Protokol UN iz 1967. godine; međutim, UNMIK je raseljenim licima dodelio status »lica pod privremenom zaštitom na Kosovu«. U praksi UNMIK pruža zaštitu od ponovnog uznemiravanja, tj. povratka osoba u zemlju u kojoj mogu biti izloženi maltretiranju; međutim, UNMIK nije davao ni azil, ni status izbeglice. UNMIK je sarađivao sa Visokim komesarijatom UN-a za izbeglice i drugim humanitarnim organizacijama u pomoći izbeglicama.

Odeljak 3 Poštovanje ljudskih prava: Pravo građana da promene vladu

Propisi UNMIK-a i Ustavni okvir obezbeđuju građanima pravo da na miran način menjaju vlast i oni su to pravo spovodili u praksi na povremenim slobodnim i fer izborima, zasnovanim na opštem pravu glasa. Kosovo se i dalje nalazi pod civilnom upravom UNMIK-a. Rezolucija Saveta bezbednosti UN-a ističe da će narodu Kosova biti obezbeđena »znatna autonomija i samouprava«. UNMIK i njegov glavni administrator, Specijalni predstavnik generalnog sekretara (SRSG), uspostavili su civilnu vlast 1999. godine, po završetku vojne intervencije NATO-a, koja je primorala srpske snage na povlačenje. UNMIK je 2001. godine ustanovio ustavni okvir za PISG (Ustavni okvir). PISG se sastoji od 120 poslanika Skupštine Kosova, koja je nakon oktobarskih izbora ponovo izabrala Ibrahima Rugovu za predsednika Kosova, a Ramuša Haradinaja za novog premijera, kao i ministre i druge funkcionere vlade iz nekoliko manjinskih zajednica. Kosovski lideri kritikovali su UNMIK zbog sporog prenosa vlasti na PISG.

UNMIK i OEBS registrovali su oko 1,4 miliona glasača za oktobarske skupštinske izbore. Samo stanovnici Kosova i oni koji su živeli na Kosovu 1. januara 1998. godine imali su pravo da glasaju. Sve etničke manjine Kosova učestvovale su na izborima, mada je učešće Srba bilo minimalno. Neki srpski lideri sprovodili su strategiju bojkota skupštinskih izbora kao političkog oruđa, služeći se zastrašivanjem i prećutnim pretnjama nasiljem i gubitkom društvenih beneficija za Srbe koji budu glasali, naročito u severnim opštinam gde Srbi čine većinu. OEBS je po prvi put preneo veliki deo izborne administrativne vlasti na Centralnu izbornu komisiju sastavljenu od lokalnog osoblja. Komisija je upravljala oktobarskim izborima, dok su funkcioneri OEBS-a održavali nadzor.

Međunarodni i domaći posmatrači ustanovili su da su skupštinski izbori 2004. godine bili opšte uzev slobodni i fer.

Kosovo ima višestranački sistem u kome dominiraju četiri praktično jednoetničke albanske partije. Postoji i nekoliko partija i koalicija manjina. Demokratski savez Kosova (LDK) i dalje je najpopularnija politička stranka na Kosovu, ali ipak nije uspela da dobije dovoljnu većinu da može sama da formira centralnu vladu. LDK je formirala vladajuću koaliciju sa AAK, koju predvodi Ramuš Haradinaj i sa parlamentarnom grupom Šest plus, koja je koalicija turskih i bošnjačkih partija. Vodeće opozicione političke partije su PDK, koju predvodi Hašim Tači, i ORA na čelu sa Vetonom Surojem. Skoro potpuni bojkot oktobarskih izbora ostavio je dve srpske partije sa Kosova, Srpsku listu za Kosovo, koja je naslednik Koalicije Povratak, i Građansku inicijativu Srbije, sa ukupno 10 poslaničkih mesta u Skupštini, koja po Ustavnom okviru pripadaju Srbima. Partijska pripadnost bila je veoma važna za dobijanje pozicija u službi vlade i za društvenu afirmaciju. Tradicionalne društvene podele i plemenska lojalnost takođe su igrale važnu, mada nezvaničnu ulogu u društvenim i političkim organizacijama Kosova.

Po propisima UNMIK-a pojedinci mogu da se kandiduju u svojim partijama, a one sa svoje strane, moraju da izaberu svoju listu kandidata na otvorenim i transparentnim izborima unutar partije. Na svojim partijskim konvencijama LDK i PDK su skoro potpuno ignorisale ovaj propis. UNMIK je odbio zahteve nekih političkih partija i civilnog društva da ustanovi izborni sistem koji bi uveo otvorene kandidatske liste (po kome bi se glasalo za pojedince a ne političke entitete) i omogućio izvesnu geografsku raznolikost.

Bilo je izveštaja o napadima na albanske političke i društvene ličnosti na Kosovu (vidi Odeljak 1.c.).

U širokoj javnosti primećeno je da postoji korupcija kako u PISG-u tako i u UNMIK-u. Prema verodostojnim saznanjima uočene su nepravilnosti u radu PISG-a prilikom vođenja prve međunarodne aukcije za licencu mobilne telefonije. U toku godine, dva međunarodna službenika aerodroma uhapšena su pod optužbom da su prali novac.

Novembra 2003. UNMIK je stavio na snagu Zakon o dostupnosti zvaničnim dokumentima; međutim zakon izuzima dokumente UNMIK-a, pa je retko i primenjivan.

Posle oktobarskih izbora u Skupštini sa 120 poslanika bilo je 36 žena. Na kandidatskoj listi svake političke partije, svako treće mesto moralo je pripadati ženi. Posle izbora, u osmočlanom Predsedništvu nije bilo nijedne žene, a samo jedna žena radi u kabinetu premijera. Među izabranim predstavnicima opština ima 28 % žena.

Ustavni okvir zahteva da 10 poslaničkih mesta mora biti rezervisano za Srbe, a 10 za druge etničke manjine na Kosovu, ali na opštinskom nivou manjine su slabo zastupljene. Posle oktobarskih izbora u Skupštini sa 120 poslaničkih mesta bio je 21 predstavnik etničkih manjina, od koji 10 Srba i 11 pripadnika ostalih manjina, uključujući Turke, Bošnjake, Gorane, Rome, Aškalije i Egipćane. U PISG je bilo tri ministra iz redova manjina, dva Srbina i jedan Bošnjak, i tri zamenika ministra. Jedan Srbin i jedan Turčin članovi su Predsedništva Skupštine. Na kraju godine Srbi još uvek nisu zauzeli kabinetske položaje predviđene za njih, nastavivši da bojkotuju kosovsku Skupštinu.

Odeljak 4

Stav vlade po pitanju istraga međunarodnih i nevladijnih organizacija o navodnim kršenjima ljudskih prava

Široka paleta domaćih i međunarodnih grupa koje se bave ljudskim pravima uglavnom su radile svoj posao bez ograničenja, preduzimajući istrage i objavljujući svoje nalaze u vezi sa pitanjima ljudskih prava. UNMIK, KFOR i PISG bili su uglavnom kooperativni i spremni da reaguju na njihove primedbe.

UNMIK je registrovao preko 2.871 nevladinih organizacija, uključujući 2.469 domaćih i 402 međunarodna NGO-a; 794 nevladine organizacije su dobile status javne povlastice (izuzeće od poreza).

U saradnji sa ostalim nevladinim organizacijama, Međunarodna organizacija za migraciju (IOM) koordinirala je obučavanje i projekte za KPC. Posmatrači stanja ljudskih prava, uključujući i one iz OEBS-a i nekih lokalnih NGO-a, aktivno su radili na dokumentovanju etnički i politički motivisanih ubistava, napada i slučajeva zastrašivanja.

UNMIK, KFOR i PISG uglavnom su sarađivali sa ICTY-jem u vezi sa zločinima počinjenim za vreme sukoba 1999.godine. Suđenje vođi frakcije u PDK, Fatmiru Limaju i dvojici drugih Albanaca počelo je u Međunarodnom haškom tribunalu u novembru. ICTY je objavio da će možda biti dodatnih optužnica protiv kosovskih Albanaca za ratne zločine; međutim, do kraja godine nije podignuta nijedna. Glavni tužilac ICTY-a Karla Del Ponte izjavila je u nekoliko navrata da Haški tribunal vrši istragu dodatnih slučajeva sa Kosova, ali je navela nekoliko problema sa tim u vezi, a to su: nespremnost kosovskih Albanaca da svedoče, zastrašivanje svedoka, nedostatak pisanih dokumenata, nedostatak saradnje lokalnih i međunarodnih struktura.

Institut kosovskog Ombudsmana (OI) ispitivao je tvrdnje o kršenju zakona ljudskih prava od strane vlade. Osoblje OI je multietničko i aktivno se bavilo objavljivanjem izveštaja i preporuka. UNMIK, a naročito njegova policija, retko su poštovali preporuke OI-a , ali posle martovskih nereda, njihova saradnja se poboljšala. OI je izvestila da im se obratilo 2.967 lica i da je kao rezultat toga, pokrenula 34 istrage i objavila 22 izveštaja tokom godine. OI nema ovlašćenje da interveniše protiv KFOR-a. Od 2001. godine OI tvrdi da propis 2000/47 o statusu, privilegijama i imunitetu UNMIK-a i KFOR-a krši međunarodno priznata ljudska prava. OI je 4. maja kritikovala KFOR tvrdeći da je ponovo primenjivao nepravilnu proceduru pritvora (vidi Odeljak 1.c.).

Odeljak 5 Diskriminacija, društvene zloupotrebe, trgovina ljudima

Propisi UNMIK-a precizno zabranjuju diskriminaciju na bazi pola, rase i etničkog porekla; međutim diskriminacija žena, osoba sa invaliditetom i etničkih manjina, kao i nasilje nad njima, i dalje se sprovodilo. UNMIK je 25. avgusta stavio na snagu Zakon protiv diskriminacije, koji je odobrila Skupština Kosova. Manjinske zajednice, a naročito kosovski Srbi, bili su izloženi surovoj društvenoj, ekonomskoj i kulturnoj diskriminaciji, kao i zastrašivanju i povremenom nasilju. Nasilnička rulja se 17. i 18. marta ustremila na Srbe i druge manjinske zajednice, kao i na pravoslavne crkve, u opštem talasu destrukcije i nasilja koje je zahvatilo celo Kosovo. Pored toga, u mestima gde su bili u manjini, kosovski Albanci bili su izbacivani iz kuća.

Žene

Nasilje nad ženama, uključujući i silovanje i visok stepen zlostavljanja u porodici i u braku i dalje ostaje ozbiljan i stalan problem.

Propisi UNMIK-a zabranjuju nasilje u porodici, koje se kažnjava sa 6 meseci do 5 godina zatvora. U toku godine izdato je nekoliko sudskih naloga da bi se zaštitile žrtve nasilja u porodici.

Zlostavljanje žena u porodici je česta pojava i broj prijava i sudskih gonjenja zbog nasilja u porodici porastao je u toku poslednje dve godine. Lokalna nevladina organizacija Centar za zaštitu žena i dece (CPWC) procenjuje da je tokom godine primio oko 4.700 zahteva za pomoć od žrtava nasilja. Advokati Jedinice UNMIK-a za zastupanje i pružanje pomoći žrtvama (VAAU) imali su 765 slučajeva nasilja u porodici. Sudski sistem Kosova obradio je 188 slučajeva nasilja u porodici u toku godine, od 53 obavljena suđenja 52 su se završila osudama, a izrečene kazne varirale su od javnih ukora do zatvorskih kazni. Tradicionalni odnos društva prema ženama verovatno je jedan od razloga što je broj nasilnih dela u porodici tako veliki, a broj prijava tako mali. Da bi skrenuli pažnju javnosti na ovaj problem OEBS, Kancelarija premijera i Odeljenje UNMIK-a za pravdu započeli su 25. novembra kampanju informisanja javnosti. Škola KPS uključila je u svoj nastavni program specijalnu obuku o nasilju u porodici i silovanju.

Propisi UNMIK-a svrstavaju silovanje u krivično delo. Novi krivični zakon stupio je na snagu 6. aprila, i jedno opsežno poglavlje posvećeno je povećanju kazni za silovanje i seksualno napastvovanje; međutim, silovanja u braku nisu posebno pomenuta. Ima veoma malo prijavljenih silovanja, zbog sramote koja u toj kulturi prati žrtvu i njenu porodicu. Prema podacima UNMIK-a, zastupnici žrtava pružili su advokatske usluge 31 žrtvi silovanja. U toku godine sudovi su procesuirali 42 slučaja silovanja i izrekli 52 kazne, pošto je u nekim slučajevima jedna osoba silovala više žrtava.

