Serbia (includes Kosovo)

The Republic of Serbia is a parliamentary democracy with approximately 7.5 million inhabitants.* Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica has led Serbia's coalition government since 2004. Boris Tadic was elected president in 2004 elections that observers deemed essentially in line with international standards. In January voters elected a new parliament, with some minority ethnic parties gaining seats for the first time and higher turnout among youth and minorities. Democratic parties formed a ruling coalition within constitutionally prescribed time limits. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces.

The government generally respected the human rights of its citizens and continued efforts to address human rights concerns; however, numerous problems persisted. The following human rights problems were reported: corruption in the police and the judiciary; inefficient and lengthy trials; government failure to apprehend fugitive war crimes suspects under indictment of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), specifically Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic; harassment of journalists, human rights workers, and others critical of the government; limitations on freedom of speech and religion; societal intolerance and discrimination against ethnic and religious minorities, particularly Roma; large numbers of internally displaced persons; violence against women and children; and trafficking in persons.

During the year the government assisted in the arrests of Zdravko Tolimir and Vlastimir Djordjevic, two of the remaining six indictees sought by the ICTY for war crimes.

RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS

Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from:

a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life

There were no reports that the government or its agents committed arbitrary or unlawful killings.

On May 23, the Belgrade special court for organized crime concluded the trial of 12 suspects, including former secret police special unit (JSO) commander Milorad Ulemek and his deputy Zvezdan Jovanovic-Zveki, in the 2003 assassination of Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic. In June 2006 key witness Zoran Vukojevic was killed. The court found all 12 suspects guilty of conspiracy against the constitutional order and security of the state, assassination of a high state official, and attempted murder (for an earlier assassination attempt). Ulemek and Jovanovic each received the maximum sentence of 40 years in prison. The other defendants received sentences ranging from the minimum of eight years to 35 years in prison. Special Prosecutor Slobodan Radovanovic stated that he would appeal the lower sentences. Ulemek and Jovanovic's lawyers announced that they would appeal the verdict.

In June the Supreme Court upheld its 2006 confirmation of the conviction of Ulemek and others for the 2000 killing of former Serbian president Ivan Stambolic. This ruling exhausted the defendents' appeal process and was the country's first final verdict in a high-profile organized crime case.

Investigation continued into the deaths of Dragan Jakovljevic and Drazen Milovanovic, two guards from Belgrade's Topcider military facility. On October 31, the chief state attorney, Slobodan Radovanovic, assigned a new prosecutor to the case. Prior to the initiation of the current investigation, the deaths were the subject of two commission inquiries. In 2004 a military commission pronounced the deaths suicides, while an independent commission determined that a third party had murdered the guards. In November the First Municipal Court issued a verdict in the criminal lawsuit the soldiers' parents filed in 2005 against the military prosecutor, Vuk Tufegzdic. The judge issued a warning to Tufegzdic, now a judge, and fined him for "dissemination of information on personal and family life."

The government continued its investigation into the disappearance and subsequent killing of Yili, Mehmet, and Agron Bytyqi in 1999. The bodies of the three US citizen brothers were discovered in 2001 in a mass grave in rural Petrovo Selo, near a Serbian police facility. All three bodies were recovered with hands bound and gunshot wounds to their heads. The special war crimes court continued the trial of Sreten Popovic and Milos Stojanovic, two former members of a special police unit accused of the killings. On April 13, the Court Council granted supervised release from custody to Popovic and Stojanovic. On February 26, police arrested four additional suspects in the Bytyqi case and charged them with war crimes against prisoners of war: Milenko Arsenijevic, deputy head of gendarmerie, Milisav Vuckovic, retired head of the local police station at Prokuplje, Marjan Mijatovic, retired head of prison guards at the district prison of Prokuplje, and Milovan Vucicevic, retired head of the city police of Prokuplje. Police subsequently released all four, but the investigation continued.

In September the acting prosecutor general announced that he would soon make a decision whether to file indictments in the case of the 1999 killing of journalist Slavko Curuvija, owner of the Dnevni Telegraf newspaper and Evropljanin magazine. On January 11, the Special Court of Belgrade had begun interviewing witnesses in the case.

In January the trial of eight police officers for the 1999 killing of 48 ethnic Albanians in Suva Reka in Kosovo resumed. The trial continued at year's end.

Domestic courts and the ICTY continued to try cases arising from crimes committed during the 1991-99 conflicts in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Kosovo.

On September 19, the Novi Pazar District Court found Estan Gegic, Ismet Derdemet, and Sead Papic guilty of the 2006 killing of Ruzdija Djurovic, a city council candidate from the List for Sandzak party. The court convicted Gegic of the killing and sentenced him to 15 years' imprisonment. The court also convicted Derdemet and Papic of public endangerment and sentenced each to one year in prison. All three received an additional three-month sentence for illegal possession of firearms.

There was no new information available on the trial of Kikinda policeman Sasa Misin for the 2005 fatal beating of a civilian.

b. Disappearance

There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.

The government made modest progress in cooperating with neighboring countries and Kosovo, the International Commission on Missing Persons, and other international organizations to identify missing persons from the Kosovo conflict. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) chaired meetings of the Working Group on Missing Persons, which included government representatives from both Serbia and Kosovo. Meetings of the working group, which ICRC suspended in 2006, resumed in 2007. With the June 2006 return to Kosovo of the remains of 829 individuals from mass graves, all bodies uncovered to date in Serbia had been returned to Kosovo. On June 5, the War Crimes Court and the Serbian government's Committee for Missing Persons began an investigation into a report of alleged mass graves near Rudnica, but the investigation revealed no graves. According to the ICRC, 2,047 missing persons cases remained unsolved.

c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment

The constitution and law prohibit such practices; however, police at times beat detainees and harassed persons, usually during arrest or initial detention for petty crimes.

On June 28, the Youth Initiative for Human Rights (YIHR) reported that it won a lawsuit against four police officers from Doljevac for the 2003 torture and interrogation of an 11-year-old girl in the village of Sarlinac. The municipal court in Nis sentenced officers Predrag Randjelovic and Ljubisa Stamenkovic to four months and Slavisa Petkovic and Miroljub Stevanovic to five months in prison on charges of abusing authority and trespassing. YIHR planned to appeal the sentences, which it considered lenient.

There was no further information available in the following 2006 cases: the March beating of Kikinda resident Mihalj Koloncaj by police; the series of incidents between May and September in which police inspector Tomislav Lendvai allegedly beat and sexually assaulted two residents of Subotica; or the case of the gendarmerie unit led by Mileta Novakovic that allegedly used excessive force on a crowd of rowdy basketball fans.

There was no information available on developments in the following 2005 cases: the abuse of a 17-year-old girl at a Belgrade police station; the harassment and beating of a family by traffic police near Nis; the alleged police beating of a Belgrade man in his apartment; or the case of a Leskovac police officer who allegedly beat a lawyer for the Leskovac Committee for Human Rights.

Prison and Detention Center Conditions

Prison conditions varied greatly among facilities, and there were reports that some guards abused prisoners.

The media reported prison overcrowding, with 8,500 prisoners incarcerated in the prison system, exceeding the official capacity of 6,000 established by the Department for the Treatment of Prisoners. In some prisons inmates continued to complain of dirty and inhuman conditions. The quality of food varied from poor to minimally acceptable, and health care was often inadequate. Guards were inadequately trained in the proper handling of prisoners. In July inmates in the Central Prison protested conditions. That same month, inmates at the prison in Pozarevac, a town southeast of Belgrade, carried out hunger strikes to protest delays in passing a draft law on amnesty.

Unlike in previous years, there were no reports of juveniles held in the same cells with adult prisoners.

The government permitted the ICRC and local independent human rights monitors, including the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia (HCS), to visit prisons and to speak with prisoners without the presence of a warden. Reports from HCS and the Council of Europe's Committee for the Prevention of Torture (CPT), released in May 2006, were critical of prison conditions, including poor facilities, corruption of prison officials, and mistreatment of prisoners, although HCS did note some improvements since its 2005 report. The CPT report also found that facilities lacked appropriate procedures to deal with prisoner allegations of mistreatment.

d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention

The constitution and law prohibit arbitrary arrest and detention, and the government generally observed these prohibitions. Unlike in previous years, there were no reports that police detained and interrogated human rights activists.

Role of the Police and Security Apparatus

The approximately 43,000 police officers in Serbia fall under the authority of the Ministry of the Interior. The police are divided into 33 regional secretariats that report to the national government.

The effectiveness of the police was uneven. While most officers were Serbs, the force included Bosniaks (Slavic Muslims), ethnic Hungarians, a small number of ethnic Albanians, and other ethnic minorities. The police force in southern Serbia was composed primarily of Serbs, although there were small numbers of ethnic Albanian officers as well.

There were reports of corruption and impunity in the police force, and the government took measures to address them during the year. The interior ministry inspector general's office, subsequently renamed Internal Control, obtained somewhat increased authority to actively investigate abuses in addition to addressing citizens' complaints. While Internal Control could not itself redress abuses, during the year it gained the authority to file criminal reports with the prosecutor and recommend the initiation of disciplinary proceedings. While the office recommended numerous disciplinary proceedings against interior ministry employees, it had no means of following up on proceedings, and some offices completely ignored its recommendations. In October, as a result of Internal Control's investigation, prosecutors filed abuse charges against nine border police officers in Kladovo who were allegedly receiving bribes and allowing customs-free transport of goods across the border.

The inspector general's office initiated disciplinary measures against approximately 100 officers, primarily traffic police in Novi Pazar, and prosecutors brought charges in all cases.

During the year the government, together with the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and foreign governments, trained police, security, and border officials on combating terrorism, corruption, money laundering and trafficking. The government and the OSCE also trained prison staff. New programs during the year included creation of a training center in multiethnic Vojvodina, training for law enforcement officials in combating torture, training for police supervisors, and training for the multiethnic police force in the southern Serbian towns of Presevo, Bujanovac, and Medvedja.

Arrest and Detention

Arrests were generally based on warrants, although police were authorized to make arrests without a warrant in limited circumstances, including well-founded suspicion of a capital crime. The law requires an investigating judge to approve any detention over 48 hours, and authorities respected this requirement in practice. Bail was allowed but rarely used; detainees facing charges that carried possible sentences of less than five years were often released on their own recognizance.

The law provides that police must inform arrested persons immediately of their rights, and authorities respected this requirement in practice.

The law provides access for detainees to counsel, at government expense if necessary, and authorities generally respected this right in practice. Family members were normally allowed to visit detainees. Suspects detained in connection with serious crimes can be detained for up to six months without being charged. Authorities frequently held such persons for the full six-month period allowed, before charging.

The law prohibits police use of force, threats, deception, and coercion to obtain evidence, as well as use in court of evidence acquired by such means; however, police sometimes used these means to obtain statements.

Unlike in previous years, there were no reports that authorities used arbitrary arrest and selective enforcement of the law for political purposes.

The law limits the length of pretrial detention from indictment to the conclusion of a trial to two years for most cases, but allows detention for up to four years for crimes that carry up to the maximum penalty (40 years in prison). The law sets two years as the maximum detention permitted after an appellate court vacates the judgment of a trial court. Nonetheless, prolonged pretrial detention was a problem. The law prohibits excessive delays by authorities in filing formal charges against suspects and in opening investigations; however, such delays occurred regularly. Due to the inefficiency of the courts, cases often took an excessively long time to come to trial; once started, trials often took an excessively long time to complete.

e. Denial of Fair Public Trial

The law provides for an independent judiciary; however, the courts remained susceptible to corruption and political influence, and corruption in the judiciary remained a problem. Observers believed that judicial reform, particularly the replacement of judges appointed during the Milosevic era, was essential to eliminating corruption. Some observers also criticized the system of judicial appointment, through which parliament and the government could include screening of candidates' political views. Unlike in previous years, there were no reports that officials attempted to undermine politically sensitive prosecutions, including by applying pressure on prosecutors and judges.

On July 20, the Special Prosecutor's Office for Organized Crime began an investigation into the 2001 release from detention of Dusan Spasojevic and others suspected of planning the 2003 assassination of Prime Minister Djindjic. The investigation led to the arrest of former Belgrade district prosecutor Rade Terzic, but the court ordered his release on September 6.

In June the Supreme Court upheld the 2006 conviction of former Supreme Court justice Slavoljub Vuckovic for bribe-taking in the Jotka organized crime case. Although the court reduced Vuckovic's sentence to six years, it was the first final, high-level verdict in a corruption case.

There was no new information in the case of former deputy public prosecutor Milan Sarajlic, whom the court convicted in 2006 for accepting payments from the Zemun organized crime clan in 2004.

The private sector considered corruption in the commercial courts to be widespread. Land transfers often were difficult to conclude, leading many in the private sector to allege administrative corruption. It was unclear, however, to what extent these problems were due to corruption rather than bureaucratic inefficiency.

The courts were inefficient, and cases could take years to be resolved. The number of judges at the main courts was inadequate to meet the increasing caseload. A lack of professional court administration and the existence of a centralized budget for all courts managed by the Ministry of Justice contributed to the problem.

The judicial system consists of municipal courts, district courts, commercial courts, a Supreme Court, and a Constitutional Court. The law also provides for special courts within the Belgrade district court for war crimes and organized crime. The law provides for a Constitutional Court, an administrative appeals court, and a second instance appeals court to reduce the Supreme Court's caseload. During the year, parliament passed enabling legislation for the Constitutional Court, and judges were appointed. At year's end, parliament had yet to pass other judicial legislation required by the 2006 constitution.

During this year, the Military Department of the Belgrade District Court assumed responsibility for military cases.

Trial Procedures

Trials are generally public, but they are closed during testimony of a state-protected witness. There are no juries. The law stipulates that defendants are presumed innocent; have the right to have an attorney represent them at public expense; and to be present at their trials. Defendants have the right to access government evidence and to question witnesses. Both the defense and the prosecution have the right to appeal a verdict. These rights were generally respected in practice.

The criminal procedure code, adopted in June 2006, introduced prosecutor-led investigation, plea bargaining, and use of special investigative techniques, such as wiretaps and undercover operations, but parliament had not passed legislation to implement these changes by year's end.

The special war crimes chamber continued trying war crimes cases. According to the law, evidence gathered by special investigative techniques is admissible. In 2006 the government established a victim/witness support service in the Belgrade District Court for victims and witnesses of war crimes.

On October 15, the OSCE released a statement expressing concern that members of the parliament were verbally attacking war crimes prosecutor Vladimir Vukcevic. In the statement, the OSCE criticized these attacks as undermining judicial independence.

On October 19, police arrested four members of the Scorpions paramilitary unit for participation in the 1999 killing of 14 ethnic Albanians in the Kosovo town of Podujevo. War crimes prosecutor Vukcevic stated the arrests represented the end of the investigation into the Podujevo case.

On November 29, the war crimes chamber reported the indictment of 14 former volunteers and members of paramilitary units and members of the Army for complicity in the killing of at least 20 civilians and the abuse of other civilians in the 1991 attack on the Croatian village of Lovas. The court remanded seven of the indictees to custody and released the remaining seven pending trial.

There were developments in the Ovcara case (also known as the Vukovar massacre). On March 1, media reported that the Supreme Court upheld the conviction of Milan Bulic for beating and abusing Croatian prisoners. The Supreme Court reduced the 2006 sentence of the war crimes chamber, from eight years to two, citing the defendant's illness. In December 2006, the Supreme Court ordered a retrial of 14 former members of Serb militias convicted in 2005 of murder, torture, and inhuman treatment of more than 200 Croatian prisoners of war in 1991. Many in the international and NGO community criticized the ruling as politically motivated, noting that every major war crimes conviction (e.g., Podujevo, Sjeverin, Ovcara) in a first-instance court had been overturned by the Supreme Court upon first review. The retrial was ongoing at year's end.

On April 12, the Belgrade special war crimes chamber convicted four of five Scorpions members indicted for involvement in the 1995 execution of six Bosnian Muslim civilians from Srebrenica. The fifth defendant, Aleksandar Vukov, was acquitted for lack of evidence. On April 12, Commander Slobodan Nedic and Branislav Nedic received the maximum prison sentence of 20 years; Pero Petrasevic, who pleaded guilty, received 13 years; and Aleksandar Medic received five years.

The Zvornik trial, involving the 1992 killing of 21 Bosnian Muslims and expulsion of 1,822 others, continued in the special war crimes chamber. In a related case, the special war crimes chamber continued to investigate the killings of an additional 700 civilians.

Political Prisoners and Detainees

There were no reports of political prisoners or detainees.

Civil Judicial Procedures and Remedies

The country has an independent and impartial judiciary in civil matters where citizens can bring lawsuits seeking damages for or cessation of a human rights violation. The remedies generally involved monetary awards.

Property Restitution

During the year a government commission continued to register claims for private property seized since 1945 but made no progress on enacting a private property restitution law or returning property. The government enacted a law on restitution of communal property in 2006, but it took no significant action to register claims or return communal property.

The Union of Jewish Communities noted that Serbia has not ensured the restitution of private Jewish property that was expropriated, mainly between 1941 and 1944.

f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence

The constitution and law prohibit such actions; however, the government interfered with privacy and correspondence. While the law requires the Ministry of Interior to obtain a court order before monitoring potential criminal activity and police to obtain a warrant before entering property except to save people or possessions, police occasionally did not respect these provisions in practice.

Most observers believed that authorities selectively monitored communications, eavesdropped on conversations, read mail and e-mail, and tapped telephones. Human rights leaders frequently reported that their communications were being monitored.

Media reported that the Security Information Agency placed journalist Dejan Anastasijevic under surveillance and tapped his phone for 10 days before a bomb exploded outside of his home.

Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:

a. Freedom of Speech and the Press

The law provides for freedom of speech and of the press; however, there were reports that the government interfered with these freedoms and carried out reprisals against persons who criticized the government. Independent media organizations were generally active and expressed a wide range of views; however, some media organizations experienced threats or reprisals for publishing views critical of the government. During the year there was a decrease in criticism of the government in the press. There was increased concern about declining professional and ethical standards and the rise of tabloid journalism. Many reporters lacked professionalism in citing sources and achieving accuracy.

Serbian media were mostly independent and privately owned, although most municipally-owned media had not been privatized. The oldest nationwide daily, Politika, was co-owned by a German company and the government but operated by several shareholding companies. Politika's reporting and editorials continued to have a progovernment slant, particularly favoring the prime minister's Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS). Other major newspapers include Blic, Glas Javnosti, Vecernje Novosti, Kurir, Press, Dnevnik, and Danas.

The law grants the parliament the power to approve the budget of the independent broadcast council, which has broad authority to strip radio and television stations of their licenses without right of appeal; however, it did not revoke any national broadcasting licenses during the year.

Radio-Television Serbia (RTS), a public media outlet funded by mandatory subscription, was a major presence, operating two television channels as well as Radio Belgrade. RTS's coverage was generally objective, although the government had considerable influence over RTS and public service Radio Television of Vojvodina. In addition, many television stations relied on the state-owned news agency Tanjug for news information. Independent news agencies BETA and FONET complained that state financing of Tanjug news agency provided unfair commercial advantage to Tanjug.

In 2006, the government-controlled Republic Broadcasting Agency awarded national television licenses to private operators B92, TV Pink, Fox TV, TV Avala, and Kosava-Happy and radio licenses to B92, Radio Index, Radio S, Roadstar, and Radio Fokus. Journalists and NGOs criticized the manner in which the agency allocated the licenses. In July the Supreme Court ruled in favor of two television and six radio stations denied licenses by the Broadcasting Agency, ordering the agency to review each case and reach new decisions. In its ruling, the court stated that the process of granting licenses lacked transparency. The Broadcasting Agency rejected the ruling, and the agency's president called for the Supreme Court president's resignation. On July 16, members of the agency's broadcasting council unanimously upheld its previous decisions.

In April 2006, police shut down the country's first private television station, BK (Karic Brothers) Television, for operating without a license, when the station criticized the process of granting licenses. BK Television broadcasted via satellite for several months, but by year's end the station was closed.

Media organizations, particularly the radio station B92, were victims of vandalism, bomb threats, and intimidation for coverage and portrayal of views unpopular with the government and right-wing elements of society, such as discussion of the status of Kosovo independence or examination of Serbia's role in the wars of the 1990s. The South East European Media Organization (SEEMO), Association of Independent Electronic Media, and Independent Journalists' Association of Serbia (NUNS) reported a number of such incidents during the year. In April death threats against Dinko Gruhonjic, Novi Sad correspondent of news agency Beta and chairman of the Independent Journalists' Association of Vojvodina, appeared on a neo-Nazi Web site. Gruhonjic had reported extensively on National Formation, a neo-Nazi group responsible for using crowbars to attack participants commemorating Kristallnacht (a pogrom against Jews throughout Germany and parts of Austria in 1938) in Novi Sad in 2005. In May a crowd of several hundred Serbian Radical Party members pasted posters supporting ICTY indictee Ratko Mladic on the front of B92's building and shouted insults at employees. In August Stefan Cvetkovic, editor-in-chief of independent radio and television station TNT in Bela Crkva, received death threats; according to SEEMO, the threats were made to stop TNT's reports of criminal activities. In two separate incidents in November and December in Arandjelovac, supporters of the New Serbia political party, including at least one local official, interrupted and prevented broadcast of a political debate program on B92.

On December 3, producers of the popular B92 radio show Pescanik (Hourglass), which offers political commentary often critical of government policy, attempted to host the show in the central-Serbian town of Arandjelovac. As the program was beginning, approximately 200 members of the New Serbia Party and the Serbian Radical Party, led by Topola Mayor Dragan Jovanovic, stormed the event. The demonstrators took over the microphone and assaulted some audience members. Jovanovic defended his actions and further threatened B92 in a published interview in Politika.

The Independent Journalists' Association of Serbia criticized delays in investigating attacks on journalists, stating that they contributed to the belief that perpetrators could act with impunity.

In April a bomb exploded outside the Belgrade apartment of Dejan Anastasijevic, journalist for the weekly Vreme. The attack followed Anastasijevic's criticism of sentences handed down to the Scorpions for war crimes. The Independent Journalists' Association of Serbia criticized the slow police response. On October 19, police stated that they had identified but not yet located suspects in the incident.

Journalists and media NGOs reported that the local government in the city of Novi Pazar restricted media access to municipal proceedings and events. According to Reporters Without Borders, authorities made a blacklist of journalists ahead of each press conference. For example, on September 25, municipal authorities prohibited some journalists from attending a press conference by the chief of the European Commission delegation in Serbia and the Swiss ambassador. The officials canceled the press conference when they became aware of the incident.

Journalists sometimes practiced self-censorship due to possible libel suits and fear of offending the public, particularly on subjects relating to wars in the former Yugoslavia and to the UN-led negotiations on the status of Kosovo. Human rights activists charged that they were subjects of smear campaigns in progovernment publications and tabloids for expressing critical views of the government and for expressing views that challenged the popular narrative regarding Serbia's role in the wars of the 1990s.

Libel is a criminal offense; those convicted of libel face imprisonment or fines of $720 to $18,000 (40,000 to 1 million dinars).

In April Zeljko Bodrozic avoided an 80-day prison sentence for his 2002 defamation conviction after his publisher and humanitarian agencies paid his $185 (10,000 dinar) fine. In 2002 Bodrozic wrote an article critical of a prominent member of the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS). Bodrozic had refused to pay the fine, encouraged by a 2005 ruling by the UN Human Rights Committee that the government should overturn his conviction and reimburse Bodrozic for his legal costs.

In September the Belgrade District Court ordered tabloid Kurir to pay damages to Economy Minister Mladjan Dinkic for publishing "untrue information" in 2005 when Dinkic was finance minister. According to the state-owned news agency, Tanjug, Kurir had waged a media war against Dinkic because the Finance Ministry had forced the paper's owner, Radisav Rodic, to pay back taxes.

Internet Freedom

There were no government restrictions on access to the Internet. Individuals and groups could engage in the peaceful expression of views via the Internet, including by e-mail. However, NGOs and the media reported that the government selectively monitored Internet communications.

Academic Freedom and Cultural Events

The government generally respected academic freedom. Unlike in previous years, there were no reports of censorship of cultural events.

b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association

The law provides for freedom of assembly and association, and the government generally respected it in practice.

c. Freedom of Religion

The law provides for freedom of religion, and the government generally respected this right in practice; however, the government maintained a discriminatory law on religion and a discriminatory property tax, and some government officials criticized minority religious groups.

While there is no state religion, the majority Serbian Orthodox Church received some preferential treatment. For example, there were complaints that the government continued to fund construction of a large Serbian Orthodox Church in Belgrade and subsidized salaries of Serbian Orthodox clergy in neighboring countries of the former Yugoslavia.

The 2006 law on religion recognizes seven "traditional" religious communities: the Serbian Orthodox Church, the Roman Catholic Church, the Slovak Evangelical Church, the Reformed Christian Church, the Evangelical Christian Church, the Islamic community, and the Jewish community. The law requires all religious groups to re-register with the Ministry of Religion, which has the discretion to decide whether to grant approval to "nontraditional" groups; the law automatically grants traditional groups recognition. Under the previous law, many of these minority groups were recognized officially as religions in Serbia for over 50 years and were present in the republic for as long as 150 years.

The registration requirements for nontraditional groups include submitting names, identity numbers, and signatures of members; showing proof that the group meets the threshold of 0.001 percent of adult citizens of Serbia (roughly 75 persons); providing a description of the group's religious texts and a summary of its religious teachings, ceremonies, religious goals, and basic activities; and information on its sources of funding. The Council of Europe and the OSCE deemed these requirements to be invasive.

While the law states that unregistered communities can continue to practice under prior law, unregistered communities were denied tax numbers and therefore could not pay taxes, hold bank accounts, or employ individuals. Unregistered religious communities were also ineligible to seek property restitution. Authorities also denied unregistered communities building permits and refused to recognize their official documents.

Many minority religious groups, attempting to register with the Ministry of Religion, reported confusing and irregular procedures. NGO Forum 18 reported during the year that the government was arbitrarily denying legal status to numerous minority religious groups. Following the refusals, the ministry referred some groups to the Ministry of State Administration and Local Self-Government, where it suggested they seek registration as "citizens' organizations." However, the ministry referred these groups back to the Ministry of Religion because it stated that it lacked authority to register religious groups.

During the year the Ministry of Religion re-registered all seven traditional religious groups and registered 10 "nontraditional" religious groups: the Seventh-day Adventist Church, the Evangelical Methodist Church, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, the Evangelical Church of Serbia, the Church of Christ's Love, Christ's Spiritual Church, Church of God, Christian Nazarene Religious Community, Association of Christian Baptist Churches, and Christ's Church of Brothers.

In February, following two failed attempts to register, the Jehovah's Witnesses filed a suit in the Supreme Court. The Religion Ministry claimed the application was not filed properly. The case was pending at year's end. The Ministry also refused applications for registration from the Pentecostal Church.

The 2006 law stipulates that no religious group may be registered if its name contains part of the name of an existing group, and the government continued to refuse recognition of the Greek and Macedonian Orthodox Churches on that basis. In late December, the Religion Ministry refused the application of the Montenegrin Orthodox Church (CPC) on the grounds that the church was a civic association. The Ministry also refused applications from the Serbian Baptist Union, the Old Catholic Church, and the Seventh Day Adventists Reform Movement of because their names were insufficiently distinct from the names of other registered churches.

Tax law exempts property owned by the seven recognized traditional religious groups, although a challenge to the law was pending in the Constitutional Court at the end of the year. The complaint was filed July 2006 on behalf of the Union of Protestant-Evangelical Churches in Serbia.

Non-Serbian Orthodox religious organizations continued to report difficulty obtaining permission from local authorities to build new worship facilities. The Belgrade Islamic community reported continued difficulties in acquiring land and government approval for an Islamic cemetery in the city. The Baptist Union, which conducted its services and other activities in an old building it purchased to use as a church, reported that the municipal authority continued to refuse, without explanation, a permit to renovate the building.

Serbian law requires students in primary and secondary schools either to attend classes of one of the seven traditional religious communities or, alternatively, to take a class in civic education. Leaders of religious groups excluded from the program continued to express their dissatisfaction at the government's narrow definition of religion.

Small religious groups continued to report official bias. Some government officials made public statements equating Protestant communities with satanic cults. During a lecture series in September, the senior police inspector in Belgrade, Zoran Lukovic, made several public statements equating Protestant churches with "satanic sects."

After a July attack on an Adventist church in Sombor, police asked church officials if they were registered under the new law before investigating the incident.

On August 27, Marija Arsenijevic lost custody of her infant based on the accusation of the baby's father that she was a member of Jehovah's Witnesses. Observers criticized the ruling, accusing the court of basing the decision solely on the mother's purported religion. On September 14, the media reported that all three had returned to Belgium, where they had previously lived as a family, and that a Belgian court had agreed to decide on custody because the baby was a citizen of Belgium.

The government, in accordance with a 2006 law on restitution of communal property in Serbia, including religious sites seized since 1945, established a Directorate of Restitution of Communal and Religious Property. The directorate had not begun processing claims by the end of the year, but was accepting property restitution claims from the traditional communities and religious communities registered under the 2006 law. Some communities had difficulty assembling the required documentation to submit claims. The Union of Jewish Communities and other religious groups protested the use of 1945 as a baseline, since their properties were largely confiscated between 1941 and 1944.

Societal Abuses and Discrimination

During the year there were a few cases of physical and verbal attacks against religious minorities.

On March 28, Jehovah's Witnesses missionaries were attacked and held at gunpoint for nearly an hour in Stari Banovci. Police arrested and questioned a suspect, but released him. Prosecutors held a hearing on September 27 without victim testimony. Forum 18 reported that the victims did not receive notice of the hearing. Authorities took no further action during the year.

On June 29, Zivota Milanovic, a Hare Krishna devotee in Jagodina, was stabbed several times after opening his door to an individual who identified himself as a police officer. Milanovic was also attacked in June 2006 and treated for knife wounds, including a cross carved on his head. Before the June 29 incident, he had been attacked a total of five times since 2001. Authorities made no arrests in connection with any of the attacks.

Religious communities, especially minority religious communities, reported continuing problems with vandalism of buildings, cemeteries, and other religious sites. The police and prosecutors' responses were often inadequate, and civil society groups criticized the lack of commitment by the government to addressing problems of discrimination. NGOs noted that prosecutors often charged perpetrators with misdemeanors instead of the more serious charges of intolerance, religiously motivated crimes, and hate crimes in those cases they did pursue.

On July 9, following attacks earlier in the year that damaged Adventist Churches in Sombor, Stapari, Kikinda, and Ruma, youth plastered the Adventist church in Belgrade with stickers that read: "Sects are death for the Serbian nation."

On September 17, unknown perpetrators sprayed "stop sects" on the walls of the Evangelical Church in Kraljevo.

On December 25, unknown perpetrators pulled out several crosses at the Orthodox cemetery in Subotica in Vojvodina. Police continued to investigate the incident at year's end.

The press continued to label smaller, multiethnic Christian churches, including Baptists, Adventists, Jehovah's Witnesses, and other smaller religious groups as dangerous "sects." RTS broadcast a program on Jehovah's Witnesses that described the teachings of the group as brainwashing and abusive. Religious leaders noted that instances of vandalism often occurred soon after such negative press reports.

The Jewish community comprised an estimated 3,000 persons. Jewish leaders in Serbia reported continued incidents of anti-Semitism, including anti-Semitic graffiti, vandalism, small circulation anti-Semitic books, and Internet postings. For example, on March 17, a swastika was spray-painted on the facade of the Novi Sad Synagogue. The HCS noted that anti-Semitism had grown in intensity in recent years. Serbia's publishing sector published various anti-Semitic books, such as Jewish Ritual Murder, The Jewish Conspiracy, and Why I Admire Adolf Hitler. According to Jewish community members, the release of such publications often led to an increase in hate mail and other expressions of anti-Semitism. Several nationalist, far-right organizations identified themselves with anti-Semitic rhetoric, displaying swastikas and using hate speech. The National Front was one of the most active of these groups during the past few years, mixing anti-Semitic rhetoric with anti-Western messages. NGOs noted that the government's response to such hate speech was often inadequate.

On October 7, participants in an unauthorized neo-Nazi rally in Novi Sad clashed with counterdemonstrators. Police arrested 56 neo-Nazis, including rally organizer Goran Davidovic. Davidovic had announced the rally in September, and the police prohibited it after religious organizations and other NGOs condemned the planned event. The League of Vojvodina Social Democrats organized the counterdemonstration in support of ethnic tolerance and against fascism. On October 9, a court in Novi Sad convicted three neo-Nazis for disrupting public order and sentenced them to 25 days in prison. The cases of the remaining individuals were pending at year's end.

Holocaust education was incorporated into the school curriculum, and the role of the government in the Holocaust was also discussed. There was a tendency among some commentators to minimize and reinterpret the role of the Serbian movement, the Cetniks, during the Holocaust, casting them as victims of foreign occupiers when in fact many Cetniks at that time collaborated with the Nazis and began campaigns against the Jewish population even before the Nazis invaded Yugoslavia.

While government leaders publicly condemned incidents of anti-Semitism, there was no significant government effort to prevent such intolerance and hate speech.

During the year the Islamic community significantly split along political lines. One group aligned itself with a newly-established local Riyaset in Belgrade, and the other retained its traditional ties to the Riyaset in neighboring Bosnia and Herzegovina. Observers noted that both groups were positioning themselves for any eventual restitution of Islamic community properties in the Sandzak region. On November 19, tensions between the two groups resulted in a brawl and shootout outside the Atun Alem mosque in Novi Pazar. On December 19, the two groups clashed in Tutin in Sandzak when followers of one group attacked followers of the other group when they attempted to enter a religious building where the latter were to distribute presents to children for the Eid holiday.

For a more detailed discussion, see the 2007 International Religious Freedom Report.

d. Freedom of Movement, Internally Displaced Persons, Protection of Refugees, and Stateless Persons

The law provides for freedom of movement within the country, foreign travel, emigration, and repatriation, and the government generally respected these rights in practice. The government cooperated with the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in providing protection and assistance to internally displaced persons, refugees, returning refugees, asylum seekers, stateless persons, and other persons of concern.

The law prohibits forced exile, and the government did not employ it.

Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs)

According to UNHCR figures, approximately 206,500 IDPs resided in Serbia, mainly Serbs, Roma, Ashkali (an Albanian-speaking ethnic group considered by outsiders as similar to Roma but self-identifying as a separate group with cultural distinctions from Roma), and Slavic Muslims who left Kosovo as a result of the 1998-1999 conflict. Approximately 4,600 IDPs remained in 67 official collective centers and 1,200 in 43 unrecognized collective centers. Although the government continued to close collective centers, many IDPs remained in minimally habitable facilities that had been constructed as temporary accommodations, rather than for long-term occupancy.

The Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare established a Department for Population Policy to address the needs of vulnerable populations in Serbia, including IDPs. Some of these responsibilities were previously held by the Commissariat for Refugees. The Commissariat remained responsible for determining status of IDPs, issuing identification cards to IDPs, and accommodating IDPs in collective centers.

The government continued to pay salaries to IDPs who were in the Kosovar government and state-owned enterprises before June 1999.

The law requires residents to register changes of residency, deregistering from the old address in person. Those IDPs from Kosovo who lacked personal or residency documents from Kosovo were unable to deregister from their Kosovo addresses, and were thus unable to register at a new address in Serbia. Without an authorized local address in Serbia, individuals are ineligible for health insurance, social welfare, and public schools. Legal assistance NGOs provided support to IDPs in residency registration.

There were 23,164 officially registered Romani IDPs in the country. However, the UNHCR estimated that there were a total of 40,000 to 45,000 internally displaced Roma living in Serbia proper, many of whom presumably lacked personal documents necessary to register as IDPs. Many Roma displaced from Kosovo were assumed to have been Serb collaborators during the conflict in Kosovo and could not safely return. While some Roma lived in government-supported collective centers, living conditions for Roma in Serbia were generally extremely poor. Local municipalities often were reluctant to accommodate them. If Roma did stay, they often lived in unauthorized encampments near major cities or towns. In at least one instance, when a local community did offer to relocate Roma from substandard conditions, the Roma refused to move away from the capital.

Unlike in previous years, there were no reports that IDPs were targeted for attacks. There were reports that the government sometimes failed to recognize IDPs, often due to a lack of communication with officials at the administrative boundary line with Kosovo who were responsible for reporting IDPs. Without an official IDP card, individuals were not able to access IDP services.

The government allowed IDPs access to assistance from NGOs and international organizations.

While government officials continued to make public statements that IDPs should return to Kosovo, senior government officials also claimed that it was unsafe for many to return.

Protection of Refugees

During the year, the law did not provide for the granting of asylum or refugee status in accordance with the 1951 UN Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 protocol. However, on November 23 the parliament passed new legislation establishing a system for granting asylum and providing protection to refugees. The new law, which will enter into force in April 2008, provides protection against refoulement, the return of persons to a country where there is reason to believe feared persecution. There was no information available on whether authorities turned such individuals away at borders during the year.

The UNHCR maintained an office at the airport to receive third-country asylum seekers, including those who entered the country via other ports of entry. The UNHCR conducted refugee status determinations in accordance with the 1951 UN convention and the organization's mandate. By tacit agreement, the government tolerated UNHCR status determinations, neither expelling individuals whom UNHCR determined to be refugees nor according them any opportunity for integration. UNHCR opened 33 cases for third-country nationals over the course of the year. Twenty-two Iraqis received refugee status during the year and were waiting to be resettled. At year's end, a total of 44 individuals remained under UNHCR protection as mandate refugees, 11 as asylum seekers, and 33 persons of concern. Two applications were withdrawn, and three applications for refugee status were "otherwise closed" because the individuals disappeared, presumably because they had migrated elsewhere.

UNHCR, with the cooperation of the Ministry of Interior, in October opened an asylum center for receiving and sheltering asylum seekers.

The government cooperated with the UNHCR and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees and asylum seekers. Under the 1992 Decree on Refugees, the government provided temporary protection to individuals from former republics of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) who may not qualify as refugees under the 1951 convention and its 1967 protocol. The government and UNHCR estimated that 98,000 refugees from Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina resided in Serbia. The government also provided temporary protection to individuals from other areas who may not qualify as refugees under the 1951 convention and its 1967 protocol, and provided it to 33 persons during the year.

There were no reported cases of abuse or discrimination of refugees during the year.

Stateless Persons

The basis for citizenship is jus sanguinis. The UNHCR estimated that there were up to 18,000 stateless persons in the country, mostly due to a cumbersome and lengthy citizenship registration process. Lack of information, administrative fees, difficulty obtaining documents, the lack of an official recognized residence, and sometimes the need to go to court to prove origin and identity made it difficult or impossible for some to register. These problems disproportionately impacted Roma, Ashkali, and Egyptian communities, particularly IDPs, although they also affected others who were destitute and living in isolated areas.

Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Government

The law provides citizens with the right to change their government peacefully, and citizens exercised this right in practice through periodic, free, and fair elections based on universal suffrage.

Elections and Political Participation

The country held parliamentary elections on January 21, which the OSCE and other election observers judged free and fair. Ethnic Albanian parties also participated in the election, ending 15 years of boycotts.

Political parties generally operated without restrictions or outside interference. However, in a report released at midyear, YIHR detailed 119 instances of politically motivated violence between October 2006 and April 2007, including threats, assaults and property destruction directed at political party offices and officials. This violence was most commonly directed at the Liberal Democratic Party, which accepted the inevitability of independence for Kosovo and advocated cooperation with the ICTY, and the greatest number of incidents occurred in the weeks surrounding the January election.

There were 50 women in the 250-seat parliament, and one of six parliamentary vice presidents and the secretary of the Parliament were women. There were four women in the 23-member cabinet. In 2006 the government amended the law on elections of members of parliament to require parties' preelection lists to include at least 30 percent women.

The constitution and law exempt ethnically based parties from the five percent threshold required for a political party to enter parliament. In the January election, minority parties and lists received a combined 3.5 percent of the total vote. Voter turnout by members of minority communities was higher than in previous elections; however Roma continued their historical pattern of low voter turnout. Eight members of national minorities, including ethnic Hungarians, Bosniaks, Roma, and ethnic Albanians were elected to parliament. Roma political parties were represented for the first time, as two Roma parties won one seat each. An ethnic Albanian party also won a seat for the first time in 15 years. One of the six parliamentary vice presidents was a member of an ethnic minority. Rasim Ljajic, a Bosnian Muslim, was the sole member of a minority group, in the 23-member cabinet.