Ne postoje agencije vlade koje se bave porodičnim nasiljem; međutim, četiri prihvatilišta, od kojih dva vode lokalne, a dva međunarodne nevladine organizacije, pružala su pomoć žrtvama silovanja i trgovine ljudima. Nekoliko domaćih i međunarodnih NGO-a aktivno su pomagali ženama; međutim, u tome su imali poteškoća zbog tradicionalne zavere ćutanja o nasilju u porodici, seksualnom zlostavljanju i silovanju.

Zakon zabranjuje prostituciju, ali je prostitucija i dalje veoma rasprostranjena. Jedinica UNMIK-a za istraživanje trgovine ljudime i prostitucije (TPIU) aktivno je istraživala slučajeve prostitucije i sumnjive slučajeve trgovine ljudima (vidi Odeljak 5, Trgovina ljudima). Trgovina ženama u cilju seksualne zloupotrebe bila je veliki problem (vidi Odeljak 5, Trgovina ljudima).

Ne postoji nikakav poseban zakon protiv seksualnog uznemiravanja. Društvo je i dalje vrlo malo obavešteno o seksualnom uznemiravanju, i malo slučajeva je prijavljeno.

Žene imaju ista zakonska prava kao i muškarci, ali po tradiciji nemaju isti društveni status, i zbog toga se u pravnom sistemu prema njima drugačije postupa. Iako nema zakonskih prepreka, relativno malo žena dobija rukovodeće položaje i položaje višeg ranga u privredi i u vlasti. Tradicionalni društveni stav prema ženama je uzrok diskriminacije. U nekim ruralnim područjima žene često nisu bile u poziciji da donose odluke u vezi sa decom ili da vrše kontrolu nad imovinom. Iako po kosovskom zakonu muškarci i žene imaju podjednako pravo na nasleđe, porodična imovina obično se prenosi samo na muškarce. Kada postanu udovice, Albanke su izložene opasnosti da izgube starateljstvo nad decom, naročito ako žive na selu, zbog toga što je običaj da se deca i imanje dodeljuju porodici preminulog oca, a udovica se vraća svojoj prvobitnoj porodici.
Juna meseca UNMIK je ratifikovao Zakon o jednakosti polova, i to je bio prvi zakon koji je pokrenuo jedan skupštinski odbor, a ne vlada. Kancelarija UNMIK-a za probleme polova zadužena je za pitanja u vezi sa polovima. U toku godine UNMIK je nadležnost nad 26 albanskih i 4 srpska opštinska službenika koji su se bavili pitanjem polova, preneo na Službu za pitanja polova unutar Kancelarije premijera Kosova za dobru upravu. Ministarstva su završila posao oko određivanja »bitnih pitanja o polovima« specifičnih za ministarstvo; međutim, činovnici koji su se bavili i drugim poslovima, veoma često se nisu interesovali za probleme polova.

Policija UNMIK-a i OEBS nastavili su dalekosežnu kampanju regrutovanja žena za KPS, u kome su sačinjavale 15 % članstva. Međutim, samo 77 članova od 3.000 aktivnih članova KPC bile su žene (3%). Žene su i dalje bile aktivne u politici i nekoliko žena nalazilo se na čelu lokalnih nevladinih organizacija. Iako je broj zaposlenih žena nastavio da raste, nezaposlenost žena i dalje je bila velika i iznosila je oko 70 %, a veoma mali broj njih izborio se za više položaje, pa se to odnosi i na KPS i na druge vladine organizacije.

Deca

UNMIK i PISG uglavnom su veoma posvećeni problemima dobrobiti i prava dece. Obrazovanje i zdravlje dece nalaze se u zajedničkoj nadležnosti Ministarstva prosvete, nauke i tehnologije i Ministarstva zdravlja; međutim, niko u vladi ne bavi se posebno pravima deteta. Novi Zakon o pravima maloletnika stupio je na snagu 20. aprila.

Propisi UNMIK-a propisuju obavezu upisa u državne škole za decu između 6 i 15 godine, uz izvesne izuzetke; međutim, neka deca iz redova manjina nisu pohađala školu iz bezbednosnih razloga. Osnovno obrazovanje je obavezno, slobodno i svima dostupno. Prema podacima Ministarstva prosvete ogromna većina dece školskog uzrasta ispod 15 godina, pohađala je škole. Četrdeset šest odsto dece pohađalo je srednju školu, koja nije obavezna, a 43 % njih su devojčice. Neka deca primorana su da napuste školu i rano počnu da rade (vidi Odeljak 6.d.)

Propisi UNMIK-a određuju podjednaka prava za školsku decu svih zajednica, a manjinskom stanovništvu omogućeno je pravo da se njihova deca školuju na svom maternjem jeziku do kraja srednje škole. U toku godine radile su škole na srpskom, bošnjačkom i turskom jeziku. Odziv na upis u osnovne škole, kako srpske tako i albanske dece, bio je skoro potpun; međutim na nivou srednje škole došlo je do razlika među polovima i manjinama, tako da je u odnosu na albanske dečake i srpske devojčice broj albanskih devojčica koje su pohađale i završavale srednju školu znatno opao. Zbog neimanja slobode kretanja i nespremnosti da se odreknu beogradskog nastavnog plana, srpska deca sa Kosova odlučivala su se za škole u susedstvu, koje su ponekad bile bez osnovnih pogodnosti i neadekvatno opremljene. Ima vrlo malo škola na Kosovu u koje zajedno idu i albanska i srpska deca, a pohađaju različite nastave.

Propisi UNMIK-a dali su dozvolu za rad i odobrili finansiranje srpskog Univerziteta u severnoj Mitrovici; međutim, u toku godine UNMIK je ukinuo dozvolu zbog nelegalnog naimenovanje novog rektora. Do kraja godine ova situacije nije bila rešena.
Romska, aškalijska i egipatska deca pohađala su mešane škole sa albanskom decom, ali su prema raznim izveštajima, u oblastima gde su Albanci većinsko stanovništvo, bila izložena zastrašivanju. Romska deca su obično bila pogođena siromaštvom, zbog čega su vrlo često već kao mala morala da počnu da rade da bi dopunila porodični prihod. Bošnjačka deca bila su u mogućnosti da završe osnovnu školu na svom jeziku, ali je postojao manjak obučenog kadra bošnjačkih nastavnika. Ministrastvo je takođe za decu iz raseljenih manjina omogućilo ubrzani upis u srednje i više škole. OEBS i Ministrastvo prosvete, nauke i tehnologije su 30. avgusta organizovali četvoronedeljni kurs za 28 nastavnika romske nacionalnosti, na kome je oblikovan nastavni plan za romsku manjinu. Albanskoj IDP deci nije bio dozvoljen pristup u lokalnu školu u selu Biti u opštini Štrpce pretežno naseljenoj Srbima.

Za visoku stopu smrtnosti odojčadi i dece, kao i sve veći broj epidemija bolesti koje se mogu preduprediti vakcinacijom, humanitarnu radnici prvenstveno okrivljuju siromaštvo pa stoga i neuhranjenost, i loše higijenske i sanitarne uslove. Zdravstveni uslovi koji su u nadležnosti države, bili su specijalno loši za raseljena lica i neke delove romske zajednice.

Ima saznanja o zlostavljanju dece, mada se ne smatra da je ta praksa rasprostranjena. Ministarstvo za rad i socijalno staranje (MLSW) vodilo je 31 centar za socijalno staranje, u kojima je omogućena pomoć za 1.200 siročadi, 1.100 dece delikvenata, 50 zlostavljanih mališana i 120 dece sa problemima u ponašanju. Ovo ministarstvo je takođe upravljalo i domovima za siročad i sarađivalo sa nevladiniom organizacijama u smeštanju dece u prihvatilišta. Visoka stopa nezaposlenosti i razdvojenost porodica doveli su do velikog broja napuštene dece. Pošto usvajanje i privremeni smeštaj dece u hraniteljske porodice nije u dovoljnoj meri zadovoljavalo potrebe napuštene dece, odojčad i deca su povremeno smeštana u grupne domove sa malobrojnim osobljem za brigu o njima. Od kraja rata 1999. naovamo na Kosovu je prema nekim izveštajima napušteno 450 dece, većinom zbog siromaštva, niskog nivoa obrazovanja i neželjene i neplanirane trudnoće. Deca sa umanjenim sposobnostima često su skrivana od očiju javnosti i živela bez odgovarajuće nege, naročito u seoskim sredinama. Deca i njihove porodice, prvenstveno srpske nacionalnosti, i dalje su raseljena lica od rata 1999. godine, a naknadan broj porodica raseljen je posle martovskih nereda.

Dečji rad je ozbiljan problem (vidi Odeljak 6.d.). Trgovina decom u svrhu seksualne zloupotrebe vršila se na samom Kosovu ili je išla preko Kosova (vidi Odeljak 5, Trgovina ljudima).

Forum Kosova za prava dece povećao je u toku godine svoje članstvo primivši u svoje redove osam lokalnih i sedam međunarodnih nevladinih organizacija, da bi se na taj način premostio jaz u koordinaciji između nevladinih organizacija u vezi sa staranjem o deci. Organizacija pod nazivom Spasite decu započela je u saradnji sa lokalnon nevladinom organizacijom HANDIKOS rad na projektu koji treba da promoviše prava dece sa specijalnim potrebama. Takođe je u Kancelariji premijera za dobru upravu i u Ministarstvu prosvete naimenovan Koordinator za dečja prava.

Trgovina ljudima

Propisi UNMIK-a svrstavaju trgovinu ljudima u krivično delo; međutim trgovina ženama i decom i dalje je ozbiljan problem. Ima dokaza da su međunarodni i domaći državni funkcioneri umešani u trgovinu ljudima.

Kazne za trgovinu ljudima mogu da budu od 2 do 20 godina zatvora. Bavljenje, ili pokušaj bavljenja trgovinom ljudima kažnjava se sa 2 do 20 godina zatvora, ili do 15 godina zatvora, ako je žrtva maloletna; organizovanje grupe za trgovinu ljudima kažnjava se sa 5 do 20 godina zatvora; omogućavanje trgovine ljudima iz nemara može biti kažnjeno sa 5 godina zatvora, dok seksualni odnos sa maloletnom žrtvom trafikinga, donosi do 10 godina zatvora. Kazna za seksualni odnos uz upotrebu sile (silovanje) iznosi 1 do 10 godina zatvora; a za seksualni odnos sa devojčicom ispod 14 godina iznosi 1 do 5 godina zatvora. Zakon o trgovini ljudima propisuje nešto strožije kazne i primenjuje se i na prestupnike koji nisu direktno umešani u seksualne odnose.

UNMIK, PISG, međunarodne organizacije i nevladine organizacije čine velike napore da suzbiju trgovinu ljudima. I pored mnogih poboljšanja koje je u toku godine UNMIK uneo u svoju borbu protiv trgovine ljudima, veliki problemi, kao što su mali broj sudskih procesa i kazne kratkog trajanja, kao i nesposobnost policije da se prilagodi novim metodama koje trgovci ljudima sve više primenjuju, i dalje postoje. Jedinica UNMIK-a za istraživanje trgovine ljudima i prostituciju (TPIU) uhapsila je 56 lica zbog trgovine ljudima i još 21 lice zbog prestupa u vezi sa trgovinom ljudima, i kao rezultat toga tužilaštvo je podiglo 39 novih optužnica protiv trgovaca ljudima. Iako na kraju godine nismo mogli da dobijemo tačne podatke o presudama, saznali smo da je većina tih slučajeva okončana osuđujućim presudama. U novembru su pripadnici KPS-a, uz pomoć TPIU, uhapsili pet kosovskih Albanaca pod sumnjom da su se bavili trgovinom ljudima; trojica njih osuđena su na kazne zatvora od 2 do 4 godine. Često se dešavalo da žrtve trafikinga izaberu repatrijaciju pre nego što stignu da svedoče protiv prestupnika, i to je ometalo efikasno sprovođenje zakona. Vrlo mali broj presuda i kratkotrajne kazne bili su još jedan razlog što su žrtve nerado svedočile. Bilo je i drugih razloga za veoma mali broj sudskih procesa, kao što su: sve veća sofisticiranost rada organizovanog kriminala koji je tako podešen da se izbegava svaka veza između žrtava i kriminalaca višeg ranga, nepostojanje programa zaštite svedoka i neadekvatna obuka sudskog personala.

Koordinisanje borbe protiv trgovine ljudima nalazi se u rukama policije UNMIKA i uključuje TPIU, KPS i pograničnu policiju, UNMIK-ovo Odeljenje pravde, uključujući i UNMIK-ov VAAU, OEBS, Kancelariju premijera za dobru upravu i Ministarstva zdravlja, prosvete, javnih službi, i rada i socijalnog staranja. UNMIK se aktivno bavio istraživanjem trgovine ljudima. U toku godine TPIU je izveo 60 racija, 477 redovnih operacija, i 25 tajnih operacija, i pregledao 2.386 prebivališta, pronašavši 206 neprijavljenih prebivališta i zatvorivši 76 prebivališta, za koja se sumnjalo da služe za trgovinu ljudima.