Government Corruption and Transparency

The law provides criminal penalties for official corruption; however, the government did not implement the law effectively, and officials sometimes engaged in corrupt practices with impunity. There was a widespread public perception of government corruption at all levels. The World Bank's worldwide governance indicators reflected that corruption was a serious problem. According to Transparency International's 2007 Global Corruption Barometer, 21 percent of respondents stated that they or their family members had paid a bribe during the past year.

Public officials are subject to financial disclosure under the conflict of interest law; however, the Committee for Financial Disclosure may only recommend dismissal for failure to file reports, and not for the substance of the information reported.

During the year authorities made some new arrests for corruption and continued the prosecution of high-profile cases from previous years. While the government's Anticorruption Council frequently made public statements and granted interviews, the body had no legal standing and had only an advisory role. There were reports of authorities failing to act in response to detailed reports of suspected corruption. Unlike in previous years, there were no reports of high-profile politically motivated investigations.

On January 22, the trial of the "bankruptcy mafia" commenced. A total of 36 defendants, including Goran Kljajevic, former president of the Belgrade Commercial Court and commercial court judge Delinka Djurdjevic, faced charges of bribery, abuse of office, and illegal bankruptcy. The government accused the defendants of operating a lucrative scam in which the commercial court would declare enterprises bankrupt and the Postal Savings Bank would provide cheap loans to favored businessmen to buy the enterprise's assets at a below-market price. The trial was ongoing at year's end.

In April Dejan Simic, former vice governor of the National Bank of Serbia, and Socialist Party of Serbia director Vladimir Zagradjanin were indicted for bribery. Simic allegedly accepted a suitcase containing the equivalent of $146,000 cash (100,000 euros) in exchange for agreeing to register the Credit Export Bank. The trial had not begun by year's end.

In May the trial of 53 persons charged in the "highway mafia" case began. Prosecutors accused the defendants of using false payment cards and illegal software on two major tollgates between 2004 and 2006, resulting in a loss of approximately $9.5 million (6.5 million euros) in state revenue.

In July police charged a former general manager of the power utility Elektroprivreda Srbije, Ljubomir Geric, and three other former executives of the company in connection with agreements between the utility and two trading companies between 2001 and 2004, citing the loss of millions of dollars to the state budget.

In September the fraud and embezzlement trial of Mihalj Kertes, the former Head of the Customs Service during the Milosevic era, began. The case was part of the ongoing "Cyprus money laundering" investigation of former Milosevic officials, conducted by the organized crime prosecutor's office.

The leader of the Power of Serbia Movement, Bogoljub Karic, remained outside the country at year's end. Shortly after Karic formed a new parliamentary caucus in 2006, police issued a warrant for his arrest on charges of tax evasion, mismanagement of millions of dollars, and money laundering while he was owner of the telecommunications company Mobtel. Authorities took no additional action in this case.

The trial of deputy public prosecutor Milorad Cvijovic was underway at year's end. Cvijovic was charged with the unauthorized appropriation of a court document from the archives of the state prosecutor's office in 2005 in order to influence proceedings in a commercial case.

There was no new information in the trial of former minister of defense Prvoslav Davinic, charged with facilitating apartment leases for his bodyguards. On July 2, prosecutors indicted Davinic, Major General Milun Kokanovic and Colonel Jovica Vuckovic for abusing their positions in connection with a 2005 military equipment purchase scandal. Mile Dragic, reported as the owner of a military equipment firm, was concurrently charged with attempted fraud and possession of illegal weapons.

Government implementation of the 2004 access to information law continued to be slow, and the government generally did not provide access in practice. The law provides for public access to information of "legitimate public importance" (with many exceptions) and establishes an independent commissioner, selected by the Serbian parliament, to handle appeals when government agencies reject requests for information. In March the Commissioner of Information released a report on the law that concluded that agency compliance was increasing but was still poor. According to a September 2006 report by Transparency International, 81 percent of local institutions, 67 percent of public enterprises, and 35 percent of ministries were failing to fulfill their obligations under the access to information law, even as requests for information tripled between the end of 2005 and the end of 2006. NGOs reported that their requests for information from the government frequently went unanswered.

On March 30, the government signed a contract to build a highway from Horgos to Pozega through Vojvodina. The Anticorruption Council, local Vojvodina officials, journalists, and NGOs following corruption publicly questioned whether the contract was awarded to the lowest bidder. Infrastructure Minister Velimir Ilic repeatedly refused public efforts to obtain the contract, citing a secrecy clause in the contract, which he claimed was intended to protect the contractor's proprietary information. After continued public pressure and public requests for information under the access to information law, the ministry posted most of the contract on its Web site. At year's end, the government was in the process of implementing the contract.

Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights

A variety of independent domestic and international human rights groups generally operated without government restriction, investigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. However, these groups were often subjects of harassment, threats, and libel suits for expressing views critical of the government or contrary to nationalist views of Kosovo, the ICTY, and the wars of the 1990s. Prominent human rights groups included HCS, the Humanitarian Law Center (HLC), the Lawyers' Committee for Human Rights (YUCOM), the Fund for an Open Society, YIHR, and the Belgrade Center for Human Rights.

In July YIHR activist Maja Stojanovic avoided imprisonment when a group of NGOs paid a fine on her behalf. A Nis municipal magistrate had ordered the fine or a 10-day prison sentence if she did not pay the fine by July 25. The fine was imposed after Stojanovic was arrested in 2005 for putting up posters calling for the arrest of ICTY indictee Ratko Mladic. Stojanovic chose not to pay the fine as an act of civil disobedience, protesting selective enforcement of the law. The NGOs paid the fine after President Tadic issued a statement supporting Stojanovic's position.

During the year media campaigns aimed at demonizing human rights activists led to threats, harassment, and attacks against NGO workers. Media sometimes published NGO workers' personal information, such as their ethnic backgrounds and addresses. On February 28, tabloid Kurir called for the prosecution of Women's Peace Coalition for advocating the independence of Kosovo. On April 28, the pro-Radical newspaper Pravda printed an eight-page report attacking NGOs as enemies of the country, including attacks on HCS director Sonja Biserko, HLC's Natasa Kandic, and YUCOM director Biljana Kovacevic-Vuco.

During the year there were several physical attacks and threats against NGO workers. NGOs reported that officials were often slow to investigate or prosecute these cases. On January 22 in Belgrade, a group of skinheads attacked Violeta Djikanovic and Milos Urosevic of the NGO Women in Black. After making derogatory comments regarding Urosevic's sexuality, one of the attackers pushed Djikanovic down a flight of stairs; she was treated at the hospital for head and body injuries. Djikanovic and Urosevic reported the incident to the police and identified one of the assailants from a photograph. However, the suspect claimed an alibi for the time of the attack, and police took no further action.

On January 24 in Nis, YIHR activist Radojica Buncic was punched in the face and verbally abused by unknown assailants. Police took a statement from Buncic but did not identify the perpetrators. There was no further action during the year.

On July 11 in Nis, youth members of My Initiative were hanging posters calling for the arrest of ICTY indictee Mladic when six men attacked them. Police detained one assailant, but subsequently released the assailant without charges, and authorities took no further action.

In March 2006, HCS issued a report on the targeting of human rights defenders in Serbia. While praising some positive legal developments, the report criticized the government's failure to denounce more forcefully verbal and physical attacks against human rights defenders, as well as continued media campaigns aimed at discrediting local human rights advocates.

In July the government selected Sasa Jankovic to serve as ombudsman for the country, a position established in 2005 but previously unfilled. Vojvodina province had its own ombudsman, who operated independently during the year. The city of Kragujevac also had its own ombudsman.

During the year the government assisted in the arrests of Zdravko Tolimir and Vlastimir Djordjevic, two of the remaining six indictees sought by the ICTY. Two of ICTY's most wanted war crimes suspects with links to Serbia, Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic, remained at large. Despite the arrests, ICTY Chief Prosecutor Carla del Ponte stated in her December report to the UN Security Council that she was disappointed that more was not being done to apprehend Mladic and Karadzic and that the government was not cooperating fully with ICTY.

While the constitution prohibits the extradition of any person with Serbian citizenship, the law allows for an exception in cases of extradition of citizens to the ICTY.

Section 5 Discrimination, Societal Abuses, and Trafficking in Persons

The constitution and law prohibit discrimination based on race, gender, disability, language, or social status; however, discrimination against women and ethnic minorities, trafficking in persons, and violence against women and children were problems.

Women

Rape, including spousal rape, is punishable by one to 40 years for a simple case, a minimum of three years for an aggravated case, and a minimum of five years if death results or the victim is a minor. Advocates suspect that only a small percentage of rape victims reported their attacks, fearing reprisals from their attackers or humiliation in court. Few spousal rape victims filed complaints with authorities. Women's groups reported that sentences were often too lenient.

Violence against women was a problem, and high levels of domestic violence persisted. Domestic violence is a crime punishable by a prison sentence of six months to 10 years, depending on the seriousness of the offense, and a minimum of 10 years if death results. Such cases were difficult to prosecute due to lack of witnesses and evidence and unwillingness of witnesses or victims to testify. In a 2006 World Health Organization study of Serbian women, two-thirds of physically abused women reported that they did not seek help because they thought such abuse was normal or not serious. The few official agencies dedicated to coping with family violence had inadequate resources.

A report by several Romani NGOs released in April found that, of the half of the respondents who would discuss domestic violence, over 75 percent reported experiencing verbal or physical abuse. The respondents said that police did not act to protect them and that they were excluded from some state-funded safe houses.

The Serbian Victimology Society reported in July 2006 that one-third of women have been victims of physical violence and half of women have been victims of psychological violence. In 2004 there were approximately 4,900 reported cases of domestic violence in the country. According to the Magistrates Association of Serbia (MAS), domestic violence was significantly underreported and the problem was widespread and usually long-lasting. Violence frequently became a way of life in a country where contributing factors such as financial dependence, cramped living quarters (multifamily living arrangements were common), and the lack of support from extended family were prevalent.

During the year the MAS participated in a series of seminars and training sessions for magistrates to adjudicate domestic violence cases. The Center for Autonomous Women's Rights in Belgrade offered a rape and spousal abuse hot line and sponsored a number of self-help groups. The Counseling Center Against Family Violence operated a domestic violence shelter partly funded by the government. On November 22, the government opened its own shelter in Belgrade for victims of domestic violence. Media outlet B92 ran a campaign with the Counseling Center against Family Violence to raise funds for a shelter to be built in cooperation with the City of Belgrade.

Prostitution is illegal, although being a client of a prostitute is not a criminal offense.

Sexual harassment was a common problem, but public awareness remained low and few complaints were filed during the year. The law provides that sexual harassment is a crime punishable by up to six months' imprisonment for a simple case and up to one year's imprisonment for abuse of a subordinate or dependent.

Women have the same legal rights as men, including under family law, property law, and in the judicial system, and these rights were generally enforced in practice. The government has a council for gender equality, which worked during the year with NGOs in raising public awareness of gender equality problems. The Vojvodina government also has a secretariat for labor, employment, and gender equality. The OSCE mission to Serbia helped to establish domestic bodies in charge of gender equality in more than 30 municipalities.

Traditional views of gender roles, particularly in rural areas, resulted in discrimination against women. In remote rural areas, particularly among some minority communities, women could not effectively exercise their right to control property. In rural areas and some minority communities, it was common for husbands to direct the voting of their wives.

The social status of women was generally considered inferior to that of men, and women were not well represented in commerce. Women were legally entitled to equal pay for equal work; however, according to the International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights, women's average wages were 11 percent lower than that of men.

Children

The government was committed to the rights and welfare of children.

Romani families experienced some difficulties registering the births of children, mostly due to a lack of permanent address or documentation of parents' identity.

The educational system provided nine years of free, mandatory schooling, including a year before elementary school. However, ethnic prejudice, cultural norms, and economic distress discouraged some children, particularly Roma, from attending school. According to a progress report on poverty reduction released by the government in August, 95 percent of children started elementary school on time, and an estimated 76-86 percent of secondary school-age children attended school. The report noted, however, that school attendance was significantly lower among children from vulnerable groups, including Roma and poor populations. Only 14.4 percent of children in rural areas attended preschool.

Romani education remained a problem. Many Romani children, especially girls, did not attend primary school, reportedly either for family reasons, because they lacked identity documents, because they were judged by school administrators to be unqualified, or because of societal prejudice. In some cases, children who did have access to school sat in separate Roma-only classrooms or in a group at the back of regular classes. Few teachers were trained in the Romani language, and many Romani children did not learn to speak Serbian. Some Romani children were mistakenly placed in schools for children with emotional disabilities because the Romani language and cultural norms made it difficult for them to succeed on standardized tests in Serbian. According to a 2005 report on racism in eastern Serbia by the Forum for Ethnic Relations and International Cooperation, although 70 percent of Romani children who attended urban schools completed primary school, only 10 percent did so in rural areas. The UNHCR, with government support, conducted health education programs for Roma and preschool programs for Romani children.

The law provides that government clinics offer free medical care, including free medicines from a limited list of covered drugs. There were reports, however, that corruption resulted in restricted access to medication for some. Boys and girls had equal access to medical care; however, Romani children often were not vaccinated.

Child abuse was a problem. According to the Poverty Reduction Strategy Report, reported cases of family violence rose in 2006. While teachers were instructed to report suspected child abuse cases, they often did not do so. Police generally responded to complaints, and prosecutions of child abuse cases occurred during the year. Psychological and legal assistance was available for victims, and there was an incest trauma center.

Child marriage was a problem in some communities, particularly among Roma and in rural areas of southern and eastern Serbia. In the Romani community, boys and girls generally married between the ages of 14 and 18, with 16 as the average; boys generally married a few years later than girls. Child marriage was most common among Muslim Ashkali, most of whom came from Kosovo and were living in other parts of the country as IDPs.

Trafficking in Persons

The law prohibits trafficking in persons; however, there were reports that persons were trafficked through, to, and from the country for commercial sexual exploitation, labor, and begging.

Serbia was a transit point and a point of origin and destination for trafficking in women and children for the purpose of sexual exploitation. Domestic trafficking increased compared to previous years, and the number of domestic victims identified was higher than foreign victims. Serbia was a transit point for women trafficked to other Balkan countries and Western Europe. Eastern European countries were the primary source countries for persons trafficked to and through Serbia. NGOs and government officials reported that the number of minor victims continued to increase, although this may have been a result of increased monitoring and improved identification of victims.

In 2006 the Ministry of Labor, Employment, and Social Policy and the NGO Children's Rights Center released results of a survey that showed Romani children and children from poor, rural communities and foster families were at the highest risk for child labor abuse, including begging, theft, prostitution, dealing narcotics, and hard physical labor. Some Romani children were trafficked within the Romani community and to Roma abroad for exploitation in begging and theft rings.

Traffickers tended to be part of small crime groups with international links. Unlike in previous years, there were no identified cases with ties to large organized crime groups. In some cases, friends or family members facilitated contact between traffickers and victims.

Traffickers recruited victims through enticements including advertisements for escorts, marriage offers, and offers of employment. Some women went to work as prostitutes knowingly and only later became trafficking victims. Authorities reported increased use of the Internet and mobile text messaging as a method of recruiting victims.

The government increased funding for its antitrafficking programs. The criminal code differentiates between trafficking and smuggling. The penalty for trafficking in persons is two to 10 years in prison; for trafficking minors, the penalty is a minimum of three years; if the act of trafficking resulted in death, the penalty is a minimum of 10 years; if it involved serious physical injury, the penalty is three to 15 years; if there were multiple acts of trafficking or if perpetrated by an organized group, the penalty is a minimum of five years.

During the year authorities filed 26 criminal charges against 57 persons for trafficking. Government officials estimated that the number of unidentified cases was increasing. Antitrafficking groups worked with 185 trafficking victims, including 60 victims identified during the year.

The government cooperated in combating trafficking with neighboring countries, including Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Hungary, Slovenia, Bulgaria, Romania, Greece, and Ukraine. However, the constitution prohibits extradition of citizens, including dual nationals (except to the ICTY for war crimes) and the government did not extradite any citizens who were accused of trafficking in other countries.

On November 17, acting public prosecutor in Novi Pazar, Slobodan Radovanovic, announced the arrest of deputy public prosecutor Nenad Palamar, who allegedly failed to investigate or report victims of trafficking forced to work as prostitutes at a night club in Novi Pazar and allegedly sexually abused those victims. The trial was pending at year's end.

The government's antitrafficking team, headed by an antitrafficking coordinator who was the chief of the border police, incorporated government agencies, NGOs, and international organizations and led government antitrafficking efforts. The organized crime police force included a full-time antitrafficking unit, and the border police force had a full-time office to combat trafficking and alien smuggling. The government assisted in international investigations of human trafficking and participated in regional antitrafficking operations.

The government offered temporary resident visas and shelter to victims who agreed to testify against their traffickers, provided victim and witness protection, and did not prosecute victims.

The government's agency for coordination of protection to victims worked to ensure that trafficking victims were correctly identified and referred to assistance providers. Every police station had a focal point for trafficking in persons, to provide rapid response and assistance to possible victims. Separate shelters for domestic and foreign trafficking victims operated during the year. The NGO Astra operated a hot line for trafficking victims. NGOs and volunteers provided legal, medical, psychological, and other assistance to victims. The NGO Atina operated a long-term reintegration program for victims of sexual exploitation.

Unlike in previous years, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) did not have funds for repatriation of foreign victims, and it no longer ran a regional clearing center for information on trafficking victims.

The IOM and the OSCE funded numerous training programs, including training for hot line volunteers, shelters, social welfare officers, and police.

Government and NGO public awareness efforts to combat trafficking included conferences on trafficking, documentary films and public service announcements shown across the country, and school outreach programs. NGOs continued to organize and fund the majority of Serbia's public information campaigns. The government partly funded a 13-episode television series, Modern Slavery, devoted to promoting awareness of human trafficking.

Persons with Disabilities

The constitution and law prohibit discrimination against persons with disabilities in employment, education, access to health care, or in the provision of other state services, and the government generally enforced the law. However, lack of access to public buildings and public transportation was a problem. The Center for Independent Living (CIL), a disability rights NGO, reported that most persons with disabilities lived isolated from their communities and that facilities for their education and care were nonexistent or inadequate. A high unemployment rate and lack of accommodations made it difficult for persons with disabilities to obtain employment. While there were no reports of overt discrimination against persons with mental or physical disabilities, CIL reported that it was difficult to determine if there was discrimination in obtaining employment because employers usually gave other reasons for not hiring persons with disabilities.

The law mandates access for persons with disabilities to new public buildings, and the government generally enforced this provision in practice.

Unemployment remained a serious problem for persons with disabilities. A study released by the Center for Development of Inclusion and the Center for Study of Alternatives in 2006 found that 87 percent of persons with disabilities were unemployed, while 70 percent lived in poverty. The study also found that a greater percentage of women with disabilities were dependent on public assistance compared to men with disabilities.

In a report released in February, the HCS found that psychiatric hospitals in the country often provided inadequate living conditions and that staff lacked training to deal with these cases. Most institutions were large facilities, isolated from the community. Many patients stayed in institutions for 10 or 20 years because there were no other options. Rights of psychiatric patients are not protected either by law or regulation. The HCS reported that some patients were involuntarily confined in locked wards longer than was medically warranted and that abuses of treatment, such as lengthy physical immobilization, could occur.

On November 21, Mental Disability Rights International (MDRI) released a report on government facilities for the mentally disabled. The report, titled "Torment, Not Treatment," criticized the facilities for inadequate hygiene and treatment of patients. The report also cited a lack of training for personnel and lack of oversight of their activities, resulting in abuses of patients. MDRI gave examples of patients tied to their beds continuously. The Social Affairs Ministry objected that, while the report was partially accurate in its description of the worst institutions, the conditions were not so extreme at all facilities.

National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities

Minorities constituted 25 to 30 percent of Serbia's population and included ethnic Hungarians, Bosniaks, Roma, Slovaks, Romanians, Vlachs, Bulgarians, Croats, Albanians, and others.

Roma, who constituted 1.4 percent of the population, continued to be targets of numerous incidents of police violence, verbal and physical harassment from ordinary citizens, and societal discrimination.

In January in the village of Medja in Leskovac municipality, 30 Romani homes were spray-painted with swastikas and anti-Roma graffiti. Police took statements but took no further action during the year.

On February 6, a group of Serbs attacked the president and several members of the Democratic Association of Roma in Belgrade. The HCS reported that traffic police witnessed the event without intervening and also made racist remarks about the victims. Police took statements from the victims but took no further action during the year.