Kosovo je izvor, tranzitno područje i destinacija žrtava trgovine ljudima; interna trgovina ljudima postaje sve veći problem. Kao i prethodnih godina, ogromna većina žrtava bile su žene i deca, koje su iz Istočne Evrope prebacivali na Kosovo radi seksualne zloupotrebe, a preko Kosova u Makedoniju, Albaniju i Zapadnu Evropu. Nema pouzdanih statističkih podataka koliki je celokupni obim problema na Kosovu u vezi sa trgovinom ljudima. Broj žrtava trgovine ljudima kojima je u toku godine CPWC pružio pomoć, iznosio je 59. Među njima je bilo 88 % žena, 70 % maloletnika, 84 % stanovnika Kosova, a 78 % su bili Albanci. Pomoć od IOM-a je dobilo 58 žrtava, koji se prevashodno bavio prekograničnom trgovinom ljudima, a među žrtvama je bilo 17 % lokalnih stanovnika. Prema podacima IOM-a polovina žrtava na Kosovu prodaje se i kupuje unutar zemlje, 20 % se šalje u Makedoniju, 10 % u Albaniju i Italiju, 6 % otpada na druge destinacije u Zapadnoj Evropi. TPIU je sarađivao sa obe pomenute organizacije i sa drugim organizacijama, u pružanju pomoći zajedničkim žrtvama trgovine ljudima, kojih je bilo 48, od toga su njih 11 bili stanovnici Kosova, a 32 su repatrirani u njihove zemlje porekla, većinom u Moldaviju i Albaniju.

Žrtve iz inostranstva koje su prebacivane na Kosovo, bile su skoro isključivo iz Istočne Evrope, sa Balkana ili iz bivšeg Sovjetskog Saveza. Prema podacima IOM-a preko 50 % žrtava inostranog porekla bile su iz Moldavije, 22 iz Rumunije, 13 iz Ukrajine, a ostale iz Bugarske, Albanije, Rusije i Srbije, dok je 5 % poticalo sa samog Kosova. Za 55% žrtava trgovine ljudima, Srbija je bila ulazna tačka prema Kosovu, Makedonija za 24 %, a Albanija za 5 % žrtava. Žene iz Moldavije prebacivane su na Kosovo i preko Austije i Švajcarske. Neke žene prebacivane su preko Kosova u Makedonije, Albaniju, Italiju, a ostale u Zapadnu Evropu.

Prema podacima CPWC, kosovske žrtve bile su pretežno žene ispod 18 godina starosti, iz siromašnih albanskih porodica. Na osnovu iskustava lokalnih žrtava kojima od 2002. godine pomaže IOM, veliki broj njih su maloletnici (62%), naročito su to mlade devojke između 13 i 15 godine; najmlađa žrtva dosad imala je 12 godina. Ukupan broj maloletnih žrtava trgovine ljudima povećao se u toku godine. Najviše su trgovini ljudima izložena deca i mlade devojke iz seoskih sredina, kao i deca iz veoma siromašnih gradskih sredina sa mnogo nezaposlenih i nepismenih lica. Prema podacima IOM-a iz 2003. godine, odlučujući faktori da neko postane žrtva trgovine ljudima bili su prethodno zlostavljanje u porodici i finansijske teškoće; 70 % žrtava bilo je siromašno, preko 80 % nije imalo srednje obrazovanje. Ima navoda da su ih prodavale njihove porodice.

Većinom se trgovina ljudima na Kosovu vrši u svrhu seksualne zloupotrebe, ali neke su žrtve bile korišćene i za prisilni rad, kako za služenje po kućama, tako i po barovima i restoranima. Žrtve trgovine ljudima prevashodno su radile u seksualnoj industriji, većinom u javnim kućama i noćnim klubovima, a sve više u privatnim rezidencijama. Manje od 5 % žrtava izjavilo je da su kada su polazili od kuće znali da će raditi u seksualnoj industiji. Žrtve trgovine ljudima izjavile su da su ih tukli, silovali, da su bili lišeni zdravstvenih usluga i da su im oduzeta putna i lična dokumanta. Vrlo često su žrtve nalažene u lošem zdravstvenom i mentalnom stanju. 79% žrtava koje su pregledali pripadnici IOM-a, prijavile su da su bile tučene.

Metode trgovine ljudima sve više su se usavršavale. Reagujući na agresivnu kampanju suzbijanja trgovine ljudima koju je sproveo TPIU, prodavci ljudi hitno su prebacili komercijalni seks iz barova i klubova u privatne kuće, gde je bilo mnogo teže otkriti nelegalne radnje. Trgovci ljudima sve više su koristili novčane premije da bi nagovorili žrtve da odbijaju pomoć. IOM je izvestio da je među 409 žrtava (većinom iz inostranstva) kojima je pružio pomoć u toku 2000. godine, 75% bilo regrutovano lažnim obećanjima da će dobiti posao, dok je 8 % bilo prisilno odvedeno ili kidnapovano. U 45% slučajeva žrtvu bi vrbovao poznanik, a u 10 % slučajeva to je bio ili žrtvin prijatelj ili prijatelj porodice. Za vrbovanje su češće korišćene žene nego muškarci. Način vrbovanja žrtava sa Kosova unekoliko se razlikovao; manji broj Kosovara (33%) vrbovan je uz obećanje da će dobiti posao, a više ih je silom odvedeno (25%) ili im je obećan brak (20%).

Trgovci ljudima šesto su radili su kao sastavni deo koordinisanog rada elemenata organizovanog kriminala iz redova kosovskih Srba i kosovskih Albanaca; a Srbija je služila kao veoma aktivan tranzitni centar za žrtve trgovine ljudima iz Istočne Evrope prema Kosovu ili preko Kosova nadalje. Kosovski biro za organizovani kriminal (KOCB) zadužen je za ispitivanje ovih slučajeva, ali još uvek nije razvio adekvatne mehanizme saradnje sa specijalnim jedinicama kakva je TPIU. Vlasnici barova i javnih kuća kupovali su žrtve od organizovanih kriminalnih grupa. Većina klijenata žena koje su prodate radi seksualne zloupotrebe, su mladi ljudi. Otprilike 80% klijenata ovih žena su lokalni stanovnici, dok je oko 20% klijenata iz inostranstva. Amnesti Internešnal (AI) objavio je u maju jedan izveštaj, u kome se tvrdilo da je prisustvo mirovnih trupa na Kosovu pospešilo seksualnu eksploataciju žena i podstaklo trgovinu ženama, i da su neki mirovnjaci direktno umešani u trgovinu ljudima. U izveštaju se tvrdi da je 20 % klijenata koji koriste usluge prodatih devojaka i žena, iz redova međunarodnog personala, iako oni na Kosovu čine samo 2 % celokupnog stanovništva.

Međunarodna administracija PISG-a i UNMIK-a potvrdila je da postoji problem trgovine ljudima i uložila je veliki trud da bi rešila taj problem u praksi. Predstavnici vlasti UNMIK-a i PISG-a zvanično ne odobravaju trgovinu ljudima; međutim postoje anegdote koje potvrđuju da su se takvi postupci dešavali. Neki domaći tužioci prijavili su slučajeve u kojima je jedan te isti advokat zastupao i optuženog prodavca ljudi i žrtvu. Jedno takođe anegdotsko svedočanstvo tvrdi da postoji veoma komplikovana struktura finansijskih i rođačkih veza između političkih lidera i mreže organizovanog kriminala, koji imaju finansijski interes u trgovijni ljudima. Na kraju godine na listi UNMIK-a bilo je 200 ilegalnih prebivališta, 70 % njih bilo je u Prizrenu i Gnjilanima, koji se nalaze blizu makedonske i albanske granice. Nije bilo slučajeva da je neko od međunarodnih službenika uhvaćen na delu podstrekivanja ili učešća u prostituciji; međutim, 2003. godine 5 vojnika KFOR-a iz Mitrovice i jedan komandir policije UNMIK-a zatečani su u neprijavljenim prostorijama i poslati kućama. 2003. godine pokrenut je postupak protiv jednog člana policije UNMIK-a i tri kosovska Albanca, koji su uhapšeni pod sumnjom da su povezani sa organizovanom grupom za prostituisanje dece, ali su svi pušteni zbog nedostatka dokaza. Međutim, Pakistanac koji je bio iz redova policije, još uvek je na kraju godine bio pod istragom u vezi sa tim slučajem.

Najveći deo odgovornosti za pomaganje žrtvama pao je na pleća PISG-a, ali zbog nedostatka adekvatnih kapaciteta i resursa, tu dužnost su preuzele lokalne nevladine organizacije. Iako nisu direktno pružali utočište domaćim žrtvama, UNMIK, OEBS i IOM sarađivali su sa međunarodnim i lokalnim nevladinim organizacijama, kao što su UMCOR i CPWC, koje su držale prihvatilišta za žrtve trgovine ljudime, u kojima su obezbeđivale medicinsku pomoć i savetodavne usluge psihologa. Privremena sigurna kuća takođe je pružala privremeno utočište žrtvama, dok bi se oni rešavali da li da budu vraćeni u zemlju porekla ili da svedoče protiv prodavaca ljudi. Policija je preko regionalnih službenika OEBS-a upućivala eventualne žrtve da se obrate IOM-u radi prvog intervjua.

Sve veća saznanja o trgovini ljudima dovela su do značajnog napretka u zaštiti žrtava. Propisi UNMIK-a obezbeđuju odbranu žrtava trgovine ljudima u slučaju podizanja optužnice protiv njih zbog prostitucije i ilegalnog prelaska granice; međutim, nekoliko domaćih sudija su ponekad žrtve trgovine ljudima nepravilno osudili na kazne zatvora. Neke domaće sudije pogrešno su izdale naloge za deportaciju žena osuđenih zbog prostitucije ili nedostatka dokumenata; međutim UNMIK takve naloge za deportaciju nije izvršio. Žrtve koje nisu prihvatile pomoć IOM-a, puštene su iz pritvora, ali ako bi nastavile da se bave prostitucijom mogle su ponovo biti uhapšene, osuđene na kratkotrajne zatvorske kazne, ili deportovane. Žrtve su ohrabrivane da pruže informacije koji bi omogućile pokretanje krivičnog postupka. Jedinica UNMIK-a za zastupanje i pružanje pomoći žrtvama (VAAU) obezbeđivala je žrtvama advokatske usluge i pomoć. Prema podacima TPIU, skoro sve žrtve nerado su svedočile na sudu u prisustvu svog podvodača, tako da im je bilo dozvoljeno da svedoče direktno pred tužiocima, uz prisustvo predstavnika IOM-a ili nekog drugog advokata. Nedostatak adekvatne zaštite svedoka i dalje je ozbiljan problem sistema krivičnog prava na celom Kosovu. Zbog kulturnih tabua i opasnosti od društvene diskriminacije repatrirane žrtve sa Kosova nisu želele da svedoče o svojim iskustvima.

Međunarodne i nevladine organizacije, a naročito IOM vodili su preventivne kampanje, trudeći se da što više ljudi na Kosovu bude obavešteno o problemu da bi se na taj način trgovina ljudima predupredila. U saradnji sa Ministarstvom prosvete, kancelarija premijera za dobru upravu pripremila je materijal za edukaciju o trgovini ljudima, koji je uvršćen u nastavni plan osnovnih i srednjih škola. IOM je 2003. završio svoje preventivne kampanje o trgovini ljudima usmerene na obaveštavanje javnosti o tom problemu i započeo drugu kampanju obrazovanja najpodložnijeg dela stanovništva, koji sačinjavaju mlade žene. VAAU vodi UNMIK-ovu obrazovnu kampanju za preventivu trgovine ljudima, između ostalog otvaranjem specijalnih telefonskih linija za žrtve trgovine ljudima.

Osobe sa umanjenim sposobnostima

Propisi UNMIK-a zabranjuju diskriminaciju osoba sa umanjenim sposobnostima pri zapošljavanju, u obrazovanju, zdravstvenoj zaštiti, i obezbeđivanju drugih usluga koje pruža država; međutim, uprkos nekim poboljšanjima tokom godine, u praksi je postojala velika diskriminacija. Drugi zakoni obrađuju druge aspekte invaliditeta, a u njih spada zakon o penzionisanju osoba sa umanjim sposobnostima koje su prešle 18 godina, kao i zakon o obrazovanju, koji predviđa posebne učionice za osobe sa invaliditetom. Međutim, ovi zakoni još nisu u potpunosti primenjeni u praksi i nailaze na razne prepreke: ne postoji prevoz za decu sa specijalnim potrebama, ne postoji jedna centralna komisija koja bi procenjivala potrebe dece, objekti i pogodnosti su neadekvatni, a učionice pretrpane.