In August there was a series of attacks on Roma in Belgrade, including destruction of homes, assaults, and hate speech graffiti. Police responded that they were investigating but had not made any arrests by year's end.

The July 2006 UN Development Program's social vulnerability report found that the Romani population continued to live in conditions of extreme poverty with limited access to education and healthcare. The report noted that the situation of Roma in the country remained largely unchanged since aid efforts began.

Many Roma, including IDPs from Kosovo, lived illegally in squatter settlements that lacked basic services such as schools, medical care, water, and sewage facilities. Some settlements were located on valuable industrial or commercial sites where private owners wanted to resume control; others were on the premises of state-owned enterprises due to be privatized. During the year Belgrade authorities continued to suspend demolition of one settlement on privatized land until they could locate alternative housing for Roma living there, but authorities continued to struggle to find an alternative.

Although not widespread, there continued to be incidents of vandalism and some physical attacks against minorities in Vojvodina. The number of incidents against ethnic Hungarians in Vojvodina remained low, and minority leaders there reported that the situation was calm. Vojvodina and Serbian government officials continued implementation of a 2005 10-point strategy to improve ethnic relations in the province, including education programs, public awareness campaigns, and greater representation of minorities in the police and judiciary.

Political leaders in Vojvodina continued to object to certain provisions in the 2006 constitution. While the constitution ostensibly gives Vojvodina a larger portion of its tax revenue than the province previously received, it also further limits its autonomy. Only 48 percent of the Vojvodina electorate voted in the referendum on the constitution, and only 14 percent of ethnic Hungarians participated. Ethnic Hungarian political leaders cited these constitutional "defects" as an evidence of the government's failure to involve minorities in policy-making.

The law stipulates official use of any native language and alphabet of a national minority with 15 percent of the population in a given area. However, in June YIHR reported that place and street names were only written in Serbian using the Cyrillic alphabet in six municipalities in Vojvodina with large populations of ethnic Czechs, Hungarians, and Romanians.

Ethnic Albanian leaders in the southern municipalities of Presevo, Bujanovac, and Medvedja continued to complain about under-representation of ethnic Albanians in government structures, and lobbied for greater political autonomy for predominantly ethnic Albanian areas. In the January parliamentary elections, ethnic Albanians in southern Serbia ended a decade-long boycott of national elections and elected one representative.

In September the government announced a reorganization of the Coordinating Body for Southern Serbia, which coordinates policy and assistance to the region. Ethnic Albanian leaders complained that the government did not consult them prior to the announcement and that the proposed changes did not address the most pressing problems in the region, such as education and healthcare. In December the president of the coordinating body traveled to the region to present the coordinating body's five-year plan for the region and to urge local leaders to participate in the organization.

The government operated a hot line for minorities and others concerned about human rights problems. The government also provided students with an optional civic education class, which included information on minority cultures and multiethnic tolerance. The class was an alternative to religion courses covering the "traditional" religions.

Other Societal Abuses and Discrimination

Violence and discrimination against homosexuals was a problem. Some NGOs reported that homosexuals were denied equal opportunities in education and employment. A 2006 survey by YIHR indicated that lesbians, gays, bisexuals, and transgender persons experienced widespread threats, hate speech, verbal assault, and physical violence. The Anti-Discrimination Coalition criticized the lack of police response to three attacks on patrons of two clubs in Belgrade frequented by homosexuals on October 12 and November 3. The NGO characterized the attacks as part of antigay campaign.

Although the broadcasting law prohibits discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation, the media carried slurs against homosexuals.

Human rights organizations were sometimes targeted for their vocal support of gay rights, sometimes leading to harassment. For example, on February 28 in Nis, two YIHR members were followed and harassed by unknown persons who expressed anger that they "protect gays and lesbians" and accused them of being anti-Serb.

In a 2006 poll conducted by lesbian rights organization Labris, 65 percent of homosexual respondents claimed they had experienced violence due to their sexual orientation. Only ten percent of respondents had reported this violence to the police.

NGOs reported acts of discrimination against persons with HIV/AIDS, including job loss and harassment from neighbors. The NGO Sunce stated that fear of discrimination prevented many persons from seeking testing, and, as a result, the actual number of HIV-positive persons in the country was as much as ten times greater than the 2,088 reported HIV cases.

Section 6 Worker Rights

a. The Right of Association

The law and constitution provide the right for workers, except military and police personnel, to join or form unions of their choosing. This right was subject to restrictions, including approval by the Ministry of Labor and a statement from the employer that the union leader is a full-time employee, which reportedly was tantamount to an employer approval requirement. A state-affiliated trade union federation dominated organized labor, due to preference by the managements of the state-owned industries that dominated the economy. Smaller federations of independent trade unions successfully competed with the government-affiliated federation. In the state-owned sector, 61 percent of workers belonged to unions, down from last year due to privatization. In the private sector, 13 percent were unionized, an increase from the previous year.

The law does not prohibit antiunion discrimination. According to the trade union Nezavisnost, during the year there were cases of dismissal and suspension for union activity. One employer forced workers to relocate to another branch in the hope that workers would quit. That case was pending in court.

b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively

The law and constitution allow unions to conduct their activities without interference, and the government protected this right in practice. The law protects the right to organize and bargain collectively, and it was exercised freely in practice. The 2005 labor law requires collective bargaining agreements for any company with more than 10 employees. However, in order to negotiate with an employer, a union must have 15 percent of company employees as members. In order to negotiate with the government, a union must have 10 percent of all workforce employees as members. Wage arrears were reported to be substantial and widespread. Approximately 40 percent of employed workers were covered by collective bargaining agreements.

The law and constitution provide for the right to strike except by persons providing essential services such as education, electric power, and postal service. These employees constitute approximately 50 percent of the workforce and must announce planned strikes at least 15 days in advance and ensure that a "minimum level of work" is provided. Workers exercised the right to strike.

Serbia continued to lack a general collective agreement since the previous agreement expired in 2005. Following unsuccessful negotiations in 2006, there were no new talks during the year. In the absence of a general collective agreement, branch and local agreements can be signed based on provisions in the labor law. In the event that there is no union representation at a company, the employer is obligated to set minimum labor standards based on the labor law.

There are no export processing zones.

c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor

The law and constitution prohibit forced and compulsory labor, including by children; however, women and children were trafficked for commercial sexual exploitation, labor, and begging.

d. Prohibition of Child Labor and Minimum Age for Employment

The government effectively enforced laws protecting children from exploitation in the workforce; however, there were reports that children were trafficked for commercial sexual exploitation, labor, and begging.

In villages and farming communities, younger children commonly worked in family businesses. Children, particularly Roma, also worked in a variety of unofficial retail jobs, typically washing car windows or selling small items such as newspapers. Romani children were often forced by their families into manual labor, compelled to beg, or trafficked abroad to work in begging or theft rings.

The minimum age for employment is 15, and youth under 18 require written parental or guardian permission for employment. The labor law stipulates very specific working conditions for youth, and limits their workweek to 35 hours.

The Labor Inspectorate of the Ministry of Labor, Employment, and Social Issues checked for child labor during its inspections; however, the ministry stated it found no violations during the year. The absence of such violations was most likely the result of limited monitoring capabilities by inspectors. No reliable data existed on the extent of child labor due to the lack of a mechanism to monitor the problem. There were no reported child labor violations during the year. The ministry also included prevention of child labor in its regular child and family protection programs.

e. Acceptable Conditions of Work

The minimum wage for the period July-December was set by the Social Economic Council at approximately $205 (11,094 dinars) per month. The minimum wage did not provide a decent standard of living for a worker and family. In companies with a trade union presence, there was generally effective enforcement of the minimum wage. This was not the case in smaller private companies, and workers were often afraid of losing their jobs because many of them were not legally registered. The Labor Inspectorate is responsible for enforcing the minimum wage.

According to figures released at year's end, the average salary in November was approximately $524 (29,373 dinars) or $26 (1,468 dinars) per day or $3 (183 dinars) per hour. The average salary was not adequate for a worker and family to live comfortably. Two average salaries were needed to cover expenses for average monthly consumption.

The standard workweek of 40 hours was generally observed in state-owned enterprises but not in private companies. The law provides that an employee may not work overtime for more than four hours a day or for more than 240 hours in a calendar year. For an eight-hour workday, one 30-minute break is required. At least 12 hours of break are required between shifts during a workweek, and at least 24 hours of break are required over a weekend.

Collective agreements were the primary means of providing premium pay for overtime. However, the labor law requires that the premium for overtime work should be at least 26 percent of the salary base, as defined by the relevant collective agreement. Trade unions within a company are the primary agents for enforcing overtime pay; however, the labor inspectorate also has enforcement responsibilities. The inspectorate had mixed results enforcing labor regulation due to a variety of factors, including politics and corruption.

It is mandatory for companies to establish a safety and security unit to implement safety and security regulations; however, in practice these units often focused on rudimentary aspects of safety, such as purchasing soaps and detergents, rather than on providing safety equipment for workers. Workers did not have the right to remove themselves from situations that endangered health or safety without jeopardy to their employment.

KOSOVO

Kosovo has a population of approximately 2.2 million and is administered by the UN Interim Administrative Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) pursuant to UN Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 1244 of 1999. UNMIK is led by a special representative of the UN secretary general in Kosovo (SRSG). UNMIK promulgated regulations that addressed the civil and legal responsibilities of governmental entities and private individuals and ratified laws passed by the Kosovo Assembly. The UNMIK-promulgated Constitutional Framework for Provisional Self Government in Kosovo defines the provisional institutions of self-government (PISG). Multiparty elections in November for the Kosovo Assembly generally reflected the will of the voters. During the year negotiations aimed at settling Kosovo's status were held under the auspices of the UN. No decision on Kosovo's status was reached by year's end. UNMIK international civilian authorities and a UN-authorized North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) peacekeeping force for Kosovo (KFOR) generally maintained effective control over security forces.

UNMIK and the PISG generally respected the human rights of residents; however, there were problems in some areas, particularly relating to minority populations. The most serious of these were cases of politically and ethnically motivated violence; injuries from unexploded ordnance or landmines; lengthy pretrial detention and lack of judicial due process; corruption and government interference in the judiciary; societal antipathy against Serbs and the Serbian Orthodox Church; lack of progress in returning internally displaced persons to their homes; corruption in the PISG; violence and discrimination against women; trafficking in persons, particularly girls and women for sexual exploitation; societal violence, abuse, and discrimination against minority communities; societal discrimination against persons with disabilities; abuse and discrimination against homosexuals; and child labor in the informal sector.

RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS

Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:

a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life

The government or its agents did not commit any politically motivated killings; however, UNMIK forces killed two persons during demonstrations.

During a February 10 demonstration by the Self-Determination Movement in which protestors turned violent, UNMIK security forces killed two civilians with rubber bullets and seriously wounded two others. Subsequent to this incident, UNMIK Police Commissioner Steven Curtis and Minister of Interior Fatmir Rexhepi resigned from their posts. In July, after a preliminary investigation, UNMIK Department of Justice concluded that the loss of life was unjustified and that the facts gave reasonable suspicion of criminal acts among the security personnel who had fired the rubber bullets. UNMIK Department of Justice also concluded that insufficient evidence existed for charges to be lodged against any particular officers. The investigation, which was ongoing at year's end, found that the security forces had used rubber bullets long past their expiration date. As a result UNMIK banned the use of rubber bullets by its security forces. Albin Kurti, leader of the so-called "Self-Determination Movement," was charged with participating in and organizing a crowd committing a criminal offense, participating in and leading a group obstructing officials in performing their duties, and a call to resistance. His trial was ongoing at year's end. Several international human rights organizations voiced concerns at the length of Kurti's pretrial detention and UNMIK's conduct of the trial.

There were no developments in the December 2006 case of Hetem Sadri Rexhaj, who was killed in police custody in Pec/Peja.

Unlike in 2006, there were no reports of deaths from landmines or unexploded ordnance from the 1998-1999 conflict.

There were no developments in the investigations of the following killings that may have been politically motivated: the May 2006 killing of Mark Oroshi, who was suspected of killing attorney and Istok/Istog Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) political activist Shaban Manaj in 2001, or the June 2006 killing of Kosovo Serb Dragan Popovic, who was shot and killed in his home in the ethnically mixed Klina municipality.

Unlike in previous years, there were no apparently politically motivated killings of police officers. However, two Kosovo Police Service (KPS) officers were killed during the year. On January 3, officer Avni Kosumi was shot and killed near Babin Most village while driving on the Pristina-Mitrovica highway. He was with two other off-duty KPS officers. A KPS investigation continued at year's end.

On August 30, KPS officer Triumf Riza was shot in a Pristina parking lot while off duty and died at the hospital shortly thereafter. On September 1, Arben Berisha confessed to the murder and surrendered to police. Local criminal figure Enver Sekiraqa was publicly accused of involvement in the murder; at year's end the KPS was investigating his alleged links to the crime.

In 2006 the murder trial of Shkumbin Mehmeti, Florim Ejupi, Nazim Kadriu, Arben Ahmeti and Arsim Rashiti began before international judges. The suspects were charged in 2005 with the killing of a KPS officer and an UNMIK police officer in an ambush on the Podujevo/Podujeve road after the March 2004 riots. On November 9, the Pristina District Court convicted Mehmeti of aggravated murder, attempted murder and three counts of unauthorized possession of weapons, while acquitting him of other charges in the indictment. Shkumbin Mehmeti was sentenced to 30 years' imprisonment. Florim Ejupi, Nazim Kadriu, Arben Ahmeti, and Arsim Rashiti were acquitted of all charges. A separate ruling was issued extending Mehmeti's detention until the verdict becomes final.

Florim Ejupi was also indicted earlier on charges that he and accomplices planned and executed the 2001 Merdare bus bombing near Podujevo/Podujeve that killed 11 Kosovo Serbs and injured 40. On August 9, the international prosecutor amended the indictment withdrawing charges of terrorism against all defendants, as well as dropping charges against five defendants. Closing arguments have been filed in the case. On November 30, acting on a request filed by the international public prosecutor, the court extended the period of detention on remand against the defendant for two months. The trial was ongoing at year's end.

On September 19, the Pec/Peja regional court sentenced Bedri Krasniqi to 27 years imprisonment for the 2003 shooting of KPS officers Sebahate Tolaj and Isuf Haklaj.

There were developments in some alleged war crimes cases from previous years. On January 17, the Prizren District Court closed the investigation of two former Kosovo Serb policemen, Goran Janjusevic and Slavisa Milkovic, for committing war crimes against the civilian population in the Prizren region during the 1999 conflict. Neither Janjusevic nor Milkovic were apprehended.

On February 8, prosecutors indicted Idriz Gashi, who was brought to Kosovo from Sweden to face war crimes charges for crimes committed in 1998 in the Pec/Peja region. In June Gashi was convicted of murdering Sanije Balaj, a Kosovo Albanian civilian in 1998 after she was stopped at a Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) checkpoint in the village of Barane. He was sentenced to 15 years of imprisonment.

There were developments in the case of Kosovo Albanian Kosovo Protection Corps (KPC) officers (Selim Krasniqi, Bedri Zyberaj, Xhavit Elshani, Isuf Gashi, and Islam Gashi), arrested for alleged involvement in war crimes committed against Kosovo Albanian civilians in the Drenovac Detention Camp in Prizren in 1998. Selim Krasniqi was apprehended on November 24 and was in detention awaiting trial at year's end. On April 19, UNMIK Police arrested Osman Zyberaj, who was accused of the 2005 murder of Hasan Rrustemi and attempted murder of Nezim Rrustemi, both witnesses in the then-ongoing war crimes trial against Krasniqi. On July 17, an international prosecutor indicted Zyberi and another suspect, Shyqeri Shala.

On August 22, the Supreme Court acquitted Sali Veseli of the murder of a former KLA leader from Prizren and ordered his immediate release. This decision by international judges overturned the District Court of Prizren's retrial conviction of Veseli.

There were no developments in the investigation into the 2005 killing of UNMIK police officer Omar Ali, who died when a bomb was detonated under his official vehicle.

There were no developments in the possibly politically motivated 2005 killing of ethnic Turk and Turk Democratic Party of Kosovo member Ibish Cakalli. Investigations were ongoing at year's end.

There were no developments in the following apparently politically motivated killings of Kosovo Albanians in 2005: the killing of Sadik Musaj, a witness at the "Dukagjini group" trial; the killing of Muhamet Sallaj, a former KLA member; the drive-by shooting of journalist Bardhyl Ajeti of the Albanian language daily Bota Sot; the drive-by killing of Muhamet Xhemajili, former commander of the Liberation Army of Presevo, Medvedje and Bujanovac, an armed Kosovo Albanian group previously active in Serbia's Presevo Valley; and the car bombing of KPC and former KLA member Naser Ramaj and his brother Jeton.

There were no developments in the case of Faton Hajrizi, arrested in 2006 for the alleged killing a Russian KFOR soldier in Klina in 2002. On August 18, he escaped from the Dubrava prison; police apprehended him in a Pristina cafe on October 5.

b. Disappearance

There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances; however, there were still thousands of persons missing from the 1998-99 conflict, whose remains had not been identified or whereabouts determined.

According to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), at the end of June, there were 2,047 persons still listed as unaccounted for since the conflict, of whom 70 percent were Kosovo Albanians and 30 percent were Kosovo Serbs and other minorities.

During the year the UNMIK Office of Missing Persons and Forensics (OMPF) continued to identify the remains of missing persons in Kosovo. Since 2002 the office performed 571 field operations and exhumations, 66 of which took place during the year. The remains of over 3,800 missing persons were recovered and OMPF focused on establishing the identities of 1,500 sets of human remains discovered in Kosovo since 1999, along with the identities of approximately 900 sets received from Serbia since 2002.

By the end of the year, 455 unidentified bodies were under OMPF custody (397 bodies were exhumed in Kosovo and 58 were transferred from Serbia proper). Between January and August the OMPF received 180 positive DNA reports, representing 77 identifiable individuals. During the year the OMPF and the International Commission on Missing Persons worked on the identification of 61 cases of missing persons for which there were not enough blood donors to provide information for a match. DNA information and traditional methods were combined to confirm identification of remains. Nine sets of remains were returned during the year; identification of the remaining bodies was in process.

During the year OMPF also continued exhumations; it recovered and autopsied 73 bodies from 66 sites. Exhumations were ongoing at year's end.

In June 2006 the Serbian government transferred the last sets of identified remains of Kosovo Albanian victims of the 1998-99 conflict found in mass graves in Serbia. These remains were returned to families for burial. Families of the missing continued to request that the Serbian government provide access to records that might indicate locations of additional mass graves or places where bodies may have been incinerated.

Four times during the year, officials from Kosovo and Serbia met in a working group on missing persons, chaired by the ICRC and under the auspices of the SRSG. Although a sub-working group on forensic issues met twice during the first half of the year and the parties conducted several teleconferences on forensic issues, hundreds of sets of human remains in the Pristina morgue remained unidentified.

According to the ICRC, during the period between January and August, 155 identified sets of human remains were handed over to families. Forty-one were transferred from Serbia to Kosovo (through the OMPF); 16 were transferred from Kosovo to Serbia (exhumed in Kosovo and handed over to families in Serbia), and 98 were transferred within Kosovo (exhumed in Kosovo and handed over to families in Kosovo).

c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment

The constitutional framework and criminal procedure code prohibit such practices; however, there were reports that the PISG engaged in such practices. There were no reports that UNMIK, which is the sovereign authority, or KFOR, which has limited arrest and detention authority, engaged in such practices.

According to media reports, the KPS used force to disperse violent demonstrations and beat demonstrators while making arrests during the demonstration on February 10. The Ombudsperson Institution began an investigation into the February 10 protest and sent letters to the SRSG and the prime minister requesting that they use their authority to ensure independent investigations of police behavior during this protest.

The KPS Professional Standards Unit initiated three investigations, one of which was dismissed as unfounded. The other two investigations resulted in disciplinary action against the officers involved, each of whom was suspended for 10 days without pay, given mandatory remedial training, and had letters of discipline placed in their personnel files.

Prison and Detention Center Conditions

Prisons and detention centers reportedly met international standards; however, there were allegations of abuse and mistreatment of prisoners during the year.