Resorna ministarstva, u koja spadaju Ministarstva prosvete, zdravlja, socijalnog staranja i javnih službi, zadužena su za zaštitu prava osoba sa umanjinim sposobnostima. Ne postoje nikakve posebne zakonske odredbe koje se tiču socijalnog staranja za otprilike 14,000 osoba sa psihičkim problemima. Zakon se nije prilagodio međunarodnim standardima i nije bilo nikakve ekspertize što se tiče prava osoba sa umanjenim sposobnostima. I dalje ne postoje zakoni o starateljstvu, koji obezbeđuju odgovarajuću proceduru zaštite takvih osoba. Na primer, zakon ne priznaje smeštanje osoba u institucije i lečenje protiv njihove volje (nedobrovoljno lečenje) kao dve različite zakonske odredbe. Visoka stopa nezaposlenosti još više je otežala pitanje zapošljavanja za osobe sa invaliditetom. Zakon propisuje omogućavanje pristupa osobama sa umanjenim sposobnostima javnim zgradama; međutim, u praksi se to ne sprovodi.

Pošto u okviru UNMIK-a i PISG-a ne postoji služba za socijalno staranje za osobe sa umanjenim sposobnostima, jedina ustanova koja je preuzela tu ulogu je lokalna vladina organizacija Handikos, koja na Kosovu pruža opsežne usluge osobama sa fizičkim invaliditetom; međutim, u severnim opštinama gde je stanovništvo pretežno srpske nacionalnosti, Handikos nije prisutan.

Po objavljivanju svog izveštaja za 2002. godinu, Međunarodna nevladina organizacija za prava psihički hendikepiranih osoba (MDRI) pokrenula je promovisanje prava psihički hendikepiranih osoba, pošto je na Kosovu otkrila veliki broj dokaza o nebrizi, fizičkom zlostavljanju, seksualnom maltretiranju i proizvoljnom zatvaranju takvih osoba u mentalne ustanove. Osoblje i pacijenti Instituta Štimje, prištinskog Staračkog doma, i prištinske Univerzitetske klinike navodno su činili sve te zloupotrebe, ali do kraja godine nije podneta nijedna krivična prijava. Programi su bili utvrđeni pravilima politike UNMIK-a, ali je UNMIK u velikoj meri preneo odgovornosti u vezi sa osobama sa umanjenim sposobnostima na lokalni personal. UNMIK je takođe osnovao »odbore posetilaca«, čija je dužnost bila nadzor nad grupnim domovima; međutim, MDRI je ustanovio da odbori nisu nezavisni i da im nedostaje stručnost pri kontrolisanju stanja ljudskih prava. Jula 2003. godine MDRI je izdao drugi izveštaj, u kome se tvrdilo da i pored poboljšanja uslova u ustanovama, UNMIK nije zaštitio prava pacijenata, niti je u društvu omogućio sigurnu alternativnu zamenu za institucije koje vode brigu o takvim pacijentima. UNMIK je to porekao. Otada su se uslovi u ustanovama i obuka osoblja znatno popravili. Reagujući na ovaj izveštaj MDRI-ja, PSIG je 2003. godina utrošio 2,7 miliona (2 miliona evra) na renoviranje zdravstvene ustanove u Štimju, koja je sada bila u stanju da primi 300 pacijenata što je njen pun kapacitet; do kraja godine imala je na staranju 194 pacijenta. MDRI je tvrdio da se pacijenti nelegalno drže zatvoreni, pošto ne postoji zakon koji reguliše proceduru zatvaranja lica u psihijatrijske ustanove ili ustanove za socijalno staranje, niti postoji zakon koji štiti njihova prava unutar institucija. Posle ovakvih sugestija od strane MDRI, PSIG je odlučio da proširi mogućnosti za nezavistan život u integrisanim domovima koje će odobriti MDRI.

Povremeno se dešava da osobe kojima je potrebno psihijatrijsko lečenje budu osuđene za izmišljena ili sitna krivična dela, i da se nađu u zatvoru bez mogućnosti za adekvatno lečenje; međutim, MDRI je obučio neke pripadnike KPS za pružanje pomoći u ovakvim prilikama. Pored toga, i pored dokazanih zloupotreba, niko na Kosovu nije bio kažnjen zbog zlostavljanja psihički hendikepiranih osoba.

Oktobra meseca je OI kritikovao prištinski Univerzitetski klinički centar zbog smeštanja psihički hendikepiranih zatvorenika u isto odeljenje sa drugim pacijentima, a prijavio je da su neki slučajevi zatvaranja mentalno obolelih pacijenata na psihijatrijsko odeljenje, u stvari nelegalni pritvor. Na ovo su reagovale zatvorske vlasti Kosova preuzevši upravu nad psihijatrijskim odeljenjem Univerzitetske klinike u Prištini.

Nacionalne/rasne/etničke manjine

Iako propisi UNMIK-a i Ustavni okvir štite etničke manjine, u praksi na Kosovu je najozbiljniji problem ljudskih prava sveopšta društvena diskriminacija i maltretiranje pripadnika manjinskih zajednica, naročito Srba, ali i Roma, Aškalija i Egipćana, kada je u pitanju zapošljavanje, društvene usluge, upotreba jezika, sloboda kretanja, pravo na povratak i druga osnovna prava. Nasilje i zločini nad imovinom koji se sprovode nad kosovskim manjinama, i dalje su ozbiljan problem.

Martovski neredi, upereni protiv Srba, Roma i Aškalija, bili su najozbiljnija provala nasilja i destrukcije od sukoba 1999. naovamo. Policija UNMIK-a zabeležila je u toku godine 1.100 etnički motivisanih zločina, a najveći broj zločina (859) dogodio se u martu. Ako se isključe martovski neredi, ostala 172 incidenta za koje se pretpostavlja da su bila etnički motivisana, pokazuju da je ta vrsta prestupa u blagom porastu (od 18%) u odnosu na prošlogodišnji bilans od 138 prestupa. Sve u svemu, povećao se broj zločina nad tuđom imovinom, a smanjio broj zločina protiv drugih lica, prvi put nakon 1999; 59 % incidenata bili su prekršaji nad tuđom imovinom. Međutim, prema podacima Kancelarije UNMIK-a za probleme zajednica, incidenti upereni protiv manjina nisu prijavljivani u punoj meri, zbog nepoverenja prema KPS-u i prema pravnom sistemu Kosova. U drugoj polovini godine, nevladine organizacije beležile su oko 10 incidenata nedeljno, što je dvaput više od onih koje je zabeležila policija UNMIK-a. U ove zločine uračunati su i sitni prestupi, kao što je kamenovanje, nasrtaji na Srbe i uznemiravanje Srba i drugih manjina, kao i zločini spaljivanja i vandalizma nad imovinom, koji se širom Kosova dešavaju skoro svakog dana.

U toku godine bilo je oko 62 ubistva, uključujući i 20 ubistava za vreme martovskih nereda; 11 ubijenih bili su Srbi, uključujući i onih 8 iz martovskih nereda. Izuzimajući martovske nerede, nad Srbima su izvršena 3 ubistva, tri pokušaja ubistva i jedan ozbiljan napad, u koje spada: dvostruko ubistvo u Lipljanu 19. februara, pokušaj ubistva jednog maloletnika u Čaglavici 15. marta, ubistvo maloletnog Dimitrija Popovića u Gračanici 6. maja, pokušaj ubistva u Zubinom Potoku 27. maja, napad eksplozivnom napravom na porodicu kosovskih Srba dok je radila na polju u Vitini 10. juna, i pokušaj ubistva u Lipljanu 1. oktobra.

Povećano nasilje, naročito za vreme martovskih nereda, moglo bi biti politički motivisano i do izvesne mere koordinisano od strane albanskih ekstremista. Neki lideri kosovske vlade veoma su sporo reagovali u osudi nasilja, i na taj način još više pogoršali problem i pomogli da se surovo društveno zlostavljanje manjina ozakoni. Međunarodne nevladine organizacije, kao što su Straža ljudskih prava (Human rights Watch) i AI, i OEBS tvrdili su u svojim izveštajima da su UNMIK, KFOR i KPS mogli bolje da zaštite manjine u periodu koji je nastupio posle martovskih nereda.

Razlog za izbijanje martovskih nereda bilo je davljenje albanske dece iz sela Čabra u opštini Zubin Potok u Ibru 16. marta; dete koje je preživelo tvrdilo je da su ih Srbi sa psom gonili prema Ibru. Pre nego što su policija i sudski organi izvršili istragu, mediji su objavili tu priču. Osim toga, Srbi su blokirali magistralni put Ptiština-Skopje, zbog pucnjave iz kola u pokretu na 19-ogodišnjeg Srbina iz srpskog sela Čaglavice 15. marta. Oko18.000 Albanaca je učestvovalo 16. marta na prijavljenim demonstracijama protiv hapšenja bivših članova KLA od strane policije UNMIK-a. Albanci su počeli demonstracije u Mitrovici 17. marta protestujući protiv davljenja dece, i u Prištini protiv srpske blokade puta u Čaglavici i Gračanici. Nemiri su se ubrzo preneli na ostale delove Kosova i postajali su sve nasilniji. Izgleda da je postojala taktika da se uništi srpska imovina i da se protera srpsko stanovništvo iz enklava na jugu Kosova. U neredima je ubijeno 20 osoba, (8 Srba i 12 Albanaca sa Kosova), 900 osoba je ranjeno, i preko 900 srpskih, romskih i aškalijskih kuća i 30 pravoslavnih crkava i manastira spaljeno ili teško oštećeno, a preko 4.000 Srba, Aškalija i Roma ostalo bez krova nad glavom.

Kada se povratio red, policija UNMIK-a i KFOR otpočeli su opsežne operacije hvatanja lica odgovornh za nerede. Do juna meseca uhapšeno je preko 270 lica optuženih za razne prestupe prilikom nereda, uključujući ubistva, pokušaje ubistva, paljevinu i pljačku. Da bi proširio kapacitete istrage, UNMIK je regrutovao još 100 dodatnih istražitelja policije, 6 tužilaca, i 3 sudije. Do polovine juna, međunarodni tužioci postupili su po 52 najteža slučaja. Unutrašnja kontrola KPS-a, koju je predvodio UNMIK, pokrenula je 10 disciplinskih istraga protiv pripadnika KPS-a zbog nepreduzimanja akcije za vreme nereda ili učešća u njima. Od sedam lica koja su pritvorena pod sumnjom da su organizovali i vodili martovske nerede, protiv četiri su pokrenute istrage: protiv komandira KPC-a Nasera Šatrija; predsednika Udruženja ratnih veterana KLA iz Peći, Nedžmija Lajcija; predsednika Udruženja ratnih veterana KLA iz Gnjilana Šakir Šakirija; i predsednika Udruženja ratnih veterana KLA iz Vučitrna Saliha Salihua. Na kraju godine PISG je ponovo sagradio preko 90 % oštećenih i uništenih kuća, ali je rekonstrukcija crkava ostala zamrznuta iz političkih razloga (vidi Odeljak 2.c.).

U toku godine nije učinjen nikakav napredak u istragama ili sudskom gonjenju protiv počinilaca nasilja nad Srbima u 2003. godini.

Civilna lica odgovorna su za uništavanje privatne imovine, uz čestu upotrebu paljevine. I dalje se sprovodi poznati fenomen »strateškog iseljavanja«. Ima svedočanstava da su kosovski Albanci u nekoliko etnički mešovitih sredina vršili nasilje, zastrašivanje i nudili da kupe imanja po naduvanim cenama, da bi razbili i narušili srpske naseobine. Na primer, 26. maja jedan 35-ogodišnji srpski seljak teško je ranjen, kada je nepoznati prestupnik pucao na njega iz susednog, pretežno albanskog sela. U nekim slučajevim nasilje nad Srbima je možda bilo pokušaj da se ljudi primoraju na prodaju svoje imovine. Propis UNMIK-a zabranjuje kupovinu na veliko van srpskih zajednica na Kosovu, i nastoji da spreči zastrašivanje vlasnika imovine iz redova manjina u određenim geografskim sredinama; međutim, taj propis se retko sprovodio u delo. Neke opštine izuzete su od ovog propisa na njihov zahtev. Kosovski OI i grupe koje se bave ljudskim pravima, kritikovali su ovaj propis zbog toga što ograničava kosovske Srbe u vršenju njihovih imovinskih prava.

Kosovski Srbi suočili su se sa teškim uslovima i u Srbiji. Na primer, 23. maja je jedan 14-ogodišnji kosovski Srbin ubijen u Republici Srbiji za vreme školske ekskurzije. Nakon što ga je grupa starijih Srba maltretirala, dečaka je neko udario, on je izgubio ravnotežu, pao sa tvrđave i poginuo. Na kraju godine još se u Srbiji vodio krivični postupak protiv mladića koji su učestvovali u incidentu.
Kosovski Srbi diskriminisani su u prosveti i zdravstvu, ali vlada SCG nastavila je da finansira i dopunjava te službe, preko Koordinacionog centra za Kosovo i paralelnih institucija, kakva je na primer, bolnica u severnoj Mitrovici. Zapošljavanje manjina u PISG bilo je neznatno i svodilo se na neke niže, podređene službe u vladi. U ministarstvima PISG ima samo 10 % pripadnika manjina i pored zacrtanog cilja vlade da ih bude preko 16 %, a celokupan procenat zaposlenih iz redova manjina u PISG pokazuje trend opadanja.

Turska zajednica bolje je integrisana u društvo kosovskih Albanaca i manje je izložena društvenoj diskriminaciji od ostalih manjina. Romi žive u strašnom siromaštvu. Pošto ih mnogi kosovski Albanci smatraju kolaboratorima Srba, oni su takođe bili izloženi totalnoj društvenoj i ekonomskoj diskriminaciji. Vrlo često nisu mogli da dopru do osnovnih higijenskih i medicinskih usluga, kao i obrazovanja i u velikoj meri su zavisili od humanitarne pomoći. Iako je bilo i uspešnih pokušaja da se Romi, Aškali i Egipćani ponovo usele u svoje nekadašnje kuće, ipak su bezbednosni razlozi i dalje bili problem.
Bošnjački lideri i dalje se žale da su hiljade pripadnika njihove zajednice napustile Kosovo zbog diskriminacije i nepostojanja ekonomskih mogućnosti.

Ostale društvene zloupotrebe i diskriminacija

Zbog tradicionalnog društvenog stava prema homoseksualnosti, većina gej muškaraca i lezbejki iz straha je skrivala svoju seksualnu orijentaciju. Gej muškarci i lezbejke obično su se osećali nesigurno i mnogi su se žalili na pretnje kojima su izloženi. Kosovska štampa je svojim negativnim člancima o homoseksualnosti još više raspirivala takav stav. Prikazivala je gej muškarce i lezbejke kao mentalno bolesne osobe koje su sklone seksualnom napastvovanju dece. Pojedini homoseksualci prijavili su da su diskriminisani prilikom zapošljavanja. Novi Antidiskriminacioni zakon, koji je upravo donešen na Kosovu, u sebi sadrži i zaštitu protiv diskriminacije zasnovane na seksualnoj orijentaciji; međutim, tokom godine zakon nije primenjivan. Barem jedna politička partija, islamski orijentisana Partija pravde, uvrstila je osudu homoseksualnosti u svoj partijski program.

Podsticanje na diskriminaciju

Međunarodni posmatrači i Privremeni komesar za medije optužili su kosovsku štampu, a naročito elektronske medije, za podsticanje nasilja za vreme martovskih nereda (visi Odeljak 2.a.).

Odeljak 6 Prava radnika

a. Pravo na udruživanje

Propisi UNMIK-a dozvoljavaju radnicima da osnivaju i da se učlanjuju u sindikate po svom izboru bez prethodnog odobrenja ili preteranih uslovljavanja, a radnici su primenjivali ovo svoje pravo u praksi. Jedini značajni sindikat bila je Konfederacija nezavisnih sindikata Kosova (BSPK), koji je brojao 120.000 registrovanih članova, što je oko 6 % celokupnog stanovništva. Samo je 10 % članova tog sindikata bilo u radnom odnosu. Propisi UNMIK-a zabranjuju diskriminaciju sindikata; međutim, neki sindikalni funkcioneri prijavili su da je u praksi bilo diskriminacije. BSPK tvrdi da je samo mali broj firmi poštovao propis koji spečava diskriminaciju sindikata, i da su prava radnika u svakom sektoru bila kršena od poslodavaca, uključujući i međunarodne organizacije, gde službenicima nije uplaćivano penzijsko i socijalno osiguranje.

b. Pravo na organizovanje i kolektivno pregovaranje

Propisi UNMIK-a dozvoljavaju sindikatima da svoje aktivnosti sprovode bez ičijeg mešanja, a UNMIK je štitio to pravo u praksi. Propisi UNMIK-a takođe predviđaju pravo na organizovanje i kolektivno pregovaranje bez ičijeg mešanja, a vlada u praksi nije ograničavala ovo pravo; međutim, kolektivno pregovaranje veoma retko se događalo. Propisi UNMIK-a ne priznaju pravo na štrajk; međutim štrajkovi nisu zabranjeni i tokom godine desilo se nekoliko štrajkova.

Ne postoje slobodne izvozne zone.

c. Zabrana prinudnog i obaveznog rada.

Propisi UNMIK-a zabranjuju prinudni i obavezni rad, uključujući i rad dece; međutim, bilo je izveštaja da se takva praksa događala (vidi Odeljak 5 i 6.b.).

d. Zabrana rada dece i donja starosna granica za zapošljavanje

Propisi UNMIK-a štite decu od eksploatacije na radnom mestu, a u tu zaštitu spada i zabrana prinudnog i obaveznog rada i obezbeđivanje prihvatljivih uslova rada; međutim, vlada nije uvek sprovodila ove principe u praksi. Zakon izglasan pre 1989. godine koji je i dalje ostao na snazi, predviđa da je donja starosna granica za zapošljavanje 16 godina, a za posao koji bi mogao da ugrozi zdravlje, bezbednost ili moral mladog čoveka, 18 godina. U isto vreme, taj zakon dozvoljava i deci od 15 godina da rade, ako taj rad nije štetan za dete, niti im smeta da pohađaju školu. Obično su u selima i zemljoradničkim sredinama mlađa deca radila da bi pomogla svojim porodicama. Gradska deca obično su radila razne neprijavljene maloprodajne poslove, prala su prozore, prodavala novine, cigareta ili kartice za mobilne telefone na ulici. Neka deca su radila i fizičke poslove, recimo na prevozu robe. Broj dece-uličnih prodavaca naglo je porastao posle 1999, pošto se veliki broj porodica sa sela preselilo u gradove posle sukoba. Prema podacima jedne studije, skoro polovina dece-uličnih prodavaca živela je pre sukoba 1999. na selu, a 20 % njih svakodnevno su putovali iz sela do radnih mesta u gradu. 90 % dece koja su intervjuisana, rekla su da su bila prisiljena na rad zbog siromaštva, a preko 80 % je izjavilo da su radili i do 9 sati dnevno da bi izdržavali nezaposlene roditelje, često propuštajući školsku nastavu. Na ulicama su prvenstveno radili dečaci između 14 i 18 godina, ali primećena su i deca od samo 6 godina. Trgovina decom, većinom radi prostituisanja, takođe je bila ozbiljan problem (vidi odeljak 5).

MLSW, u saradnji sa UNMIK DOJ, koordinisala je politiku zaštite dece, a Odeljenje MLSW za socijalno staranje ima zaduženje da interveniše u vezi sa brigom i zaštitom dece sprovodi u delo. Juna meseca Međunarodni program za eliminaciju dečjeg rada, koji je pod upravom Međunarodne organizacije rada, organizovao je prvi radni sastanak, na kojem je trebalo ustanoviti sistem kontrole dečjeg rada. Tada je sa UNMIK-om potpisan memorandum o razumevanju o prevenciji dečjeg rada. Lokalne i međunarodne nevladine organizacije, kakva je na primer Spasite decu, počele su kampanju za dečja prava da bi se javnost što bolje upoznala sa tim problemima.

e. Prihvatljivi uslovi rada

Propisi UNMIK-a previđaju minimalnu platu, ali nisu još odredili njenu visinu. Iako mnoge međunarodne organizacije i NGO-i daju pristojne plate, prosečna mesečna plata za puno radno vreme u državnom sektoru koja iznosi 204 dolara (151 evra) i prosečna plata kod privatnika koja iznosi 281 dolar (208 evr), nisu dovoljne da obezbede pristojan standard života za radnika i njegovu porodicu.

Propisi UNMIK-a predviđaju standardnu radnu nedelju od 40 sati, obavezne periode odmora, ograničavaju broj prekovremenih sati na 20 sati nedeljno i 40 sati mesečno, propisuju obavezno davanje naknade za prekovremeni rad i zabranjuju prekomeran prinudni prekovremeni rad. U uslovima male zaposlenosti i velike nezaposlenosti, poslodavci obično nisu ispunjavali ove propise.

Inspektori rada primenjivali su zdravstvene i bezbednosne standarde, a Skupština Kosova izglasala je 2003. godine zakon o Inspekciji rada; međutim do kraja godine ovaj zakon nije primenjen. Zakon ne dozvoljava zaposlenim da se uklone sa opasnih radnih mesta, a da ne ugroze svoj stalni radni odnos.

CRNA GORA

Crna Gora je konstitutivna republika državne zajednice Srbije i Crne Gore (SCG). Crna Gora ima predsednika i parlamentarni sistem vlasti. Filip Vujanović izabran je za predsednika u maju 2003. Koalicija na čijem je čelu Milo Đukanović (koji je sada premijer) osvojila je većinu poslaničkih mesta u parlamentu, na izborima 2002. godine. Međunarodni posmatrači ocenili su i jedne i druge izbore kao slobodne i fer. U velikoj meri Vlada Crne Gore deluje nezavisno od Republike Srbije u vezi sa većinom pitanja. Crna Gora ima odvojeni carinski režim, odvojeni vizni režim, svoju sopstvenu centralnu banku i koristi evro a ne jugoslovenski dinar, kao svoju valutu. Ustav predviđa nezavisno sudstvo; međutim sudovi su često bivali podložni političkom uticaju i korupciji, a i dalje su preopterećeni i neefikasni.

Republička policija, koja je podređena Ministarstvu Unutrašnjih poslova (MUP), zadužena je za unutrašnju bezbednost. Državna služba bezbednosti Crne Gore, koja je takođe deo MUP-a, ima ovlašćenje da vrši nadzor nad građanima. Iako su civilne vlasti uglavnom održavale efikasnu kontrolu nad službom bezbednosti, bilo je nekoliko slučajeva kada su izvesni delovi snaga bezbednosti delovali nezavisno od vlade. Neki pripadnici snaga bezbednosti kršili su ljudska prava.

Privreda koja je više tržišno orijentisana nego u vlasništvu države, mešavina je poljoprivredne, industrije i turističke ekonomije. Broj stanovnika iznosi oko 686.000, zajdno sa izbeglicama i raseljenim licima sa Kosova. Realni rast domaćeg bruto produkta iznosio je 4,1 % 2004. godine, a godišnja inflacija bila je otprilike 4 %. U toku godine plate su znatno nadmašile inflaciju, ali su i dalje niske u odnosu na životne troškove.

Vlada je uglavnom poštovala ljudska prava svojih građana; međutim, u nekim domenima je bilo problema. Policija je povremeno tukla i zlostavljala civile. Nekažnjavanje prestupnika bilo je problem. Nezavisnost medija bila je problem. Pod pritiskom političara državni i neki privatni mediji iskrivljeno su prikazivli neke događaje. Nasilje u porodici i diskriminacija žena i dalje su problem. Trgovina ženama i decom radi seksualne zloupotrebe i dalje je problem. Neki vidovi etničke diskrminacije i dalje postoje, a naročito prema Romima.

POŠTOVANJE LJUDSKIH PRAVA

Odeljak 1 Poštovanje integriteta ličnosti, koje ne dozvoljava:

a. proizvoljno i nezakonito lišavanje života

Nije bilo saznanja o proizvoljnom lišavanju života bilo koga od strane vlade ili njenih agencija.

b. Nestanak lica

Nije bilo slučajeva politički motivisanih nestanaka.

c. Mučenje i druge surove, nehumane i ponižavajuće postupke ili kazne

Zakon zabranjuje takvo postupanje; međutim, policija je povremeno tukla osumnjičene za vreme hapšenja ili za vreme boravka u pritvoru radi ispitivanja. Prijavljeni slučajevi tučenja od strane policije bili su manje surovi i ređi nego prethodnih godina.

Do kraja godine nije pokrenut nikakav postupak protiv policajca koji je maja 2003. tukao Igora Zindovića.

Lokalni državni tužilac pokrenuo je istragu protiv policijskog inspektora Dobrašina Vulića i tri druga neidentifikovana policajca zbog toga što su avgusta 2003. tukli Nikolu Popovića. Na kraju godine istraga je još bila u toku.