On August 18, seven prisoners incarcerated for terrorism, murder, attempted murder, and robbery escaped from Dubrava prison. One inmate allegedly fired two shots inside the prison, and unknown suspects fired automatic weapons at the outer walls of the facility to cover the escape. Rocket-propelled grenades were found later outside the prison walls. UNMIK Department of Justice's Penal Management Division took control of Dubrava Prison for a day. Five Kosovo Correctional Service (KCS) officers were arrested. The Director of Dubrava Prison, Sokol Zogaj, resigned on August 27. Police subsequently arrested one escapee in a Pristina cafe on October 5 and another outside Pristina soon afterwards. One escapee was killed in fighting near Tetovo, Macedonia, on November 1, and two others died in fighting in the same area on November 7. Two escapees remained at large at year's end.

UNMIK reported bringing disciplinary proceedings against members of the 1,650-strong KCS during the year. Behavior resulting in discipline included administrative violations such as repeated tardiness and fraud.

Dubrava prision held 1,161 inmates as of July 1, above its total capacity of 1,100. The Dubrava prison and five detention centers operated during the year, and the construction of a new prison facility continued in Lipljan/Lipjan to alleviate crowding.

During the year UNMIK police corrections officers continued to transfer responsibility for administering Kosovo's prisons to the KCS, under the authority of the PISG. The KCS managed daily operations at the Dubrava prison, with the exception of the 32-prisoner high risk section, which remained under international supervision. UNMIK retained authority to take full control of the prison system during emergencies.

UNMIK permitted ICRC visits and monitoring by the ombudsperson of Kosovo's prisons and detention centers. In February the Ministry of Justice granted the Council for Defense of Human Rights and Freedoms (CDHRF), a local NGO, full access to all prisons, detention centers, and correction centers. CDHRF had previously complained that it was denied access on some occasions. In March, representatives of the Council of Europe's Committee for the Prevention of Torture (CPT) visited prisons and other detention facilities. The delegation was also provided full access to the detention facility on a NATO/KFOR base. During the year the ICRC visited some of Kosovo's prisons, but issued no public findings.

d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention

The constitutional framework and criminal procedure code prohibit arbitrary arrest and detention, and UNMIK, KFOR, and the PISG generally observed these prohibitions in practice.

Role of the Police and Security Apparatus

Local security forces included the KPC, a civilian emergency response organization, and the KPS, a local police force that functions under the authority of the SRSG and supervision of UNMIK police. A December 2005 UNMIK regulation established the Ministry of Internal Affairs, which under the constitutional framework is responsible for law enforcement. In 2006, the first internal affairs minister was appointed, and KPS became an executive agency under the ministry. UNMIK maintains executive authority over the police but continued to transfer police authority and functions to the KPS.

An international commissioner of police directed both UNMIK police and the KPS. A Kosovar deputy commissioner and four Kosovar assistant commissioners reported to the international police commissioner. Members of ethnic minorities comprised approximately 16 percent of the KPS's 7,200 officers at year's end; 10 percent of KPS officers were Kosovo Serbs. Women accounted for over 13.5 percent of KPS officers.

Executive authority over the KPS is a reserved power of the SRSG. Day-to-day police operations were transferred to the KPS in all regions except Mitrovica region. In those regions, the KPS is responsible for all police services and routine activity. Specialized units on war crimes and ethnically motivated crimes were still primarily staffed by international UN police officers and largely operated independently of the KPS due to the sensitivity of those functions. Units on criminal intelligence and organized crime were operated jointly. Both the international police and the judiciary have broad discretion to intervene in any particular criminal matter. As a practical matter, most policing duties and responsibilities were in the hands of KPS.

Corruption and government influence remained problems in the security forces.

In 2006 the PISG Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) Mission in Kosovo inaugurated the Police Inspectorate of Kosovo, a body designed to promote police efficiency and effectiveness, hold police accountable for their actions, and investigate and punish misconduct. Inspectors conducted 14 audits and inspections during the year, including one related to the February 10 self-determination protest.

An UNMIK office of oversight investigated corruption in UNMIK and the criminal justice system. The judicial system generally held the security forces to the same level of accountability as it held the general population.

During the year the KPS professional standards unit, run by UNMIK police, opened 460 cases involving 678 KPS employees; most were related to unjustified absences from work, misuse of sick leave, use of force, sleeping on the job, and ethics violations. At year's end 376 of these cases were completed, 2,994 were deemed to have merit, and 68 were deemed unfounded. Nine were closed without investigative measures due to resignation of accused officers. Sanctions ranged from dismissal to temporary suspension or mandatory training. As of September a total of 185 cases were still under investigation; in cases involving violations of the criminal code, many of the employees were suspended temporarily pending a court decision.

In April a KPS-led raid in the Serb-majority municipality of Strpce/Shterpce, conducted solely by ethnic Albanian police officers, resulted in injuries to several Kosovo Serb suspects and credible allegations of excessive use of force and inappropriate behavior. As a result, the KPS launched an internal investigation to determine police misconduct and began drafting standard operating procedures for police operations in Serb and other minority areas. The investigation and establishment of these procedures were ongoing at year's end.

Arrest and Detention

Police generally made arrests openly using a warrant issued by a judge or prosecutor; however, in some cases, persons were arrested secretly by masked or undercover police officers. By law, arrests must be based on prosecutor orders and arrestees must be brought before a judge within 72 hours. The majority of the year's arrests were carried out by the KPS rather than by UNMIK. The KPS did not abuse the 72-hour rule and generally charged arrestees within six hours or released them. Arrestees have the right to be informed of the reason for their arrest in a language they understand; to remain silent and not answer any questions except those concerning their identity; to obtain free assistance of an interpreter; to obtain defense counsel and to have defense counsel provided if they cannot afford to pay for legal assistance; to receive medical treatment including psychiatric treatment; and to notify a family member. UNMIK police and the KPS generally respected these rights in practice. The law permits bail, confiscation of travel documents, house arrest, and other measures as an alternative to detention on remand, but these were applied in only a handful of cases.

Under extraordinary circumstances, KFOR can arrest and detain individuals without a warrant. The KFOR commander can extend the detention of individuals in 30-day increments without charging them with a crime before a court, provided they were not released by a court. There were no reports that KFOR arrested persons without a warrant during the year.

UNMIK police and the KPS may hold individuals for up to 72 hours without a court order. The court may hold individuals in pretrial detention for 30 days from the day of arrest but this can be extended by the courts up to a total of 18 months. The law allows for house arrest, an appeal for detention on remand, and expanded use of bail as alternatives to pretrial detention.

Lengthy detentions, both before and during judicial proceedings, remained a problem, although some improvements were reported during the year. The law provides that the judge may impose this extraordinary measure only when ordinary measures, such as house arrest, are insufficient to secure the defendant's presence during the criminal proceedings and enable proper administration of the criminal proceedings. In practice judges routinely used detention on remand without showing any evidentiary justification.

e. Denial of Fair Public Trial

The constitutional framework provides for an independent judiciary; however, the local judiciary was at times biased and subject to outside influence and did not always provide due process. There were credible reports of corruption in the local judiciary, and the court system was inefficient.

Legal authority is held by UNMIK under UNSC Resolution 1244. UNMIK police and justice authorities held executive responsibility for the judicial system but worked with local judges and prosecutors; UNMIK continued to transfer some reserved competencies to the Ministry of Justice, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and the Kosovo Judicial Council that was established in 2005. The Serbian government continued to operate an unsanctioned parallel judicial system in Kosovo Serb enclaves and in majority Serb municipalities.

The court system includes a Supreme Court, five district courts including a commercial court, 25 municipal courts, 25 minor offense courts, and an appellate court for minor offenses. As of October there were 174 UNMIK-appointed international judges and 13 international prosecutors. In January UNMIK and the Ministry of Justice established the Kosovo Special Prosecutors Office, under the oversight of UNMIK Department of Justice. The office included six Kosovar special prosecutors, with a focused on serious crimes, including human trafficking, corruption, and counterterrorism. One special prosecutor was responsible for prosecuting human trafficking, while another was responsible for counterterrorism and serious interethnic crime.

The PISG included a central public prosecutor's office, five district prosecutors, and seven municipal prosecutors.

While the law provides that a panel of two professional and three lay judges try serious cases, an UNMIK regulation authorizes international prosecutors to try cases of a sensitive ethnic or political nature, including before a panel of three international judges. Since beginning their work in 2003, international prosecutors completed approximately 300 of 700 cases assigned to them.

In 2006 UNMIK and the Kosovo Judicial Council launched a recruitment campaign for judges and prosecutors targeting members of underrepresented communities. In June a Kosovo Serb judge was sworn into office, bringing the total number of Kosovo Serb judges to 15.

UNMIK's Judicial Inspection Unit monitored judicial performance and made recommendations on discipline and training. The unit has a mandate to audit and evaluate the Kosovo justice system, make recommendations to the UNMIK Department of Justice for the resolution of systemic problems, conduct investigations into allegations of judicial and prosecutorial misconduct, and present cases of misconduct in disciplinary hearings before the Kosovo Judicial Council. The Judicial Inspection Unit processed a total of 1,838 complaints since 2001, including 351 during the year to September. Of those 351, the unit rejected 179 cases and completed 71 of 150 investigations. In the majority of investigations (64), the unit found no misconduct. The unit referred seven cases to the Judicial Council, which suspended one municipal court judge pending his indictment for accepting bribes, reprimanded one district prosecutor and one municipal court judge, and cleared one district court judge and one district prosecutor. The Judicial Inspection Unit appealed the cases that were cleared and sought harsher discipline for the prosecutor.

Trial Procedures

Trials are public, and the law provides for the right of defendants to be present at their trials, to confront witnesses, to see evidence, and to have legal representation, at public expense if necessary; however, these procedures were used rarely in practice. Defendants are presumed innocent until proven guilty and have the right of appeal. Trials are heard by panels consisting of professional and lay judges; there are no jury trials.

As of January the Kosovo Judicial Council increased monthly payments to court-appointed attorneys from approximately $365 (250 euros) to approximately $730 (500 euros) per month.

During the year the PISG established a Legal Aid Commission. The prime minister appointed a head of the commission, and UNMIK Department of Justice conducted background checks of eight nominees slated to become commission deputies. The commission is an independent government agency that provides free legal assistance to low-income individuals. Once fully operational, legal aid officers will operate in five district legal aid bureaus, where attorneys appointed by the commission will provide legal assistance to people in need. The commission used a broad range of media in an effort to encourage minority participation.

The UNMIK-established judicial integration section continued to address judicial system problems that affected minorities. In addition, the Ministry of Justice operated 11 court liaison offices, two of which were created during the year, to assist minority communities in Kosovo Serb-majority areas by accompanying members of minorities to courts, filing documents with courts on their behalf, and providing information and legal assistance to refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs). In response to past criticism by legal experts and human rights observers of a lack of fairness in criminal trials involving ethnic minorities, international judges and prosecutors--rather than Kosovo Albanians--tried and prosecuted cases involving Kosovo Serbs.

Kosovo's justice system and the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) continued to identify and punish perpetrators of war crimes from the 1999 conflict; however, many cases remained unresolved. Supreme Court appeals continued in local courts to adjudicate cases of alleged war crimes and genocide arising from the 1999 conflict.

Political Prisoners and Detainees

There were no reports that KFOR, UNMIK, the KPS, or the PISG held political prisoners or detainees during the year.

Civil Judicial Procedures and Remedies

According to a 2006 OSCE report, interference by municipal authorities and UNMIK Department of Justice hampered judicial independence in civil matters. The OSCE cited instances in which municipal authorities plainly obstructed court proceedings, pressured judges in cases to which authorities were party, and influenced third parties to prevent courts from exercising their authority. The OSCE also reported that UNMIK Department of Justice instructed judges not to process claims for compensation for property damages caused by KFOR, UNMIK, or the municipalities. During the year the OSCE reported some progress in this area but not enough to reduce the backlog. UNMIK Department of Justice claimed that it did not pursue such compensation claims because the logistical challenges of such claims were insurmountable. It also claimed that an influx of property-related claims would hinder the courts' work, increase its already large backlog of cases, and require special planning and coordination, since it would be necessary to provide security escorts to a large number of Kosovo Serb claimants. In July the OSCE reported that UNMIK and municipal authorities improperly interfered with judicial independence in the proposed sale of property in the Roma settlement in Mitrovica region.

There were no reports of difficulty in enforcing court orders resulting from civil litigation. However, according to a 2006 survey, only 14 percent of the pending cases to affect a civil order resulted from civil litigation; 69 percent of such cases dealt with debt collection by utility companies.

Property Restitution

The Kosovo Property Agency (KPA) was created in March 2006 under the PISG as the successor to the UNMIK Housing and Property Directorate. While the directorate handled only claims to residential properties, the new agency is responsible for the resolution of residential, commercial, and agricultural property claims from the Kosovo conflict. By September the agency had received 27,064 claims: 24,064 for agricultural property, 844 for commercial property, and 1,808 for residential property. Kosovo Serbs in the northern part of Mitrovica continued to occupy Kosovo Albanian properties, while Kosovo Albanians in the southern part occupied and denied Kosovo Serbs access to their property.

The Housing and Property Claims Commission held its final session in June, where it considered 53 requests pending for reconsideration. Some 98.8 percent of all commission decisions had been implemented, leaving some 354 cases remaining. In early August UNMIK principal deputy SRSG temporarily suspended enforcement of KPA decisions due to the refusal of local authorities in the municipality of Klina to enforce them. This action prompted greater cooperation from municipal authorities, and UNMIK lifted the suspension on August 8; the validity of property agency's decisions was unaffected.

At year's end the property agency had 4,665 properties under administration; 3,350 upon the request of a successful claimant, and 1,315 based on ex officio intervention by the Housing and Property Claims Commission (the predecessor agency to the KPA). Of these cases, 167 were subjects of repossession requests.

The KPA's mandate includes supervising the rental of certain abandoned property in Kosovo. To this end, the agency managed a rental scheme for properties under its administration, enabling property holders to receive rental income from the property by authorizing the agency to rent it until the owner decides to utilize the property in another way. A total of 813 properties were being rented at year's end, of which 113 were rented ex officio. The KPA collected approximately $618,330 (423,514 euros) in rent through this program.

The backlog of property-related claims in municipal courts remained high, with some 21,000 at year's end, representing almost exclusively monetary claims by Kosovo Serbs for war-related damage.

f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence

UNMIK regulations and the constitutional framework prohibit such actions, and UNMIK, KFOR, and the PISG generally respected these prohibitions in practice. KFOR forces assisted UNMIK civilian police and the KPS in conducting searches for high-risk suspects and independently searched private property for weapons without court orders, based on UNSC Resolution 1244's peacekeeping authority.

Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:

a. Freedom of Speech and Press

UNMIK regulations and the constitutional framework provide for freedom of speech and of the press, and UNMIK and the PISG generally respected these rights in practice. However, there were reports of intimidation of reporters, including by officials in the public sector and government, and from politicians and businesses. The media also said they encountered difficulties and obstructions in obtaining information from the government and public institutions. Applicable law on broadcast media bans hate speech and speech that incites ethnic violence. Print media have a code of ethics and a self-regulatory body to deal with complaints related to newspaper articles.

Individuals generally could criticize authorities publicly or privately without reprisal.

According to the Association of Professional Journalists of Kosovo, media outlets' financial difficulties left their editorial independence and journalistic professionalism vulnerable to outside influence and pressure. Some newspapers were financially self-sufficient or operated through aid donations and thus were able to develop editorial policies independent of business and political interests. However, other newspapers relied on funding from businesses and political interest groups, who provided such money in exchange for positive coverage. During the year there were no reports that the PISG or UNMIK pressured or influenced the independent print media.

Print media were self-regulated by a press code of conduct adopted by the Press Council of Kosovo, an organization composed of print editors and publishers. The council's complaint board may impose fines for breaches of the code of conduct, including penalties of up to $2,920 (2,000 euros) for serious violations such as hate speech and defamation.

During the year Kosovo had 114 licensed broadcasters (45 of which broadcast in minority languages), and these broadcasters expressed a wide variety of views.

International media were allowed to operate freely.

Journalists reported that pressure from politicians and organized crime resulted in indirect forms of censorship; some refrained from critical investigative reporting out of fear for their personal security. Journalists occasionally were offered financial benefits in exchange for positive reporting or for abandoning an investigation. According to editors, government agencies withdrew regular advertising from newspapers that had published critical coverage of them.

Since January 2006 Kosovo's popular public broadcasting company, Radio Television Kosovo (RTK), has been directly overseen by the Kosovo Assembly, and its budget was controlled by the Ministry of Finance. The 2006 law transferring RTK oversight from UNMIK to the PISG provides for regulation of RTK program content and requires that at least 15 percent of RTK program time, including prime time, be dedicated to nonmajority communities in their respective languages on a proportional basis.

In August 2006 the Independent Media Commission replaced UNMIK's temporary media commissioner. The commission is a permanent body overseen by a seven-member governing council that includes two international members. The commission implemented UNMIK regulations and enforced codes of conduct governing broadcast media.

In previous years public naming of Kosovo Serbs as war criminals resulted in vigilante killings and other violence. Beginning in March the newspaper Infopress regularly published lists of Kosovo Serbs drafted into the Yugoslav Army during the 1998-99 conflict. The Press Council of Kosovo, a self-regulating body dealing with complaints against print media, launched an investigation but was unable to reach consensus on whether Infopress had violated the Press Council's standards. The OSCE publicly criticized the articles; Infopress rejected the criticism, claiming its stories were accurate and filled a void left by the weakness of the judiciary.

Unlike in 2006 there were no cases of police violence against the press. However, the Association of Professional Journalists of Kosovo reported 24 instances of press freedom abuses during the year. Those included verbal threats to journalists and their agencies by subjects affected by negative media coverage, and pressure not to publish certain materials and articles.

During the year there were several incidents of violence or harassment directed at the media.

On March 6, Lajm reporter Enis Veliu claimed that he was assaulted by security personnel of the WDG Security Company at the Kosovo Electric Corporation's (KEK) headquarters in Pristina after asking the company's spokeswoman about a KEK tender for security services.

On September 21, the home of journalist Milaim Zekawas burned, resulting in damage estimated at approximately $146,000 (100,000 euros). Zeka said that his house had been looted twice before this incident. Zeka had written reports about controversial cases, including high-profile killings and corruption.

On August 2, the Association of Professional Journalists of Kosovo received a complaint from Lajm reporter Alban Selimi claiming that the Ministry of Health denied him physical access to the ministry and access to ministry information in retaliation for publishing a report it claimed was inaccurate.

In July reporters from daily Koha Ditore complained publicly that the Ministry of Environment had banned their access to the ministry, allegedly for contesting a statement by the minister.

Unlike in previous years, there were no altercations reported between journalists and members of the KPS.

There were no developments in the investigation of the 2005 killing of Bota Sot editor Bardhyl Ajeti. A KPS investigation continued at year's end.

According to election regulations, during political campaigns media must ensure fair and equitable news coverage and access to discussion and debate for all parties; campaign-related reporting must be fair and impartial; and debates must have politically diverse guests and audiences and impartial moderators. In 2006 an international judge ordered daily Bota Sot's assets seized and sold to pay $105,000 (72,000 euros) in fines for unbalanced coverage of the 2004 elections and a failure to ensure accuracy in reporting. A Bota Sot bank account containing $75,900 (52,000 euros) was frozen pending payment of the fine. No developments were reported in this case, and the bank account remained frozen. Bota Sot resumed publication in March after the paper reached an agreement with the Tax Administration for gradual payment of its tax debt.

Internet Freedom

There were no UNMIK, KFOR, or PISG restrictions on access to the Internet or reports that the government monitored e-mail or Internet chat rooms. Individuals and groups could engage in the peaceful expression of views via the Internet, including by e-mail. In a survey conducted in May, approximately 22 percent of Kosovars reported that they used the Internet daily.

Academic Freedom and Cultural Events

There were no UNMIK, KFOR, or PISG restrictions on academic freedom or cultural events.

b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association

Freedom of Assembly

UNMIK regulations and the constitutional framework provide for freedom of assembly, and UNMIK, KFOR, and the PISG generally respected this right in practice. An UNMIK regulation required that demonstration organizers give 48 hours advance notice for police coordination.

According to media reports, the KPS used force to disperse demonstrations and beat demonstrators while making arrests on at least four occasions during the year.

Freedom of Association

UNMIK regulations and the constitutional framework provide for freedom of association, and UNMIK, KFOR, and the PISG generally respected this right in practice.