U toku godine lokalni državni tužilac obustavio je disciplinski postupak protiv dva policajca koji su tukli Izeta Koraća u oktobru 2003, zbog nedostatka dokaza.

U toku godine suđeno je trojici policajaca zbog toga što su 2002. godine tukli Darka Kneževića; jedan policajac osuđen je na uslovnu kaznu od 7 meseci, a druga dvojica su oslobođena optužbe.

U toku godine suđeno je šestorici policajaca iz Berana zbog toga što su tukli pet Muslimana iz Petnjica 2002. godine. Jedan policajac koji je bio na probnom radu, kažnjen je disciplinskom kaznom i morao je da plati kaznu u iznosu od 50 % od svoje plate, a ugovor mu nije obnovljen. Ostalih pet policajaca oslobođeno je optužbe.

Zatvorski uslovi u principu su odgovarali međunarodnim standardima; međutim, neki problemi su i dalje ostali nerešeni. Zatvorski objekti su prastari, prenatrpani, i slabo održavani. Zbog nedovoljnih budžetskih sredstava zatvorenici su često bili primorani da nabavljaju stvari za higijenu od svojih porodica, iako je zatvor obezbeđivao osnovne stvari za higijenu onima koji nisu mogli da ih dobiju na drugi način.

Žene su smeštene odvojeno od muškaraca. Zakon propisuje da maloletnici moraju biti smešteni odvojeno od odraslih, a da pritvorena lica koja čekaju suđenje treba da budu odvojena od već osuđenih kriminalaca; međutim, u praksi se to nije uvek poštovalo zbog prenatrpanosti.

Vlada je dozvoljavala posmatračima stanja ljudskih prava, kao i predstavnicima Međunarodnog komiteta Crvenog krsta i lokalnim nevladinim organizacijama (NGO), da posećuju zatvore. Ombudsman, koga je 2003 izabrao parlament, imao je pravo da posećuje pritvorenike i zatvorenike u svako doba, bez prethodne najave. Članovi kancelarije ombudsmana redovno su posećivali zatvore i sastajali se sa pritvorenim licima i zatvorenicima.

d. Proizvoljno hapšenje i pritvor

Zakon zabranjuje proizvoljno hapšenje i pritvor, i vlada je, za razliku od prošlih godina, uglavnom poštovala ove zabrane.

MUP kontroliše i nacionalnu i pograničnu policiju. Ove dve službe su uglavnom bile efikasne u održavanju osnovnog reda i zakona; međutim u borbi sa organizovanim kriminalom njihova efikasnost bila je ograničena. Prilično veliki deo policije sačinjavaju Bošnjaci (bosanski Muslimani), od kojih su mnogi stacionirani u oblasti sa pretežno muslimanskim življem, koju na severu nazivaju Sandžak. Vlada je istraživala neke slučajeve policijskih zloupotreba. Vrlo retko su pokretani sudski postupci ili izricane osude protiv policajaca; kada bi bili pokrenuti, često su bivali produžavani, a kazne su bile blage.

Korupcija je bila problem; malo, vrlo čvrsto isprepletano društvo obeshrabrivalo je ljude da prijave korupciju i omogućavalo kriminalcima da se približe organima reda.

Međunarodna zajednica obezbedila je znatnu finansijsku i tehničku pomoć da bi poboljšala kvalitet obuke i pogodnosti za policiju, sa specijalnim akcentom na borbu protiv trgovine ljudima. Takođe je obezbeđivana pomoć za obuku policije da bi se ova mogla uspešnije boriti sa organizovanim kriminalom.

Novi zakon o krivičnom postupku stupio je na snagu u aprilu, zamenivši sve pređašnje zakone o krivičnom postupku. Zakon definiše ovlašćenja policije u proceduri pre suđenja i dopušta da policija učestvuje u ovim procesima samo sa odobrenjem sudije. Obuka policajaca je kasnila, što je zaustavilo punu primenu novog zakona; međutim smanjio se broj slučajeva policijskog tučenja zatvorenika. Zakon takođe sadrži i nove mere za borbu protiv organizovanog kriminala i novi program zaštite svedoka. Evropska Organizacija za bezbednost i saradnju (OEBS) ukazala je na činjenicu da se ovim zakonom obezbeđuje bolja zaštita ljudskih prava i slobode građana, jer policija, tužioci i sudovi dobijaju veća ovlašćenja u odnosu na najteže krivične prestupe.

Za hapšenje je potreban sudski nalog ili »jaka sumnja da je osumnjičeni načinio prestup«. Osumnjičeno lice može se držati u pritvoru do 48 sati pre nego što se isporuči sudiji; zakon odobrava prisustvo advokata u ovom početnom periodu, i u nekim slučajevima to pravo je bilo korišćeno. Većina zloupotreba dešava se u ovom početnom periodu (vidi Odeljak 1.c.). Ne postoji opšta odredba kojom se propisuje da maloletno lice treba da pored sebe ima odraslu osobu za vreme policijskog ispitivanja; međutim, ako maloletniku preti kazna od 5 godina ili više od 5 godine, mora mu se dodeliti advokat, ako sam osumnjičeni ne može da plati svog ličnog advokata. Postoji sistem davanja kaucije; međutim, ona se ne koristi u velikoj meri jer građani retko imaju novca za kauciju. Zatvorenicima koji čekaju na suđenje, dozvoljeno je da primaju posete porodice i prijatelja i ta se dozvola u praksi uglavnom poštovala. Zbog čestih dugotrajnih odlaganja suđenja i nemogućnosti da se plati kaucija, pritvori pred suđenje bili su povremeno veoma dugi.

e. Uskraćivanje pravičnog i javnog suđenja

Ustav predviđa nezavisno sudstvo; međutim, istorijski poznata nesaradnja između policije i tužilaštva, sporost u rešavanju slučajeva, često veoma primitivno opremljene sudnice i korupcija, i predstvaljaju problem. Vlada je povremeno vršila uticaj na tužioce iz političkih razloga.

Sudski sistem sastoji se od opštinskih, viših (ili okružnih) i vrhovnih sudova na republičkom nivou. Da bi se rasteretio Vrhovni sud, Zakon o sudovima iz 2002. godine propisuje osnivanje Apelacionog i Administrativnog suda; međutim, do kraja godine ova dva suda još nisu bila formirana.

Tokom godine formirano je Sudsko veće, koje je počelo da radi u skladu sa zakonom. Predsedavajući Sudskog veća je predsednik Vrhovnog suda, a ostali članovi su sudije, advokati i akademici; nijedan član izvršne vlasti nije uključen u veće. Sudsko veće vrši izbor sudija i kontroliše njihov rad, i rukovodi sudskom administracijom, na primer, radi na pripremanju budžeta. Po zakonu se sudije za pojedine slučajeve određuju rotacijom.

Zakon obezbeđuje pravično suđenje, pretpostavku nevinosti, prisustvo advokata i pravo na žalbu; mada je vlada ponekad uticala na sudstvo, ova prava su opšte uzev bila poštovana u praksi.

U toku godine u Crnoj Gori nije bilo suđenja za ratne zločine.

Do kraja godine Vrhovni sud nije doneo odluku u vezi sa žalbom Nebojše Ranisavljevića na okrivljujću presudu Okružnog suda iz Bijelog Polja iz 2002. godine za ratne zločine počinjene u Bosni. HCM je i dalje nastavio da zahteva istragu protiv Dobrice Ćosića.

Nema izveštaja o postojanju političkih zatvorenika

f. Proizvoljno mešanje u privatnost, porodicu, dom i korespondenciju

Ustav zabranjuje ove radnje; međutim, zakon dozvoljava SDB-u da bez sudskog naloga prisluškuje građane. Neki posmatrači smatraju da je policija selektivno prisluškivala telefone i vršila prismotru opozicionih partija i drugih grupa. Mnogi pojedinci i organizacije pretpostavljali su da rade pod prismotrom ili da su možda pod prismotrom.

Građani su mogli da vide svoje tajne dosijee, koje je o njima vodio SDB od 1945. do 1989; međutim, nisu imali pristup dosijeima koji su vođeni posle 1989. godine.

Sudsko proterivanje Roma iz nelegalnih naselja, a ponekad i iz legalnih stanova, predstavljalo je problem (vidi Odeljak 5).

Za razliku od prethodnih godina, nije bilo saznanja da je članstvo u podobnoj političkoj partiji uslov za dobijanje položaja u vladi ili napredovanje u državnoj karijeri.

Odeljak 2 Poštovanje građanskih sloboda, u koje spada sledeće:

a. Sloboda govora i štampe

Ustav i zakoni obezbeđujeu slobodu govora i štampe; međutim, u praksi je bilo nekih ograničenja slobode štampe. Uprkos nekim pokušajima da se mediji odvoje od vladinog uticaja, određene novine i dalje su usko povezane sa vladom. Funkcioneri su vodili sporove za klevetu ili pretili novinama sudom, ako bi bili optuženi za neko nedelo. Motiv za ubistvo direktora i glavnog urednika vodećeg opozicionog lista Dan, Duška Jovanovića, koje se dogodilo 27. maja, i dalje je ostao nepoznat na kraju godine; međutim, Dan i drugi listovi nazvali su ubistvo najvećim atakom na slobodu štampe i bezbednost novinara. Za ovo ubistvo vlada je optužila jedno lice, a na kraju godine još se tragalo za drugim osumnjičenim osobama.

Nezavisni mediji bili su veoma aktivni i u svojim napisima iznosili su veoma raznolike političke i društvene stavove bez ikakvog ograničavanja od strane vlade.

Zakon o medijima propisuje uvođenje kontrolnih struktura koje bi obezbedile odvajanje bivših državnih medija od direktne kontrole partija; takvo telo je Savet za radio i televiziju (RTVCG), koji je od vlade preuzeo uređivačku kontrolu nad Nacionalnim javnim radiom i televizijom. Savet je osnovan 2003.godine, članovi se biraju iz redova nevladinih organizacija i profesionalnih grupa; međutim, neki posmatrači smatraju da su mnogi članovi Saveta u bliskoj vezi sa vladom. Samo jedan od 12 lokalnih državnih listova je privatizovan; ostali opštinski listovi ugasili su se zbog nedostatka privatnog kapitala.

Štampa se sastoji od privatnih listova i jednih državnih novina, koje objavljuju veoma raznolike domaće i strane članke. Domaće radio i televizijske stanice redovno emituju programe beogradske BK televizije, Hrvatske nacionalne televizije, Italijanske nacionalne televizije, BBC-ja, Deutsche Welle-a, Glasa Amerike i Radio Slobodne Evrope.

U toku godine, radio i televizijske stanice nisu mogle da dobiju dozvole za emitovanje programa zbog zakašnjenja u prenosu kontrole vlasti sa vlade na jedno nezavisno kontrolno telo. Kontrolna Radio-difuzna agencija ustanovljena je 2003. godine; 29. decembra objavila je svoj prvi javni tender za dodeljivanje frekvencija, ali do kraja godine nije počela sa davanjem dozvola za rad.

U znak podrške naporima da se donese zakon o direktnim izborima za parlament Državne zajednice, jedan deo opozicije okončao je 20. oktobra svoje bojkot parlamenta. Opozicija je otpočela bojkot kada je 2003. godine Savet RTVCG naredio da se prekine sa prenosima iz parlamenta, tvrdeći da je zbog dominacije vlade nad medijima potrebno da narod uživo vidi nemontirane prenose svih sednica parlamentarnih. Uređivački tim RTVCG objavio je 19. oktobra da će uživo prenositi sve sednice parlamenta. Do kraja godine su se praktično sve opozicione partije vratile u parlament; međutim, jedna partija koja ima samo jednog poslanika u parlamentu nije se vratila.

Slučajevi direktne cenzure vlade nad medijima nisu bili poznati; međutim, funkcioneri vlade i dalje su podnosili krivične prijave za klevetu protiv nekih medija, a naročito protiv lista Dan, ako bi ovi u svojim člancima pomenuli neko njihov prestup. Osnovni sud u Podgorici kaznio je 20. septembra zamenika glavnog urednika lista Dan sa 18.900 dolara (14,000 evra) globe za uvredu po tužbi premijera Mila Đukanovića. Dan je preneo članak iz jednih beogradskih novina, u kome se tvrdilo da je Đukanović umešan u opšte poznati slučaj trgovine ljudima. Druga Đukanovićeva tužba protiv urednika Dana, povodom članka u kome je navedeno da je Đukanović koristio usluge prodatih žena, završila se oslobađajućom presudom. Dan je kažnjen globom od 8.100 dolara (6.000 evra) za uvredu u posebnom procesu koji je pokrenuo šef Službe državne bezbednosti. Uprkos stalnoj opasnosti od tužbi za klevetu i dalje postoji umereno povećanje spremnosti medija da kritikuju vladu.