The OSCE Mission in Kosovo routinely registered political parties under UNMIK auspices, and the Ministry of Public Services registered NGOs.

c. Freedom of Religion

UNMIK regulations and the constitutional framework provide for freedom of religion, and UNMIK and the PISG generally respected this right in practice.

There are no specific licensing regulations for religious groups; however, religious organizations must register as NGOs with UNMIK and the Ministry of Public Services in order to purchase property or receive funding from UNMIK or other international organizations. Religious groups complained that NGO status did not adequately reflect their religious character, and the Protestant Evangelical Church refused to register as an NGO.

Pursuant to a 2002 law requiring public education institutions to refrain from religious instruction or other activities promoting any specific religion, the Ministry of Education prohibited the wearing of headscarves. The ministry continued to enforce this prohibition, particularly at schools with obligatory uniforms, despite a 2004 opinion issued by the Ombudsperson that the rule should apply only to teachers and school officials, not students. On September 20, Koha Ditore reported that three female students in two secondary schools in Srbica/Skenderaj municipality were banned from entering school because they were wearing headscarves; eventually, they were allowed to resume attendance.

Protestant groups continued to report that they experienced discrimination in media access, particularly by public television station RTK. The Protestant Evangelical Church in Kosovo, known as the Fellowship of the Lord's People, reported in 2006 that Decani/Decan municipality, citing negative reaction from local citizens, denied it permission to build a church facility on land the church purchased previously. At year's end the case remained pending before the Supreme Court.

The Islamic community continued to assert that UNMIK's denial of a radio frequency for an Islamic radio station and the national library's closure of its prayer room constituted violations of religious freedom.

Societal Abuses and Discrimination

There were reports of attacks against Serbian Orthodox clergy and parishioners, along with numerous cases of vandalism of Serbian Orthodox Churches and church property.

There were no developments in a May 2006 case in which unknown attackers shot at a car driven by Serbian Orthodox priest Srjdan Stankovic in Zvecan municipality. UNMIK charged a Kosovo Serb KPS officer in connection with the incident. The case was turned over to an international prosecutor and remained pending at year's end.

There were reported incidents of rock-throwing and other assaults against Serb buses and Serbian Orthodox clergy as they traveled outside their monasteries, and monks and nuns at some monasteries reportedly did not use some parts of the monasteries' property out of concern for their safety.

Security concerns continued to affect the Serb community and its freedom to worship. Some Kosovo Serbs asserted that they were not able to travel freely to practice their faith.

On March 29, an assailant identified by the KPS as Kosovo Albanian Jusuf Mulaj of Istinic/Isniq village launched a rocket grenade at Decani monastery. Prime Minister Agim Ceku and other senior Kosovo Albanian politicians condemned the attack and expressed solidarity with the monastery. Police searched Mulaj's home on May 4, but he had already fled, suggesting that he was likely warned in advance of the search. This attack was the fourth on the monastery since 1999. Mulaj remained at large at year's end.

On July 29, in Boljotin village in Zvecan municipality, a Kosovo Albanian threatened a Serbian Orthodox nun from the Sokolica monastery. The assailant made derogatory remarks against her and also threatened a KFOR soldier with an axe. The perpetrator was detained by the KPS for questioning and was later released.

During the year there were numerous cases of vandalism and theft directed against Serbian Orthodox Church property. Many cases involved theft of objects made of precious metals, while others involved vandalism, often of newly reconstructed churches. For example, on March 5, unknown perpetrators vandalized the Church of St. John in Pec/Peja. St. John was one of many churches burned during riots in 2004 and partially reconstructed in 2005.

On January 16, Bishop Teodosije of Lipljan/Lipjan and members of the Council of Europe's Committee for Renewal of Churches in Kosovo visited the newly restored church of St. Nicholas in Pristina after the committee was informed that part of the lead roof was missing. In addition to the theft of the roof, several church windows were broken.

On February 10, unknown perpetrators damaged the interior of the Orthodox church in Lepi village, Lipljan/Lipjan municipality, and stole approximately $560 (30,000 Serbian dinars). A KPS investigation continued at year's end.

On May 30, five teenagers were arrested as they removed the lead roof of the St. Kyriaki church in Prizren. The teenagers were released soon thereafter.

On August 18, unknown individuals spray-painted graffiti inside a Serbian Orthodox Church in Gnjilane/Gjilan, which read, among other things: "I'm proud to be Albanian" and "Death to all Serbs." A KPS investigation continued at year's end.

On October 26, the Council of Europe's Reconstruction Implementation Commission, which oversees the reconstruction of Serbian Orthodox churches destroyed during the March 2004 riots, reported that thieves had stolen lead roofing valued at approximately $15,000 (10,400 euros) from the Church of Saint Kyriake and the Church of the Holy Virgin Ljeviska, both under reconstruction in Prizren. The PISG publicly condemned the thefts and pledged it would fund repairs. The PISG later committed approximately $70,000 (50,000 euros) to an effort to provide security at commission reconstruction sites.

A Protestant group in Mitrovica reported regular, methodical incidents of vandalism and theft at its church. The group reported that the KPS failed to take any action, despite the existence of video evidence of the crimes and information about the perpetrators.

Despite some improvement, Protestants continued to report harassment and discrimination, including verbal attacks, a lack of Protestant programming on RTK, and incidents of school officials calling in parents of pupils to deter their children from converting to Protestantism.

Approximately 40 individuals from two families in Prizren had some Jewish roots, but there were no synagogues or Jewish institutions in Kosovo other than a small cemetery in Pristina. On August 16, 14 gravestones were deliberately damaged. A police investigation continued at year's end.

For a more detailed discussion, see the 2007 International Religious Freedom Report.

d. Freedom of Movement, Internally Displaced Persons,

Protection of Refugees, and Stateless Persons

UNMIK regulations and the constitutional framework provide for freedom of movement within Kosovo, foreign travel, emigration, and repatriation, and UNMIK and the PISG generally respected these rights; however, interethnic tensions and real and perceived security concerns restricted freedom of movement in practice. During the year UNMIK, KFOR, and the PISG generally improved protection of these rights for minority communities. The PISG cooperated with the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in providing protection and assistance to internally displaced persons, refugees, returning refugees, asylum seekers, stateless persons, and other persons of concern.

The police continued to assess the security situation as stable but fragile. No freedom of movement related crimes were reported to police. Nevertheless, members of all ethnic communities continued to remain largely within or travel between areas where their group comprised the majority. Rock-throwing and other forms of intimidation continued to affect Kosovo Serbs when traveling outside Serb majority areas.

Sporadic incidents of violence and intimidation targeting minorities continued to limit freedom of movement for Kosovo Albanians in northern Kosovo. The PISG and UNMIK enhanced efforts to facilitate minority travel throughout Kosovo, but real and perceived risks deterred many minorities from traveling outside their neighborhoods.

On June 27, KPS in Serb-majority Leposavic/Leposaviq municipality were alerted to an explosion on the road leading to the Albanian villages of Koshtova, Bistrica, and Ceraja. A minibus operated by the municipal communities office was transporting nine passengers and ran over a tripwire attached to a hand grenade, which detonated behind the vehicle. No injuries resulted from the explosion. This was the second device placed on the road in a two-month period; in the first incident, KFOR discovered and dismantled a bomb. An investigation continued at year's end.

There were attacks during the year on buses carrying Serbs and other ethnic minorities. For example, on October 14, a bus transporting a group of Serbs who visited the Serbian Orthodox Patriarchate in Pec/Peja was stoned during the group's subsequent visit to the Decani Monastery. The bus reportedly sustained significant damage. On November 17, a bus carrying 30 professors and students from the Warsaw Theological Seminary to Zociste Monastery was stoned while parked in the middle of a majority Albanian village.

To reduce the risk of attack by making Kosovo Serb and Kosovo Albanian vehicles indistinguishable, UNMIK continued to offer Kosovo license plates at no fee to Kosovo Serbs who had already registered their vehicles in Serbia. However, Kosovo Serbs were reluctant to use the UNMIK-issued plates because doing so limited their ability to travel to Serbia, which does not recognize the UNMIK plates.

There were also incidents targeting infrastructure used by minorities. On March 10, hunters found an unexploded grenade near a transmitter in Matica village in Mitrovica. On April 17, an explosive device was found on a bridge in Pogragje village in Gnjilane/Gjilan. On April 23, unexploded ordnance was found under a bridge in Vrbovac village in Gnjilane/Gjilan. At year's end no suspects had been apprehended in these incidents.

There were no developments in the following cases from 2006: the June discovery of explosives under a bridge connecting two Kosovo Serb returnee villages in Klina municipality, and the December explosion on railroad tracks in Mihaliq village, Vucitrn/Vushtrri municipality, which temporarily halted rail service between Kosovo Serb communities in southern Kosovo and areas north of the Ibar River. No suspects were apprehended in either incident.

On January 1, UNMIK transferred responsibility for humanitarian and special transportation services for minority communities in Kosovo to the Ministry of Transport and Communications and the Ministry of Communities and Returns. Some Kosovo Serbs complained that the quality and frequency of humanitarian transport services in certain municipalities was reduced after this transfer.

UNMIK regulated movement in and out of Kosovo. UNMIK regulations provide that the central civil registry may issue travel documents to any person registered as a habitual resident of Kosovo, and the registry routinely issued such documents in practice. The PISG held managerial and operational responsibility for the registry, while UNMIK retained its overall authority, including for the issuance of UNMIK travel documents and the security of the central registration database.

The law prohibits forced exile, and authorities did not use it.

Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs)

According to the UNHCR, 207,000 persons from Kosovo remained displaced in Serbia and 16,500 in Montenegro as a consequence of the 1998-99 conflict. Of the 4,100 persons displaced by riots in 2004, some 1,200 remained IDPs. There were 20,310 persons displaced within Kosovo, half of whom were Kosovo Albanians. Few IDPs returned during the year due to uncertainty over Kosovo's future political status, lack of employment opportunities, security concerns, and property disputes. Successful returns continued in Klina, Istok/Istog, and Pec/Peja. While municipal governments generally supported returns, obstacles remained for Serb returnees in Kosovo.

During the year the number of minority returns remained low overall, although there was an increase in the return of Kosovo Roma, Ashkali, and so-called Egyptians. Kosovo Serb returns remained low. According to the UNHCR, more IDPs returned to Kosovo during the year than in 2006, differing from the declining trend of returns per year since 2003. UNHCR reported that 1,685 minorities returned during the year, while in 2006 this number was 1,627. These figures also included returns of Kosovo Albanians to areas where they were a minority.

During the year UNMIK continued to transfer responsibilities to the Ministry of Communities and Returns. Transferred competencies included the coordination of municipal fair-share financing and of the work of municipal returns offices and municipal community offices. The ministry focused its efforts on supporting organized and individual returns of minorities and administering community development and stabilization projects.

Overall minority returns since 2000 stood at 17,149 by September. Kosovo Serbs comprised approximately 38 percent of returnees during the year, compared with 31 percent in 2006. Roma (including Ashkali and Egyptians) continued to return in slightly greater numbers, comprising 43 percent of the overall number of returns compared to 54 percent in 2006. In Mitrovica, Kosovo Serbs in the north of the city and Kosovo Albanians in the south continued to illegally occupy each others' properties, hindering potential returns.

As of September, the government had reconstructed over 98 percent (881 of 897) of the houses damaged or destroyed in the 2004 riots. According to the Ministry of Culture, of the 26 houses not yet reconstructed, 23 remained unfinished due to security concerns in northern Mitrovica, and the owners of the remaining three refused to have their homes reconstructed. On May 11, following complaints about the quality of the reconstruction, the government established a five-member complaint review commission, although this body had not begun issuing decisions by year's end.

As of September, 37 Roma families (144 persons) remained at the lead-polluted Cesmin Lug camp for IDPs. Osterode, a medical treatment facility also in northern Mitrovica, housed 98 families (395 persons) who were relocated from Cesmin Lug and two other polluted camps in 2006. During the year 31 children at Osterode completed lead chelation therapy and another 20 began the second phase of treatment.

In 2005 UNMIK began a donor funding campaign to rebuild the original Roma settlement in southern Mitrovica, destroyed in 1999 by Kosovo Albanians. Limited funding slowed the return project, but reconstruction of the neighborhood began in May 2006. Returns to the neighborhood started in March and by year's end 320 out of an expected 438 persons had returned. The reconstruction of two additional apartment buildings housing an additional 24 units was completed and 24 families returned to them by year's end. In March the KPS established a police substation in the area, and a foreign government-supported health clinic was opened in May.

Protection of Refugees

The laws does not provide for the granting of asylum or refugee status in accordance with the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees or its 1967 protocol. However, Kosovo provides asylum and refugee status under an UNMIK regulation on the movement of persons into and out of Kosovo, whose provisions are compatible with the convention and protocol. Under its mandate UNHCR issues decisions on such cases in Kosovo.

In practice UNMIK provided protection against "refoulement," the return of persons to a country where there is reason to believe they feared persecution.

Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: the Right of Citizens to Change Their Government

UNMIK regulations and the constitutional framework provide residents with the right to change their government peacefully, and they exercised this right in practice through periodic elections on the basis of universal suffrage.

Kosovo continued to be administered under the civil authority of UNMIK. UNMIK and its chief administrator, the SRSG, established an international civil administration in 1999 following the NATO military campaign that forced the withdrawal of Serbian forces. In 2001 UNMIK promulgated the constitutional framework for the PISG. Under this framework, a 120-member Kosovo Assembly selects a president, a prime minister, and other ministers and PISG officials. Kosovo's leaders continued to criticize UNMIK for the slow pace of transfer of powers to the PISG, and UNMIK retained a number of competencies under UNSCR 1244, including security and relations with foreign governments. In 2005 a UN report noted that without clarity on future political status, the PISG was unable to take further steps to improve its effectiveness.

Elections and Political Participation

International and domestic observers determined that the November 17 Kosovo Assembly elections generally reflected the will of the voters, although few Kosovo Serbs participated, largely due to Serbian government pressure to boycott. No significant irregularities were reported. Kosovo has a multiparty system dominated by four Kosovo Albanian parties with several minority parties and coalitions.

Under UNMIK regulations, individuals may nominate themselves as candidates to their parties, which must hold open and transparent internal elections to select candidate lists. Party affiliation played an important role in access to government services and social and employment opportunities. Traditional social arrangements and clan loyalties also played an important, although unofficial, role in political organizations.

There were reports of politically motivated attacks and threats against Kosovo Albanian political and institutional figures during the year.

In February, following a decision on Kosovo's second mobile telephone tender, two unknown suspects shot at Anton Berisha, the head of the Telecommunications Regulation Authority, as he traveled along the Pristina-Pec/Peja highway; no injuries were reported. Suspects also ambushed Berisha in Balinca village near Klina on April 12; one KPS officer was injured in this attack. On July 23, special prosecutor Afrim Shefkiu filed an indictment against five suspects. On September 17, Agim Hoti, one of the suspects, admitted that he shot in the direction of the car but claimed that his intention was not to shoot Berisha. He also admitted that the weapons used in the attack and weapons found during the police investigations were his and that he illegally used them. The four other suspects pleaded not guilty.

There were no developments in the following cases from 2006: the January assault of Urosevac/Ferizaj LDK branch presidency member Ismajl Nazifi by an unknown assailant, the July publication by a Kosovo daily newspaper of a threat against the Kosovo negotiating team by the self-proclaimed "Karadaku fighter comrades," and the Gnjilane/Gjilan bombing of a car belonging to the wife of former interior minister Fatmir Rexhepi.

There were 38 women in the 120-seat Kosovo Assembly. Women must occupy every third spot on each political party's candidate list. There were no women on the eight-member assembly presidency and only one female minister and one female deputy minister. Women represented 28 percent of the elected municipal representatives. In September 2005, 34 female Kosovo Assembly members established an informal women's caucus with an eight-person, multiethnic board.

After the November 17 elections, there were 24 ethnic minority members in the 120-seat Kosovo Assembly, including 10 Kosovo Serbs and 14 members of other groups, including ethnic Turks, Bosniaks, Gorani, Roma, Ashkali, and Egyptians. There were three minority PISG ministers--two Kosovo Serbs and one Kosovo Bosniak--and one Serb deputy minister. The seat of one Serb minister was kept vacant, as the designated Serb party refused to take the position. One Kosovo Bosniak and one Kosovo Turk held a rotating seat on the Kosovo Assembly presidency; the boycott by one of the Kosovo Serb parties left empty the eight seats set aside for Kosovo Serbs. Kosovo Serbs from several political parties won the set-aside ten Assembly seats in the November 17 election. Before that election, the previous holders of those seats did not claim their set-aside cabinet posts and continued to boycott Assembly votes, although they did participate in committees. A Kosovo Serb led the Ministry of Returns. The constitutional framework requires that the Assembly reserve 10 seats for Kosovo Serbs and 10 for members of other ethnic groups, but ethnic minorities were underrepresented at the municipal level where no such provisions govern.

Government Corruption and Transparency

There was a widespread public perception of corruption in both the PISG and UNMIK. The World Bank's Worldwide Governance Indicators reflected that corruption was a serious problem. A lack of effective judicial oversight and general weakness in the rule of law contributed to corruption in the PISG. As part of its mandate, UNMIK continued to adjudicate many sensitive cases related to corruption and interethnic crimes.

The Office of the Auditor General, an independent body, reviewed financial management and accountability in the PISG, along with all municipalities and publicly owned enterprises. During the year the office issued audit reports of every ministry, the president's office, and the Assembly. Most reports were critical of government administrative, fiscal management, and procurement practices.

During the year prosecutors continued to review audit reports from 2006, which led to the resignation of then minister for returns Slavisa Petkovic.

In 2006 Kosovo Assembly President Kole Berisha ordered an audit on Assembly management under his predecessor, Nexhat Daci. The audit uncovered numerous wrongdoings and mismanagement by the Assembly administration, misuse of public funds, and procurement irregularities during Daci's tenure. The Assembly then established a commission to investigate the situation. On January 17, as a result of its work, the commission fired four Assembly staff members for wrongdoing during Daci's presidency. On February 22, the Assembly debated and endorsed a report by the auditor general that highlighted malfeasance in the Assembly under Daci's leadership.

In June 2006 the KPS Financial and Corruption Crime Investigation Unit arrested Ahmet Alishani, Daci's senior advisor, on suspicion of fraud and bribery. Alishani was released, then rearrested in November 2006 in connection with the audit of the Kosovo Assembly. On February 1, Alishani was released pending trial.

The PISG took other steps to combat corruption. In February the newly formed Anticorruption Agency began operations. On June 7, agency head Hasan Preteni stated that government institutions were not properly supporting either the Anticorruption Agency or the fight against corruption. On September 5, Preteni announced that the agency had submitted 37 cases of corruption to the prosecutor's office.

There were no developments in the investigation of the February 2006 assault on the independent international auditor general, which took place after a critical audit of Pristina municipality. A KPS investigation continued at year's end.

In November 2006 an international prosecutor indicted former Director of the Post and Telecommunications of Kosovo (PTK), Leme Xhema; former divisional manager at Kosovo Trust Agency, Roger Reynolds; former director of Norway Invest, Mustafa Neziri; and former managing director and chairman of Norway Invest, Ronnen Sorensen; in connection with the alleged misuse of $438,000 (300,000 euros). On April 5, Ove Johansen, a Norwegian citizen, was arrested in Montenegro pursuant to an international warrant issued by UNMIK in November 2006; Johanson allegedly arranged the fraudulent transfer of these funds from PTK to a phantom company headquartered in Norway. Johansen remained in custody at year's end, and his criminal case remained pending.

On May 4, Pec/Peja prosecutor Gezim Kollcaku confirmed the investigation of 11 international and eight local employees of Radoniqi Hydro-System, a company that had had dealings with KEK. Former KEK manager Joe Truschler, convicted in Germany in 2003 for stealing $6.6 million (4.5 million euros) from KEK, was head of the Radoniqi board prior to assuming his position at KEK, and was also implicated in the Radoniqi investigation. According to Kollcaku, concerns about organized crime necessitated turning the case over to the special prosecutor's office.

On May 14, a mixed panel of two international judges and one local judge convicted Teuta Vranica, a municipal court judge in Gjakova/Dakovica, of extortion and destroying official documents. Vranica had demanded that a party in a civil case pay her $730 (500 euros) in return for a favorable decision, then destroyed both the public prosecutor's indictment and the file. She was sentenced to a combined sentence of three and a half years, and was barred from serving as a judge for five years following the end of her sentence.