Žalba bivšeg glavnog urednika Dana Vladislava Ašanina povodom sudskog procesa u vezi sa tužbom Đukanovića iz 2001. godine, i dalje je ostala nerazrešena na kraju godine

Vlada nije ograničavala akademske slobode, niti pristup Internetu.

b. Sloboda mirnog okupljanja i udruživanja

Ustav predviđa slobodu okupljanja i udruživanja, i vlada je u praksi uglavnom poštovala ova prava.

c. Sloboda veroispovesti

Zakon predviđa slobodu veroispovesti, a vlada je u praksi uglavnom poštovala ovo pravo. Ne postoji državna vera, mada Ustav Crne Gore pominje Pravoslavnu crkvu, Islamsku versku zajednicu, i Rimo-katoličku crkvu kao jednake i odvojene od države, dok u praksi Srpska pravoslavna crkva ima nešto povlašćeniji tretman.

Mada ne postoji zvanični zahtev za registrovanje religija, verske grupe su se morale registrovati kod MUP-a Crne Gore i Republičkog odseka za statistiku kao grupe građana, da bi dobile status pravnog lica, koji je potreban zbog imovine i drugih administrativnih radnji. U praksi nije bilo nikakvih problema sa registrovanjem.

U toku godine nije primećen napredak po pitanju povraćaja ranije konfiskovane crkvene imovine.

Vera i etnička pripadnost vrlo su tesno povezane i u mnogim prilikama bilo je teško odrediti da li je delo diskriminacije verskog ili etničkog porekla. Manjinske verske zajednice potvrdile su da bolje sarađuju sa državnim organizacijama, što im pruža bolje mogućnosti za normalan rad; međutim neki elementi u društvu nastavili su da diskriminišu ovakve zajednice.

I dalje postoje tenzije između nepriznate Crnogorske pravoslavne crkve i Srpske pravoslavne crkve. Ove tenzije su rezultat spora oko velikog crkvenog dobra na koje Crnogorska pravoslavna crkva polaže pravo, jer ga je posedovala pre njenog prisajedinjenja Srpskoj pravoslavnoj crkvi 1920. godine, i u vezi sa nekim političkim pitanjima. Prosrpske političke partije snažno podržavaju inicijative da se Srpska pravoslavna crkva ustoliči kao zvanična državna religija, a partije koje su za nezavisnost Crne Gore propagiraju priznavanje Crnogorske pravoslavne crkve. Borba između dve crkve nije bila tako žestoka kao prošlih godina; međutim Srpska pravoslavna crkva prijavila je da je bilo uznemiravanja, pri čemu lokalna policija nije intervenisala da predupredi opasnost od nasilja.

Više detalja o ovoj temi naći ćete u Međunarodnom izveštaju o slobodi veroispovesti za 2004. godinu.

c. Sloboda kretanja unutar zemlje, putovanja u inostranstvo, iseljavanja i repratrijacije

Ustav predviđa ova prava, a vlada ih je u praksi uglavnom poštovala.

Zako zabranjuje nasilno proterivanje i vlada ga nije vršila.

Ima otprilike 17.000 interno raseljenih lica (IDP-a) sa Kosova. Većina IDP-a su ili etnički Crnogorci ili etnički Srbi; međutim, ima i Roma (1.300) i ostalih. I dalje kao ozbiljan problem ostaje diskriminacija i maltretiranje Roma (vidi odeljak 5)

Zakon predviđa davanje izbegličkog statusa prema Konvenciji UN-a o izbegličkom statusu iz 1951. godine i Protokolu iz 1967. Ne postoji zakonska odredba za davanje azila. U praksi vlada je pružala izvesnu zaštitu od ponovnog uznemiravanja, tj. vraćanja osoba u zemlju u kojoj im preti gonjenje. Vlada je odobravala izbeglički status. Lica koja su tražila taj status upućivana su na kancelariju Visokog komesarijata UN-a za izbeglice (UNHCR) u Beogradu radi dalje odluke. One izbeglice za koje UNHCR odredi da imaju opravdani strah od progona, preseljavaju se u druge zemlje. Lica koja uđu u Crnu Goru na ilegelan način, tvrdeći da beže od progona, šalju se u Beograd, gde se drže otprilike tri nedelje u pritvoru u specijalnom zatvoru. U ovakvim slučajevima takođe se traži od UNHCR-a da odluči da li su tvrdnje o progonu opravdane ili ne.

Vlada je uglavnom sarađivala sa UNHCR-om i drugim humanitarnim organizacijama u pomaganju izbeglicama i azilantima. Prema podacima UNHCR-a, U Crnoj Gori je bilo otprilike 8.400 izbeglica, uglavnom iz Bosne i Hercegovine, a ostale su bile većinom iz Hrvatske. Uslovi za život izbeglica bili su raznorodni; oni koji su imali rodbinu ili imovinu u Crnoj Gori bili su u mogućnosti da nađu smeštaj, a ponekad i zaposlenje. Oko 1.300 romskih izbeglica žive u kolektivim centrima, gde imaju ograničene zdravstvene uslove i organičene mogućnosti obrazovanja; međutim, tokom godine vlada je preduzela korake da preseli ove Rome iz logora u stalnija prebivališta i privatne domove.

Zakon tretira izbeglice kao ekonomske migrante i lišava ih prava na registraciju kod Biroa za zapošljavanje Crne Gore; to pravo izbeglice takođe nisu imale; lica koja nisu registrovana nisu imala pravo na pristup domaćem tržištu rada. Dekret o zapošljavanju fizičkih lica bez stalnog boravka iz 2003. donešen je sa ciljem da se ograniči ekonomska migracija; međutim, zbog dodatka od 3,38 dolara (2,5 evra) na dnevnu nadnicu, koji je propisan za rad lica bez stalnog boravka i primenjuje se i na izbeglice, rad izbeglica postaje mnogo skuplji od rada crnogorskih građana.

Odeljak 3 Poštovanje političkih prava: pravo građana da promene vladu

Ustav obezbeđuje građanima pravo da svoje vlade menjaju na miran način i građani su to pravo sprovodili u praksi na povremenim slobodnim i fer izborima, zasnovanim na opštem pravu glasa.

Filip Vujanović izabran je za predsednika u maju 2003. godine na izborima koji su uglavnom bili slobodni i fer. Đukanović je bio na vlasti kao predsednik ili premijer skoro tokom svih 13 ranijih godine. Koalicija premijera Đukanovića i koalicija pod vođstvom predsednika prosrpski orijentisane opozicione Socijalističke narodne partije Predraga Bulatovića, dominiraju na političkoj sceni Crne Gore. Koalicija opozicionih partija raspala se 2003. godine posle niza međupartijskih nesuglasica. Opozicija je bojkotovala rad parlamenta, nakon odluke javne televizije da smanji direktne prenose sednica parlamenta 2003. godine (vidi Odeljak 2.a.).

Postoji opšte saznanje o korupciji vlade, naročito u oblasti izvršne vlasti i sudstva.

Ne postoji zakon kojim se dozvoljava pristup javnosti informacijama o vladi.

U parlamentu sa 75 poslaničkih mesta ima 8 žena, dok u u kabinetu ima 2 žene (Ministarka kulture i Ministarka za odnose sa inostranstvom). Sudija Vesna Medenica je državni tužilac. Na kraju godine od 21 opštine u Crnoj Gori, samo jedna ima ženu za gradonačelnika. U seoskim sredinama, obično su muževi naređivali ženama kako da glasaju.

U parlamentu sa 75 poslaničkih mesta ima 11 poslanika iz redova etničkih manjina, a 3 u kabinetu. Etnički Albanci i Bošnjaci učestvuju u političkim procesima i njihove partije, kandidati i glasači učestvuju na izborima. Etničkim Albancima po zakonu su dodeljena 4 poslanička mesta; dva drže članovi albanskih partija, a dva članovi koalicije premijera Đukanovića.

Prema ispitivanju, koje je 2003. godine izvršilo Ministarstvo za zaštitu prava manjina i etničkih grupa, u državnoj administraciji nije bilo nijednog Roma, a u lokalnim administracijama samo 0,15 %. Krajem septembra osnovana je Republikanska partija Roma; to je prva politička partija koja predstavlja interese Roma.

Odeljak 4 Stav vlade po pitanju istraživanja međunarodnih i nevladinih organizacija o navodnim kršenjima ljudskih prava

Izvestan broj domaćih i međunarodnih grupa koje se bave ljudskim pravima, radio je bez ikakvih ograničenja od strane vlade, istraživao i objavljivao svoje nalaze o stanju ljudskih prava. Zvaničnici vlade bili su dosta kooperativni i spremni da reaguju na njihove primedbe. Priličan broj nevladinih organizacija, uključujući i HCM i Centar za demokratiju i ljudska prava, istraživao je stanje ljudskih prava. Nevladine organizacije zaslužuju priznanje zbog pomoći koju su pružile u smanjivanju brutalnosti i drugih zloupotreba od strane policije.

Vlada je sarađivala sa Međunarodnim tribunalom za bivšu Jugoslaviju (ICTY), na taj način što je dozvoljavala pristup svedocima. Septembra meseca predstavnici vlade u Savetu državne zajednice za saradnju sa ICTY-jem povukli su se iz saveta, smatrajući da Srbija ne sarađuje sa Tribunalom; tužilaštvo ICTY-ja izjavilo je da je ovo povlačenje lokalna stvar, koja ne bi trebalo da utiče na saradnju sa Tribunalom.

Parlament je ustanovio zvanje Ombudsmana 2003. godine da bi zaštitio ljudska prava i slobode zagarantovane Ustavom, zakonima, ratifikovanim međunarodnim sporazumima o ljudskim pravima i opšte prihvaćenim principima međunarodnog prava, kada se desi da državna tela, lokalne vlasti ili javne služnbe svojim delima ili propustima prekrše ova prava. Ombudsman nema nikakva prava nad radom sudova, osim u slučajevima produžavanja procesa, očiglednih zloupotreba procedure, i propuštanja da se sprovedu odluke suda. Svako može da se žali Ombudsmanu i procedura je besplatna. Ako otkrije da je izvršeno kršenje ljudskih prava ili sloboda, Ombudsman može da pokrene disciplinske mere protiv prekršioca, ili da traži njegovo otpuštanje. Neodazivanje na zahtev Ombudsmana da mu se omogući pristup zvaničnim dokumentima, ili državnim prostorijama, ili neodazivanje na Ombudsmanov zahtev da se svedoči na nekom suđenju, kažnjava se globom 10 do 20 puta većom od minimalne mesečne plate od 675 do 1.350 dolara (500 do 1.000 evra). U toku godine niko nije kažnjen globom. Iako je praktično nezavistan, Ombudsman je mnogo efikasniji kada se bavi pojedinačnim kršenjima ljudskih prava, nego kada se bavi sistemskim problemima.

Parlamentarni odbor za ljudska prava i dalje postoji, ali je bio neaktivan tokom godine.

Odeljak 5 Diskriminacija, društvene zloupotrebe, i trgovina ljudima

Zakon predviđa ista prava za sve građane bez obzra na etničku pripadnost, društveni status, ili pol; međutim, vlada je pružila vrlo malo zaštite od diskriminacije.

Žene

Visok stepen nasilja u porodici i dalje postoji, a naročito u seoskim sredinama. U toku godine, zvanične službe, uključujući i policiju, mnogo bolje su se suprotstavljale nasilju u porodici; međutim, i dalje je njihova reakcija bila nedovoljna. Nasilje u porodici je prestup koji se kažnjava globom ili kaznom zatvora do 10 godina, zavisno od težine prestupa, ili u slučaju smrti, kaznom od 3 do 12 godina zatvora. Žrtve nasilja u porodici retko su prijavljivale delo vlastima. Prema ispitivanju koje je tokom godine sprovela nevladina ogranizacija SOS telefon za žene i decu žrtve nasilja iz Podgorice, samo 30 % žrtava prijavljuje policiji slučajeve nasilja u porodici; međutim, prestupi te vrste čine 30 % svih policijskih hapšenja. Vlada je pokrenula postupke protiv malog broja slučajeva nasilja u porodici; međutim, nevladine organizacije tvrde da su sudije odbile da odrede zatvorske kazne čak i u slučajevima kad bi tužilac rutinski zatražio kaznu zatvora za prestupnika; većina presuda bila je uslovna.

Kazna za silovanje, uključujuči i onu od strane supružnika, je 1 do 10 godina zatvora; međutim, ovaj prestup se kažnjava samo ako žrtva podnese krivičnu prijavu. Prema tvrdnji lokalnih NGO-a, 80 % nasilnih dela nad ženama u porodici je silovanje od strane supružnika; međutim, nema saznanja da je neko optužen za silovanje. Ono što je razlog za dugotrajna kašnjenja u istrazi o silovanjima, napastvovanjima i drugim prestupima protiv žena, je činjenica da nema mnogo žena u policiji.

Prostitucija je krivično delo, a isto tako i posredovanje i omogućavanje prostitucije. Vlada je preduzela aktivne mere da spreči prostituciju, posredovanje i omogućavanje prostitucije.

Trgovina ženama u svrhu seksualne zloupotrebe bila je problem (vidi odeljak 5, Trgovina ljudima).

Problem je bilo i seksualno uznemiravanje. Žene nemaju isti status kao muškarci, a malo žena zauzima visoka mesta na rukovodećim položajima u vladi ili privredi; međutim, sve je veći broj žena sudija, a ima i mnogo žena u profesionalnim zanimanjima, na primer u pravu, nauci i medicini. Po zakonu žene imaju pravo na istu platu za isti rad kao i muškarci; međutim, u praksi to nije uvek bio slučaj.

Tradicionalna patrijarhalna shvatanja o ulozi polova, po kojima žene treba da budu potčinjene muškim članovima porodice, i dalje su bila razlog za diskriminaciju žena u porodici. U seoskim sredinama, a naročito u manjinskim zajednicama, žene nisu uvek mogle da koriste svoja prava nad imovinom, a muževi su obično naređivali ženama kako da glasaju.

Deca

Vlada je pokušala da reši zdravstvene i obrazovne potrebe dece; međutim, nedovoljna sredstva ometala su ostvarenje ovog cilja. Sistem obrazovanja obezbeđuje obavezno besplatno osmogodišnje školovanje. Iako albanska deca imaju škole na maternjem jeziku, neki Albanci kritikovali su vladu zbog toga što nije pripremila nastavni plan u kome bi Albanci mogli da uče o svojoj etničkoj kulturi i istoriji. Većina romske dece nema više obrazovanje od osnovne škole. UNHCR i Međunarodni komitet Crvenog krsta (ICRC) tokom godine su započeli programe koji će romskoj deci omogućiti bolji pristup obrazovanju.

Ima saznanja da zloupotreba dece predstavlja veliki problem, ali ta zloupotreba nema društveni karakter. Zakon ne dozvoljava maloletniku da daje izjavu o nekom prestupu bez prisustva roditelja ili staratelja; samim tim nije ni bilo prijava o zloupotebu dece ili incestu.

Trgovina devojkama u svrhu seksualne zloupotrebe bila je problem (vidi Odeljak 5, Trgovina ljudima)

Trgovina ljudima

Zakon zabranjuje trgovinu ljudima; međutim trgovina ljudima ostaje i dalje veliki problem. Ima saznanja da su policija i neki funkcioneri umešani u trgovinu ljudima.

Novi krivični zakon koji je stupio na snagu u aprilu, određuje kazne za trgovinu ljudima u visini do 10 godna zatvora. U toku godine 18 osoba je uhapšeno pod sumnjom da su izvršili delo trgovine ljudima; 15 njih je osuđeno, jedan optuženi je oslobođen, a ostalima do kraja godine još nisu bile izrečene kazne. Devet slučajeva iz prošle godine još su na sudu; jedna osoba je osuđena na 5 meseci zatvora, posle žalbe na raniju presudu. Vrlo su retke osude zbog trgovine ljudima, a kazne su bile blage, uglavnom zbog popustljivosti sudija.

Nacionalni koordinator koga je postavio MUP, predsedava radnom grupom protiv trgovine ljudima, koju sačinjavaju resorni ministri, socijalne službe, OEBS, Međunarodna organizacija za migraciju (IOM) i nevladine organizacije. U februaru je osnovana Podgrupa za borbu protiv trgovine decom. Vlada je u borbi protiv trgovine ljudima sarađivala sa zemljama u regionu, prevashodno preko Južno-evropskog inicijativnog centra za saradnju iz Bukurešta.

Kotroverzni slučaj silovanja i mučenja prodate Moldavke, identifikovane inicijalima S.C, još uvek nije bio rešen na kraju godine. Funkcioneri vlade bili su navodno direktno umešani u kupovinu, prodaju, silovanje i mučenje S.C. Nakon četvoromesečne sudske istrage, zamenik javnog tužioca Crne Gore Zoran Piperović i dve druge osumnjičene osobe optuženi su za posredovanje u prostituciji, a četvrta osoba bila je optužena za trgovinu ljudima i posredovanje u prostituciji. Nakon pregleda izveštaja o sudskoj istrazi, podgorički tužilac Zoran Radonjić odbacio je juna 2003. godine sve optužbe protiv svih osumnjčenih, zbog nedostatka dokaza. Strane vlade, Evropska zajednica i OEBS oštro su kritikovali odluku da se niko ne izvede na sud zbog ovog slučaja. Do kraja godine vlada nije ispoštovala nekoliko preporuka međunarodne zajednice iz 2003. godine u vezi sa ovim slučajem. Crna Gora je i dalje pre svega tranzitna tačka i u manjoj meri destinacija trgovine ljudima, a naročito ženama i decom. Prema podacima lokalnih nevladinih organizacija, strane žrtve su obično stizale iz Rumunije, Ukrajine, Moldavije, Bugarske i Rusije, prolazna tačka obično je bio Beograd, a zatim su slate na Kosovo ili u Albaniju, odakle su nastavljle za Italiju i druge zapadnoevropske zemlje. Policija i nevladine organizacije zabeležili su veći broj slučajeva internog trafikinga. Veoma je teško doći do statističkih podataka o trgovini ljudima, pošto su trgovci sve više sklanjali svoje žrtve sa javnih mesta, kao što su barovi i noćni klubovi.

Trgovci ljudima obično su Crnogorci, ali su ponekad radili i sa stranim partnerima. Da bi navukli svoje žrtve često su koristili prevaru, a primenjivali su silu i prinudu da bi ih sprečili da odu. Na primer, avgusta meseca četiri osobe su optužene za trgovinu ljudima kada su Ukrajinke, koje su lažnim obećanjima o dobro plaćenom zaposlenju namamljene u Crnu Goru, umesto toga po rečima pripadnika MUP-a držane u »ropstvu« i primorane da fizički rade na građevini, u nezdravim uslovima i bez plate. Osim toga, one su izgladnjivane i tučene ako bi odbile da rade.

Veoma publikovan slučaj »S.C.« i racije policije na noćne klubove i javne kuće možda su naterale seksualnu industriju da se povuče. Ženske organizacije izveštavaju o sve manjim zahtevima za pomoć od strane prodatih žena, a to su pripisale novoj taktici povlačenja tih žena iz barova i noćnih klubova u javne kuće u privatnim rezidencijama, odakle mogu teže da pobegnu i teže da budu otkriivene.

Protokol iz 2002. propisuje proceduru za zaštitu žrtava trgovine ljudima, praveći razliku između njih i prostitutki i ilegalnih emigranata, kao i uspostavljanjem procedura za upućivanje žrtava odgovarajućim socijalnim službama; međutim, prema tvrdnjama lokalnih nevladinim organizacija, pravosudni organi nastavili su da loše vode neke slučajeve u kojima su postojale potencijalne žrtve. Vlada je vršila repatrijaciju žrtava uz pomoć IOM-a.

Međunarodne organizacije sponsorisale su obuku policije, koja je poučavana o metodima borbe protiv trgovine ljudima. Lokalne nevladine organizacije finansirane od strane inostranih donatora, drže prihvatilište u Podgorici i dežurne telefonske linije za pomoć ugroženima u celoj Crnoj Gori; u saradnji sa IOM-om i OEBS-om, vlada je otvorila i drugo prihvatilište u martu. Pod pokroviteljstvom stranih organizacija nastavljena je kampanja obaveštavanja javnosti o tom problemu širom zemlje.

Osobe sa umanjenim sposobnostima

Ne postoji zvanična diskriminacija osoba sa umanjenim sposobnostima ni prilikom zapošljavanja, ni u obrazovanju, ni u zdravstvenoj zaštiti, niti u obezbeđivanju drugih usluga koje pruža država; međutim, bilo je društvene diskriminacije takvih osoba. Zakon propisuje omogućavanje pristupa osobama sa umanjenim sposobnostima novim javnim zgradama i vlada je uglavnom u praksi sprovodila ove odredbe zakona; međutim pogodnosti za osobe sa umanjenim sposobnostima bile su neodgovarajuće, uključujući i one na biralištima. Vlada je obezbedila glasanje van glasačkih mesta za osobe koje zbog invaliditeta ili bolesti nisu mogle da dođu na birališta.

Nacionalne/rasne/etničke manjine

Društvena diskriminacija etničkih manjina predstavljala je problem. Predrasude protiv Roma bile su veoma rasprostranjene, a lokalne vlasti često su ignorisale ili prećutno odobravale društveno zastrašivanje ili loše postupanje sa Romima, od kojih su neki bili IDP-i sa Kosova. Prema podacima lokalnih nevladinih organizacija, 70% Roma je nepismeno, 70% ne govori lokalni jezik, 95% nije zvanično zaposleno, 40 % nema pristup javnim komunalnim uslugama, a 90% živi ispod granice siromaštva.

Romi koji su IDP-i i prevashodno žive u kolektivnim centrima ili raštrkanim naseljima širom zemlje, obično nemaju lična dokumenta niti pristup elementarnim uslugama (vidi Odeljak 2.d.). Ozbiljan problem bili su sudski progoni iz nelegalnih naselja, a ponekad i iz legalnih domova. U toku godine, došlo je do neznatnog sagledavanja ovog problema od strane zvaničnih vlasti, pa su zvaničnici u prestonici dodelili zemljište i komunalije za projekt jedne međunarodne nevladine organizacije, koji predviđa preseljenje Roma iz nelegalnih i neadekvatnih naselja.

Neki Bošnjaci su se žalili da podela Sandžaka na srpski i crnogorski deo, koja je već razdvojila neke porodice i imanja, stvara velike porobleme njegovim stanovnicima.

a. Pravo na udruživanje

Zakon predviđa pravo na udruživanje svih radnika da se učlane u sindikate ili formiraju sindikate po svom izboru; međutim, vojni personal ne sme da osniva sindikate. Radnici koji nisu vojna lica, sprovodili su ovo pravo u praksi. Većina radnika, ali ne svi, koji su zaposleni u zvaničnoj privredi organizovana je u sindikate.

b. Pravo na organizovanje i kolektivno pregovaranje

Zakon dozvoljava da sindikati neometano sprovode svoje aktivnosti, a vlada je ovo pravo štitila u praksi. Zakon predviđa pravo na kolektivno pregovaranje; međutim, kolektivno pregovaranje ostalo je na početnom nivou razvoja. Zakon predviđa pravo na štrajk, i radnici su ga uglavnom sprovodili u praksi; međutim zakon zabranjuje štrajkove vojnog i policijskog osoblja.

c. Zabrana prinudnog ili obaveznog rada

Zakon zabranjuje prinudni i obavezni rad, uključujući i rad dece. Međutim, bilo je izveštaja da je takvih slučajeva bilo u praksi (vidi Odeljak 5 i 6.d.)

d. Zabrana rada dece i donja starosna granica za zapošljavanje

Donja starosna granica za zapošljavanje je 15 godina, mada je u selima i poljoprivrednim zajednicama uobičajeno da i mlađa deca rade kao pomoć u porodici. Deca se takođe mogu naći kako rade razne neprijavljene poslove, obično peru prozore na kolima ili prodaju sitnije stvari, recimo novine. Visoka stopa nezaposlenosti dovela je do male potražnje dečjeg rada u zvaničnom sektoru. Neka deca radila su u “sivoj zoni”, nešto između dobrovoljnog i prinudnog rada; međutim, nema saznanja da se ta praksa sistematski sprovodila.

e. Prihvatljivi uslovi rada

Minimalna nacionalna plata bila je 67.50 dolara (50 evra) mesečno, koja radnicima i njihovim porodicama nije bila dovoljna za pristojan životni standard. Zakon propisuje odmor od 30 minuta dnevno, ograničava radno vreme na 40 sati nedeljno, osim pod specifičnim uslovima, i predviđa neodređenu naknadu za prekovremeni rad koji prelazi dozvoljenih 40 sati.

Vlada nije dala prioritet sprovođenju ustanovljenih propisa o bezbednosti na radu i brizi o zdravlju radnika. Radnici nemaju pravo da se sklone sa radnog mesta kada su u situaciji da su im zdravlje ili sigurnost ugroženi, a da ne rizikuju da izgube posao.

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