In November 2006 two finance officers at Dubrava Prison were arrested on charges of abusing their official position and falsifying documents. Chief of finance Sabajdin Llonqari and procurement assistant Fitim Maksutaj were suspected of misappropriating prison funds and of falsifying invoices. They were released on condition that they approach neither potential witnesses nor any employee of the Dubrava Prison finance office, and that they do not enter their former workplace. A former international staff member was also under investigation.

During July and August, trial commenced in the case of Sanije Gashi, accused of misappropriating $70,000 (48,000 euros) in her capacity as the budget and finance manager of the Pristina Tax Administration.

No law provides for access to official UNMIK documents. The law provides for access to official PISG documents but does not include penalties for failure to comply; in practice PISG institutions rarely granted access during the year. Institutions failed even to respond to nearly 85 percent (690 of 820) of requests made during the year, according to a 2006 Youth Initiative for Human Rights study, and those who did most often refused to provide the requested documents. Only six of 318 requests made in the Serbian language were replied to in Serbian as required by law. Although most replies came within the required 15-day window, journalists complained that allowing 15 days effectively meant they could never obtain official documents in time to meet their own publishing deadlines.

During the year the media complained regularly about lack of access to official documents, even though such access was required by law. At the end of August, the Association of Professional Journalists of Kosovo reported that a survey measuring the responsiveness of government and public institutions to media requests for official documents showed that only 23 percent of requests were successfully completed. The survey indicated that none of the institutions approached by journalists provided the petitioner with a register of available documents.

Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights

A wide variety of domestic and international human rights groups generally operated without government restriction, investigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. UNMIK, KFOR, and the PISG were occasionally cooperative and responsive to their views.

An Ombudsperson Institution was responsible for investigating allegations of government abuses of international human rights laws. While the ombudsperson office actively issued intervention letters, reports, and recommendations, its recommendations were not always followed by the PISG, local courts, or the KPS. Cases investigated by the office concerned property rights, abuse of official authority, administrative acts or omissions by public authorities, lack of proper investigations into criminal acts, issues involving the length of court proceedings and the execution of court decisions, employment-related disputes, and impunity. Former Deputy Ombudsperson Hilmi Jashari continued to serve as acting head of the Ombudsperson Institution during the year, following the end of the international ombudsperson's mandate in 2005. In 2006 the ombudsperson's mandate was changed to exclude UNMIK from its purview; a new Human Rights Advisory Panel within UNMIK was established in April and charged with UNMIK oversight.

UNMIK, KFOR, and the PISG generally cooperated with the ICTY. In 2005 the ICTY indicted then-prime minister Ramush Haradinaj and codefendants Idriz Balaj and Lahi Brahimaj for war crimes committed in 1998. The trial began in March and was ongoing at year's end.

Section 5 Discrimination, Societal Abuses, and Trafficking in Persons

UNMIK and PISG regulations specifically prohibit discrimination on the basis of race, gender, ethnic origin, disability, or language; however, violence and discrimination against women, persons with disabilities, and ethnic minorities persisted.

Women

UNMIK regulations criminalize rape; however, spousal rape is not specifically addressed. Under the provisional criminal code, rape is punishable by one to 10 years in prison; statutory rape (sexual intercourse with a child under 14) is punishable by one to five years in prison.

Rape was significantly underreported due to the cultural stigma attached to victims and their families. According to the Ministry of Justice, victim advocates provided services to victims in approximately 82 cases of rape during the year. UNMIK Police reported that the KPS arrested six persons for rape during the year.

Domestic violence against women, including spousal abuse, remained a serious and persistent problem. UNMIK regulations prohibit domestic violence, and convictions carry prison terms of six months to five years. When victims did press charges, KPS domestic violence units conducted investigations and transferred cases to prosecutors. According to UNMIK, family loyalties and close-knit communities and the backlog of cases in both civil and criminal courts added to a low rate of prosecution.

As with rape, domestic violence remained a significant problem that was underreported. In July the OSCE issued a report on domestic violence. The report emphasized problems in the adjudication of domestic violence cases, including unlawful delays in reviewing applications for protection orders. The OSCE also expressed concern regarding the appellate procedure in domestic violence cases; in some cases, courts unlawfully noted in their decisions that an appeal by the defendant would stay the execution of a protection order.

The KPS reported that 53 victims of domestic violence were housed in shelters during the year. The Center for Protection of Women and Children provided assistance to 43 victims of domestic and sexual violence from January to August 30. The Ministry of Justice Victim Advocate and Assistance Unit was involved in 334 domestic violence cases between January and June. Although convictions in such cases were rare, sentences ranged from judicial reprimands to imprisonment. Traditional social attitudes towards women in the male-dominated society contributed to the high level of domestic abuse and low number of reported cases.

There were no governmental agencies dedicated solely to dealing with family violence. The Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare provided some financial support to NGOs running shelters for victims of domestic violence, which also accommodated some trafficking victims. The ministry provided social services through Centers for Social Welfare. The Ministry of Justice maintained a shelter for trafficked persons. In total, six shelters assisted victims of domestic violence and trafficking, including one run by an international NGO. The KPS reported that 66 victims of domestic violence received shelter during the year. Several domestic and international NGOs pursued activities to assist women; however, they were constrained by a tradition of silence concerning domestic violence, sexual abuse, and rape.

During the year a 24-hour anonymous hot line for reporting domestic abuse operated in Pristina, Gnjilane/Gjilan, Pec/Peja, Prizren, and Mitrovica. Victims of domestic violence accounted for 70 percent of the calls, with trafficking in persons, sexual mistreatment, and child abuse cases accounting for the remainder. The hot line informed callers about their rights, available shelters, and related information.

The KPS training school offered special courses on domestic violence and rape in its curriculum. There were no reports that KPS responded inappropriately to rape or domestic abuse allegations.

The law prohibits prostitution, but prostitution remained prevalent. The UNMIK police prostitution investigation unit investigated cases of prostitution.

There was no specific law against sexual harassment, which was a common problem. Social awareness of sexual harassment remained low, and few cases were reported.

Women have the same legal rights as men but traditionally have a lower social status, which affected their treatment within the legal system. Despite a lack of legal impediments, relatively few women obtained upper-level management positions in commerce, the KPS, or government. While the number of women with jobs continued to increase, female unemployment remained high at around 70 percent, 20 to 25 percent higher than the rate for men. Women represented less than 34 percent of the government workforce.

Traditional social attitudes toward women resulted in discrimination. In some rural areas, women often had little ability to make decisions involving their children or to exercise control over property. While women and men have an equal legal right to inherit property, family property customarily passes only to men. Ethnic Albanian widows, particularly in rural areas, risked losing custody of their children due to a custom calling for children and property to pass to the deceased father's family, while the widow returns to her birth family.

Children

UNMIK and the PISG were generally committed to the welfare and rights of children.

UNMIK regulations require children between the ages of six and 15 to enroll in compulsory education. Compulsory education, consisting of nine grades, is free of charge. According to 2005 statistics, 97.5 percent of Kosovo Albanian and 99 percent of Kosovo Serb children were enrolled in primary school, while only 77 percent of children between the ages of seven and 14 from non-Serb minority communities (Roma, Ashkali, Egyptian, Turkish, Bosniak, Gorani, and others) attended school. Girls from non-Serb minorities attended school at a rate of 69 percent.

The UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) reported that the lack of facilities for minority education in parts of Kosovo made it difficult for some IDPs to return to their homes.

UNICEF estimated that less than 75 percent of children who completed compulsory basic education enrolled in secondary school and the continuation rate for Kosovo-Albanian girls was less than 55 percent. Among girls from non-Serbian minority communities, only about 40 percent enrolled in secondary schools.

According to UNICEF, an estimated 40 percent of the population was under the age of 18, with 33 percent under 15. Less than 10 percent of children aged two to five attended preschool.

UNMIK regulations require equal conditions for school children and provide the right to native-language public education through secondary level for minority students. Schools teaching in Serbian, Bosnian, and Turkish operated during the year. Both Kosovo Serb and Kosovo Albanian children attended schools with inadequate facilities that lacked basic equipment. A few schools housed both Kosovo Serb and Kosovo Albanian pupils, who studied different curricula and rotated class schedules.

Romani, Ashkali, and Egyptian children attended mixed schools with Kosovo Albanian children but reportedly faced intimidation and bullying in some majority Albanian areas. Romani children tended to be disadvantaged by poverty, leading many to start work both at home and in the streets at an early age to contribute to family income. Romani children were also disadvantaged by having to learn another language to attend school since many spoke Romani at home. Some Kosovo Bosniak children in predominantly Bosniak areas occasionally were able to obtain primary education in their language, but those outside such areas received instruction in the Albanian language.

A 2006 study by UNICEF and the Ministry of Education on the prevalence of violence in schools found that violence against children was condoned. Corporal punishment was an accepted practice in homes and schools. Those who lived far from school reported they were afraid to travel the distance due to the threat of peer violence. Children reported that persons close to them were perpetrators of violence; that boys were at higher risk for physical violence and that girls were at higher risk of verbal abuse. Of children ages six to 11, 75 percent perceived the street as the most violent place, 27 percent said the school was the scene of violent events, and 12 percent mentioned the home. Thirty-seven percent of older children considered violence against children in schools to be a widespread phenomenon.

Children without parents were housed in various residential placements including extended family care, foster care, and community-based homes. However, because domestic adoptions and foster family programs did not keep pace with the rate of abandonment, authorities sometimes housed infants and children in group homes with few caregivers. Children with disabilities were often hidden away without proper care, particularly in rural areas.

During the year the Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare operated 31 social welfare centers that assisted 1,253 orphans and 913 delinquent children. The ministry also managed foster homes and coordinated with NGOs to place children in temporary shelters. According to the Center for Social Work, 19 abandoned disabled children, ranging from three to 18 years of age, were living in two government-funded community homes under 24-hour care.

Child marriage was reported to occur, particularly in the ethnic Romani, Ashkali, Egyptian, and Albanian communities. UNMIK did not compile statistics, so the extent of the problem was unclear.

Trafficking in Persons

UNMIK regulations and the provisional criminal and criminal procedure codes criminalize trafficking in persons; however, trafficking of women and children remained a serious problem.

Kosovo was a source, transit, and destination point for trafficked persons, and internal trafficking was a growing problem. Victims were women and children trafficked internally or from Eastern Europe, the Balkans, and the former Soviet Union into Kosovo, primarily for sexual exploitation but also for domestic servitude or forced labor in bars and restaurants. Victims were also trafficked through Kosovo to Macedonia, Albania, and countries in Western Europe. According to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), all eight persons who were identified as foreign victims of trafficking during the year were returned to their countries of origin on a voluntary basis.

According to the KPS and the IOM, trafficking in persons was an increasing problem. IOM records indicated that roughly 73 percent of trafficking victims were Kosovars, followed by women and girls from Moldova (13 percent), Albania (10 percent), and Ukraine (3 percent). KPS statistics differed, with police records indicating that 56 percent of the victims were internally trafficked, followed by 28 percent from Albania, 9 percent from Moldova and 3 percent from both Macedonia and Serbia. KPS also reported great difficulty in identifying trafficking victims due to their reluctance to come forward and report the crimes to the police. Cultural taboos and the threat of social discrimination caused most internally trafficked victims to remain silent about their experiences. Another difficulty was the inability of the KPS to recruit Kosovo Serb officers for the antitrafficking unit, which prevented undercover operations from taking place in northern Kosovo and in Kosovo Serb enclaves.

Trafficking victims were exploited primarily in the sex industry, mostly in brothels and nightclubs but increasingly in private residences and through call girl services. None reported that they were aware they would be working in the sex industry when they left their homes. Trafficking victims reported that they were regularly subjected to beatings and rape, denied access to health care, and had their travel and identity documents confiscated. Victims were often found in poor physical and psychological condition.

UNMIK reported that traffickers often worked as part of a coordinated effort between Kosovo Serb and Kosovo Albanian organized crime elements, and some women were trafficked from or through Serbia into Kosovo. Bar and brothel owners purchased victims from organized crime rings.

Methods of trafficking continued to increase in sophistication. In reaction to an aggressive eradication campaign by local and international authorities, traffickers shifted the commercial sex trade out of public bars and clubs and into private homes, where operations were more difficult to detect. Traffickers increasingly used financial incentives to encourage victims to refuse assistance.

The IOM reported that of the 569 mainly international victims it assisted since 1999, 74 percent fell prey to traffickers after accepting a bogus job offer abroad, 4 percent claimed to have been kidnapped, and 4 percent were promised marriage. In 83 percent of cases, recruiting was through personal common contacts; the recruiter was an acquaintance of the victim in 29 percent of the cases and a friend or family friend in approximately 16 percent. Recruiters were most often female.

Under the provisional criminal code, trafficking is punishable by a maximum of 20 years' imprisonment. Engaging in trafficking is punishable by two to 12 years' imprisonment, or up to 15 years if the victim is a minor; organizing a group to engage in trafficking is punishable by seven to 20 years' imprisonment and a fine up to $730,000 (500,000 euros); facilitating trafficking through negligence is punishable by six months' to five years' imprisonment. A person convicted of engaging in sex with someone who is known to be a trafficking victim may be imprisoned from three months to five years, while sex with a minor known to be a trafficking victim carries penalties of two to 10 years' imprisonment. Facilitating prostitution is punished by a fine or imprisonment up to three years, and up to five years if it occurs within a 350-meter radius of a school or other location used by children. When the offense of prostitution involves victims who are minors, the term of imprisonment can be up to 12 years. Prostitution is punished as a minor offense; prostitutes can be punished, but not clients, unless the police can prove that a client knowingly used the services of a trafficking victim. Prostitution constitutes grounds for deportation unless the "prostitute" is a victim of trafficking.

In May 2006 responsibility for counter-trafficking activities was transferred from UNMIK to the KPS; during the year the KPS maintained primary responsibility for combating human trafficking and conducted 120 surveillance operations. The KPS also closed 45 business establishments used for trafficking. During the year the KPS arrested 43 people for trafficking, one for pimping, one for prostitution, and eight on trafficking-related charges such as illegal weapons possession and counterfeiting. It also identified 41 trafficking victims, 28 of whom received needed assistance, including safe accommodation, counseling, and professional training for return and social reintegration. At least one shelter provided medical care pursuant to its agreements with health care providers. The prosecutor's office filed 33 cases of trafficking in persons; 28 additional cases from previous years remained open. Thirteen of the cases were completed, resulting in 13 convictions.

Factors that contributed to a low number of prosecutions included the increasing sophistication of organized crime to avoid direct links between the victims and senior crime figures, the lack of a witness protection program (although means were employed to provide anonymity during trial testimony), reluctance of victims to cooperate with authorities, inadequate training for judicial personnel, and failure of police to adapt to new techniques employed by traffickers.

UNMIK regulations provide a defense for trafficking victims against criminal charges of prostitution, illegal entry, presence, or work in Kosovo. In the past local judges sometimes incorrectly sentenced trafficking victims to prison or wrongly issued deportation orders against women convicted of prostitution or lack of documents. Unlike in previous years, there were no reports of these practices occurring during the year.

The IOM and the KPS reported that trafficked persons often had work contracts that enabled them to enter Kosovo legally and obtain residence permits. This made it difficult to detect and prove trafficking in persons.

The KPS shared responsibility for combating trafficking with UNMIK, border police, the OSCE, the Office of Good Governance, prosecutors, judges, and the ministries of health, education, public services, and labor and social welfare. NGOs and international organizations, particularly the IOM, handled protection and prevention-related antitrafficking activities. The PISG, in cooperation with NGOs, international organizations, and foreign governments, continued to implement the 2005 Kosovo Action Plan to Combat Trafficking in Human Beings. Activities included media interviews aimed at raising awareness of the problem, a competition for the best reporting on trafficking, and producing the antitrafficking film Recruitment, which premiered in Pristina and later aired on television throughout Kosovo. However, a Partnership against Trafficking in Human Beings Project assessment of the action plan published in September revealed that only four of its planned activities had been implemented by the end of June and 20 had yet to begin. The remainder were in progress. The plan expired in December, and the PISG did not extend it.

The IOM assisted 31 victims of trafficking during the year, 23 of whom were from Kosovo. More than half of the victims from Kosovo were minors (12 cases), and all but one (who was trafficked to Montenegro) were internally trafficked. As in 2006, the IOM assisted more local than foreign trafficking victims. Of the victims from outside Kosovo that the IOM assisted since 1999, over 51 percent were from Moldova, 19.5 percent from Romania, 13 percent from Ukraine, and the rest from Bulgaria, Albania, Russia, Serbia, Montenegro, Slovakia, and Nigeria. The majority of these victims were between the ages of 18 and 25. IOM figures indicated that nearly 82 percent of Kosovo victims were internally trafficked, while approximately 8 percent were trafficked to Macedonia, and 4.5 percent each to Albania and Italy.

The overall number of trafficking cases involving minors increased from 2006. While one of the foreign victims of trafficking the IOM assisted during the year was a minor, approximately 55 percent of local victims were minors. Children and young girls from rural areas comprised over 50 percent of trafficking victims. Children and young girls from backgrounds with a high level of poverty, unemployment, family abuse, and illiteracy were particularly at risk of being trafficked. The IOM reported that 10 percent of local victims were not enrolled in school; 35 percent had only finished primary school (fifth grade); 45 percent had finished elementary school (ninth grade); 8 percent had completed secondary education (high school); and less than 1 percent had gone to university.

There was anecdotal evidence during the year that a complex set of financial relationships and kinship ties existed between political leaders and organized crime networks that had financial interests in trafficking.

There were a number of arrests and police actions against traffickers during the year. For example, in January, KPS arrested two Kosovo Albanian men who ran the Suka and Suka 1 cafes in Prizren after receiving information about a Kosovo Albanian victim who had been hired as a cleaning lady and then forced into prostitution. The KPS interviewed the woman and found her in a traumatized state; they took her to Prizren hospital, where doctors discovered that the traffickers had denied her food and water and only given her alcohol. The doctors fed her intravenously, and later released her to a shelter. Suka and Suka 1 were closed.

In March five Kosovo Albanian men were arrested for trafficking women out of a private residence in Gnjilane/Gjilan, and one 45-year-old victim was rescued. One of the traffickers, a 74-year-old man, died in jail. A sixth man was wanted in connection with the trafficking ring but remained at large.

On June 22, the KPS conducted a covert operation at a cafe in Kosovo Polje/Fushe Kosova, which resulted in the arrest of one Albanian man and the rescue of two Albanian women. The suspected trafficker was sent to jail for 30 days, but the prosecutor later concluded that there was insufficient evidence to prosecute him for trafficking.

International and local NGOs funded by foreign donors were the main source of assistance to trafficking victims. Local NGOs, such as the Center for Protection of Victims and Prevention of Trafficking in Humans and the Center for Protection of Women and Children, operated shelters that provided medical care and psychological counseling services to trafficking victims in cooperation with UNMIK, the OSCE, and the IOM. The NGO Hope and Homes for Children operated a shelter for child victims of trafficking, and the Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare, in cooperation with UNMIK and the OSCE, ran a semi-independent group housing unit for minors who were victims of trafficking and domestic violence. Some domestic violence shelters, such as Liria in Gnjilane/Gjilan, offered short-term shelter and referral services to low security risk victims. A Ministry of Justice interim facility also provided temporary shelter to victims while they considered whether to be repatriated or to testify against traffickers. Police often referred suspected trafficking victims to the IOM through OSCE regional officers.

Persons with Disabilities

Several UNMIK regulations prohibit discrimination against persons with disabilities in employment, education, access to health care, and in the provision of other state services; however, there was considerable discrimination in practice, and the rights of persons with disabilities were not a PISG priority. According to the local disability rights NGO HandiKos, the laws relating to persons with disabilities were not adequately implemented. As a result, children with disabilities were often excluded from educational opportunities, were not professionally evaluated, and lacked sufficient health and social services. According to the Ministry of Education, Science and Technology, there were 14,000-15,000 children with disabilities in Kosovo. There were seven special residential schools for children with disabilities, and 50 special needs classrooms attached to regular schools. The ministry reported that the total number of pupils receiving special education was over 900, and estimated that 2.5 percent of students in regular schools had disabilities. Between 84 and 90 percent of children with disabilities lacked access to schooling; the rest were placed in segregated special schools.

There were no special legal protections for children with disabilities, as the Council on Economy and Finances claimed that it did not have sufficient funding to support such programs. There was no law defining the status of persons with disabilities, nor was there provision for their training or employment. There were no guardianship laws with appropriate due process protections, and the regulations did not recognize the placement of individuals with mental disabilities in institutions as a legal issue separate from the issue of involuntary treatment. The law mandates access to official buildings; however, it was not enforced and rarely available in practice.

According to the NGO Mental Disability Rights International (MDRI), patients with mental disabilities continued to be detained in isolated conditions with no legal basis, since there is no law to regulate the process of committing persons to psychiatric or social care facilities or to protect rights within institutions. On occasion individuals in need of mental health treatment were convicted of fabricated or petty crimes and sent to prisons that lacked resources for adequate treatment. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), there were an estimated 14,000 persons with mental disabilities; MDRI reported an estimated 50,000 people with mental disabilities living outside institutions. According to MDRI, such persons lived isolated and stigmatized lives.

In April 2006 the prime minister established the National Council on Disabled People as an advisory organization to government authorities and the Kosovo Assembly. In May the council determined its priorities, chief among which is the drafting of a national platform on disabled people.

By year's end neither UNMIK nor the PISG had filed criminal charges or taken other legal action in response to a 2002 report by MDRI that found extensive evidence of physical abuse, sexual assault, neglect, and arbitrary detention by staff and patients in mental health care facilities at the Stimlje/Shtimje Institute, the Pristina Elderly Home, and the Pristina University Hospital. MDRI reported that, as of September 2006, Stimlje/Shtimje has been separated into a facility for the developmentally disabled with 74 residents and a psychiatric facility with 68 residents. The majority of residents at Stimlje/Shtimje were Serbs and other minorities. MDRI also reported that new patients were being admitted to the facility despite a 2001 "nonadmission" policy.

The ministries of education, health, social welfare, and public services were responsible for protecting the rights of persons with disabilities.

A 2004 MDRI report stated that institutional care of persons with mental disabilities left them isolated, arbitrarily detained, and vulnerable to physical violence and sexual abuse. In 2005 the PISG expanded options for independent living by such persons and spent $175,000 to $292,000 (120,000 to 200,000 euros) each on 14 integration homes endorsed by MDRI. MDRI reported that, while these homes were intended to be transitional, most residents spent years there with little prospect of returning to the community. According to a 2006 WHO report, there were not enough facilities to provide care for persons with mental disabilities and employment opportunities for persons with mental disabilities were limited. The Council for Defense of Human Rights and Freedoms reported that prisoners with mental disabilities were often kept in prison facilities due to a lack of available mental health treatment.

National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities

Official and societal discrimination persisted against ethnic Serb, Roma, Ashkali, and Egyptian communities with respect to employment, social services, language use, freedom of movement, the right to return, and other basic rights, although reports of such discrimination declined compared to 2006. Members of the Kosovo Bosniak and Gorani communities also complained of discrimination. During the year violence and other crimes directed at minorities and their property lessened but remained a problem. Minority employment in the PISG continued to be low and was generally confined to lower levels of the government; members of minorities occupied 10.4 percent of government jobs despite a PISG target of more than 16 percent.

On July 20, the human rights ombudsperson issued a report that concluded ethnic discrimination was a prevalent and constant problem, particularly in the areas of health care and employment. The report also noted that minority groups continued to face regular threats.

Through September, UNMIK police reported 457 cases of interethnic crime; 342 involved Serbs as victims or suspects. According to UNMIK, incidents targeting minorities were generally underreported due to distrust of the KPS and the legal system, much of which stemmed from the low rate of successful criminal investigations, prosecutions, and convictions.

There were multiple reports of violence against Kosovo Serbs during the year, which was usually investigated by the international police unit, a unit composed of UN international police officers within the KPS that reports directly to the police commissioner, who is also an international staff member.

On February 2, a Kosovo Serb woman was found behind a cafe in Mitrovica with a stab wound to her stomach. Police questioned a Kosovo Albanian man and two Kosovo Bosniaks; A police investigation continued at year's end.

On June 12, a Kosovo Albanian teen assaulted an elderly Kosovo Serb woman in the hallway of their dwelling in Pristina. The teen was arrested and sentenced for the attack; his appeal was refused, and his sentence of eight months in jail was upheld.

On September 4, an elderly Serb woman, Vucica Mikic, was attacked by three stone-throwing Albanian teenagers in her home in Klina. Her neighbor reported the incident to police; Mikic declined to press charges, but requested additional police patrols in the area.

There were developments in previously reported cases involving attacks on Kosovo Serbs.

On June 25, the presiding juvenile judge ordered a psychological evaluation of the 16-year-old Kosovo Albanian male, "AD," who reportedly threw an explosive device at the entrance of a cafe in northern Mitrovica in August 2006, injuring seven Kosovo Serbs, a Bosniak, and a British national. AD was arrested, arraigned, and provisionally released due to a medical condition. An international prosecutor filed an indictment in December 2006, and AD was kept under house arrest pending trial. Further hearings were suspended pending the outcome of a psychiatric evaluation. On December 4, the Mitrovica District Court found that AD suffers from a permanent mental disorder and was therefore incompetent to stand trial. Accordingly, the charges were dismissed.

On June 7, an international judge began considering the indictment of Sabri Haziri, accused of assisting in planting a bomb on a railway bridge connecting predominantly Albanian and Serbian areas in April 2003 near the village of Loziste/Llozishte in Zvecan.

During the year there were no developments in the following 2006 cases: the March stabbing of a Kosovo Serb youth by two Kosovo Albanian youths near the main bridge in northern Mitrovica; the June case in which unknown persons fired gunshots at the homes of Kosovo Serb returnees in Llug village in Istok/Istog; and the December explosion on a railway line frequently used by members of the Serb minority in Vucitrn/Vushtrri municipality.

There were no developments in the following 2005 cases: the bombing of Kosovo Serb leader Oliver Ivanovic's official vehicle; the throwing a hand grenade into the Zubin Potok offices of Slavisa Petkovic's Serbian Democratic Party for Kosovo and Metohija; and the shooting of four Kosovo Serb youths (two of whom subsequently died) who were driving in Strpce/Shterpce.

During the year there were regular reports of Kosovo Albanians destroying private property belonging to Kosovo Serbs; some violence against Serbs may have been attempts to force them to sell their property. An UNMIK regulation prevents the wholesale buy-out of many Kosovo Serb communities in an effort to prevent the intimidation of minority property owners in certain areas; however, it was rarely enforced. There were reports that Kosovo Serbs had difficulty accessing their property, which was sometimes occupied or used by Kosovo Albanians. For example, several Serbs holding decisions in their favor from the Kosovo Property Agency were not able to access their property in Klina without assistance from the international community and political pressure from senior PISG politicians.

In some cases Kosovo Serb property was reportedly sold by persons falsely claiming to be their attorneys and presenting forged documents in court; in situations where the rightful owners did not live in Kosovo, such fraud went undiscovered for months.

The northern municipalities of Zvecan, Mitrovica, Zubin Potok, and Leposavic/Leposaviq unanimously decided to suspend their relations with the PISG in June 2006, claiming that it was in response to several unsolved crimes involving Kosovo Serb victims. Despite subsequent evidence, arrests, and clear statements by UNMIK and KPS officials that these crimes were not ethnically motivated, the three northern municipalities had not resumed relations with the PISG by year's end.

There were numerous reports of stone throwing directed at vehicles carrying Serbs during the year. KPS assumed responsibility from UNMIK for escorting Serb vehicles.

There were new developments in the cases of several persons detained on suspicion of organizing or leading the 2004 riots. On February 20, an international prosecutor filed an indictment in the Pristina District Court against five Kosovo Albanians for their role in allegedly burning down several buildings in Kosovo Polje/Fushe Kosova: Skender Islami, Mustafa Islami, Ramadan Islami, Omeri Sylejmani, and Gazmend Morina. The defendants were accused of burning a hospital, school, and a number of Serbian homes and vehicles. On July 5, an international judge confirmed the indictments against Skender Islami, Mustafa Islami, and Ramadan Islami, who remained in detention on remand. Proceedings against the remaining two defendants were delayed pending confirmation of their ages at the time the crime was committed.

On June 15, a mixed panel of the Prizren District Court, composed of two international judges and one local judge, convicted Esmin Hamza and a juvenile defendant of one count of inciting national, racial, religious, or ethnic hatred, discord or intolerance, two counts of causing general danger resulting in sizable property loss, and one count of participating in a crowd committing a criminal offence. Hamza was sentenced to four years of imprisonment, while the juvenile defendant was committed to an educational-correctional facility for two years. On February 14, a witness in the case testified that in March 2004 her house was attacked and later burned, with estimated damages of $248,000 (170,000 euros). A relative of the witness who refused to leave the house was beaten.

In December 2006 police arrested Zlyhaje Avdullahu for crimes committed in March 2004 in Kosovo Polje/Fushe Kosova. Avdullahu was allegedly part of a Kosovo Albanian mob that broke into, looted, and burned Kosovo Serb homes and attacked Kosovo Serbs. On August 14, the international pretrial judge extended alternative detention measures against Avdullahu for one month, expiring on September 14. At year's end, the case was awaiting trial.

On August 21, a March 2004-related trial began in the Pristina district court before a panel composed of three international judges. Defendants Mirsad Kurteshi and Kadri Sylejmani pleaded not guilty to charges stemming from their alleged leadership of a large group of rioters in the Municipality of Obilic/Obiliq in 2004.

There were reports of politically motivated violence against non-Serb minorities during the year.

On January 8, two Kosovo Albanian males assaulted a Kosovo Egyptian male in Pec/Peja; the victim was hospitalized with serious injuries. A KPS investigation continued at year's end.

On May 15, a Kosovo Bosniak reported being assaulted by a Kosovo Albanian in Prizren. He was hospitalized with serious injuries, and the police apprehended the suspect. A KPS investigation continued at year's end.

There were no updates in the following cases from 2006: the August assault of Kosovo Montenegrin IDP Vuko Danilovic by a group of Kosovo Albanians, and the October bomb attack against the home of a Gorani representative of Belgrade's Coordination Center for Kosovo and Metohija. KPS investigations in both cases continued at year's end.

Roma were subject to pervasive social and economic discrimination; often lacked access to basic hygiene, medical care, and education; and were heavily dependent on humanitarian aid for survival. Although there were some successful efforts to resettle Roma, Ashkali, and Egyptians in the homes they occupied prior to the 1999 conflict in Vucitrn/Vushtrri, security concerns remained.

Kosovo Bosniak leaders complained that thousands of their community members left Kosovo because of discrimination and lack of economic opportunities.

On May 21, the government announced the formation of the Commission of Languages, composed of representatives from government ministries and the Kosovo Assembly, to supervise implementation of the language law that makes Serbian Kosovo's second official language and sets a 5 percent threshold for making a language spoken by an ethnic minority official in a municipality. The law provides that Turkish will continue to be the third official language in Prizren, regardless of the percentage of the Turkish population in the municipality.

Other Societal Abuses and Discrimination

The law prohibits discrimination based on sexual orientation; however, there were reports of violence and discrimination directed against gays and lesbians.

Traditional societal attitudes about homosexuality intimidated most gays and lesbians into concealing their sexual orientation. Gays and lesbians generally felt insecure, with many reporting threats to their personal safety. The print media at times reinforced these attitudes by publishing negative articles about homosexuality that characterized gays and lesbians as mentally ill and prone to sexually assaulting children. Individual homosexuals also reported job discrimination. At least one political party, the Islamic-oriented Justice Party, included a condemnation of homosexuality in its political platform.

On May 18, following a celebration of the International Day Against Homophobia outside Pristina, four males, three wearing dresses, were driving home when they were stopped by the police and forced out of their car. The police took them to a nearby police station, where, after compelling them to show their identification, officers made discriminatory and derogatory comments to them. The KPS did not open a file on this case, and the victims refused to give statements out of fear of further discrimination.

The Center for Social Emancipation, a local NGO promoting lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender rights, stated that there were a number of other cases of discrimination against homosexuals during the year but that victims refused to allow it to present their cases publicly out of fear of discrimination.

There were no updates in the March 2006 assault case involving unknown assailants who severely beat two men they observed engaging in homosexual sex. One of the victims later died of his injuries.

There were no reports of discrimination against persons with HIV/AIDS.

Section 6 Worker Rights

a. Right of Association

UNMIK regulations allow workers to form and join unions of their choice without previous authorization or excessive requirements, but this right was sometimes impeded.

The only significant unions were the Association of Independent Trade Unions of Kosovo (BSPK), and the Confederation of Free Unions (CFU). UNMIK regulations prohibit antiunion discrimination; however, some union officials reported discrimination in practice. The BSPK reported that only a small number of companies respected regulations preventing antiunion discrimination and claimed that worker rights were abused in every sector, including international organizations, where staff did not have security insurance or pensions.

b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively

UNMIK regulations allow unions to conduct their activities without interference, and UNMIK protected this right in practice. UNMIK regulations also provide for the right to organize and bargain collectively without interference, and the government did not restrict this right in practice; however, no collective bargaining took place during the year. UNMIK regulations do not recognize the right to strike; however, strikes were not prohibited in practice, and strikes occurred during the year.

There are no export processing zones.

c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor

UNMIK regulations prohibit forced or compulsory labor, including by children; however, there were reports that women and children were trafficked for sexual exploitation, domestic servitude and forced labor in bars and restaurants.

d. Prohibition of Child Labor and Minimum Age for Employment

UNMIK regulations and policies prohibit exploitation of children in the workplace, including a prohibition of forced or compulsory labor; however, with the exception of trafficking, UNMIK and the PISG rarely challenged these practices. Trafficking of children, primarily for sexual exploitation, was a serious problem.

UNMIK regulations set the minimum age for employment at age 16 and at age 18 for any work likely to jeopardize the health, safety, or morals of a young person, but they permit children to work at age 15, provided it is not harmful or prejudicial to school attendance.

In rural areas younger children typically worked to assist their families. Urban children often worked in a variety of unofficial retail jobs, such as selling newspapers, cigarettes, and phone cards on the street. The numbers of such children grew relative to 2006, although statistics were not kept by either UNMIK or the PISG. According to the Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare, the PISG still lacked plans to address this common form of informal child labor. Some children were also engaged in physical labor, such as transporting goods. International NGOs active in Kosovo reported serious labor violations during the year, including child labor.

The Ministry for Labor and Social Welfare, in cooperation with UNMIK, coordinated child protection policies, and the ministry's department of social welfare had responsibility for ensuring the protection of children; however, the ministry acted in an advisory rather than enforcement role, and conducted very few inspections during the year.

e. Acceptable Work Conditions

Although UNMIK regulations provide for a minimum wage, one has not been adopted. While many international agencies and NGOs paid adequate wages, the average full-time monthly public sector wage of $355 (243 euros) and the average private sector wage of $444 (304 euros) were inadequate to provide a decent standard of living for a worker and family. Public sector salaries remained subject to an International Monetary Fund-ordered freeze and had not significantly risen since 2003.

UNMIK regulations provide for a standard 40-hour workweek; require rest periods; limit the number of regular hours worked to 12 hours per day, overtime to 20 hours per week and 40 hours per month; require payment of a premium for overtime work; and prohibit excessive compulsory overtime. Employers often failed to implement these regulations due to the high underemployment and unemployment.

BSPK reported serious labor violations during the year, including lack of a standard work week and compulsory and unpaid overtime; employees did not report such violations due to fear of reprisals. According to BSPK, many private sector employees worked long hours as at-will employees without employment contracts, regular pay, or pension contributions paid on their behalf. Employees reported being fired without cause and in violation of existing laws and being denied holidays. CDHRF and CFU reported that sexual abuse occurred on the job but went unreported due to fear of expulsion and/or physical retaliation. According to union officials, workers in the public sector commonly faced similar mistreatment, including the loss of employment due to political party affiliation.

A labor inspectorate within the Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare is responsible for enforcing labor standards. However, the inspectorate primarily advised employers, and although 511 fines were issued during the year for various violations of labor standards, they remain unpaid pending litigation. The labor inspectorate is responsible for enforcing health and safety standards but lacked trained staff and did not do so effectively. The law does not permit employees to remove themselves from dangerous workplaces without jeopardizing their continued employment.

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*The report on Serbia is divided into two sections; the first addresses the human rights situations in Serbia and the second addresses the situation in Kosovo. For purposes of this report, Kosovo's population of 2.2 million is not included as part of Serbia's population.

SRBIJA

Republika Srbija je po uređenju parlamentarna demokratija sa otprilike 7.5 miliona stanovnika. Premijer Vojislav Koštunica predvodi srpsku višestranačku vladu počev od 2004. godine. Boris Tadić je izabran za predsednika na izborima 2004. za koje su posmatrači ocenili da su uglavnom u skladu sa međunarodnom standardima. U januaru su glasači izabrali novi parlament u kojem su poslanička mesta prvi put dobile neke manjinske etničke stranke a zabeležena je veća izlaznost mladih ljudi i manjina. Demokratske stranke su osnovale vladajuću koaliciju u vremenskom okviru predviđenim Ustavom. Civilna vlast je uglavnom održavala efikasnu kontrolu bezbednosnih snaga.

Vlasti su generalno poštovale ljudska prava građana i nastavile napore na utvrđivanju slučajeva kršenja ljudskih prava; međutim, brojni problemi i dalje su postojali. Problemi prijavljeni u pogledu ljudskih prava su sledeći: korupcija u policiji i sudstvu; neefikasna i duga suđenja; neuspeh vlasti u hvatanju lica osumnjičenih za ratne zločine prema optužnicama Međunarodnog krivičnog suda za bivšu Jugoslaviju (ICTY), a naročito Radovana Karadžića i Ratka Mladića; uznemiravanje novinara, radnika za ljudska prava i drugih kritičara vlade; ograničavanja slobode govora i religije; društvena netolerancija i diskriminacija etničkih i verskih manjina, naročito Roma; prisustvo velikog broja interno raseljenih lica; nasilje nad ženama i decom; i trgovina ljudima.

Tokom godine vlasti su pomogle pri hapšenju Zdravka Tolimira i Vlastimira Đorđevića, dvojice od šest preostalih lica protiv kojih je ICTY podigao optužnice za ratne zločine.

POŠTOVANJE LJUDSKIH PRAVA

Odeljak 1 Poštovanje integriteta ličnosti koje ne dozvoljava:

a. Proizvoljno ili nezakonito lišavanja života

Nije bilo izveštaja da su vlasti i njihovi predstavnici počinili ijedno samovoljno niti nezakonito ubistvo.

Dana 23. maja, u Specijalnom sudu za organizovani kriminal u Beogradu završeno je suđenje dvanaestorici osumnjičenih, uključujući komandanta bivše tajne policijske specijalne jedinice (JSO) Milorada Ulemeka i njegovo zamenika Zvezdana Jovanovića Zvekija, za ubistvo premijera Zorana Đinđića izvršeno 2003. U junu je ubijen ključni svedok Zoran Vukojević. Sud je svu dvanaestoricu osumnjičenih proglasio krivim za zaveru protiv ustavnog poretka i bezbednosti države, atentat na visokog državnog zvaničnika i pokušaj ubistva (za prethodni pokušaj atentata). Ulemek i Jovanović su osuđeni na po četrdeset godina zatvora što je najveća kazna. Ostali optuženi su osuđeni na kazne zatvora u trajanju od najmanje osam do 35 godina. Specijalni tužilac Slobodan Radovanović izjavio je da će se žaliti na blaže kazne. Advokati Ulemeka i Jovanovića najavili su da će se žaliti na presudu.

U junu je Vrhovni sud potvrdio svoju odluku iz 2006. o presudi donetoj u slučaju Ulemeka i ostalih optuženih za ubistvo bivšeg predsednika Srbije Ivana Stambolića počinjeno 2000. godine. Ovom odlukom je završen žalbeni postupak optuženih i to je prva konačna presuda u veoma važnom slučaju organizovanog kriminala.

Nastavljena je istraga o smrti Dragana Jakovljevića i Dražena Milvanovića, dvojice stražara iz vojnog objekta na Topčideru u Beogradu. Dana 31. oktobra glavni državni tužilac Slobodan Radovanović naimenovao je novog tužioca za ovaj predmet. Pre pokretanja sadašnje istrage, smrt ove dvojice stražara bila je predmet istrage dveju komisija. Godine 2004. vojna komisija je njihove smrti proglasila samoubistvima, dok je nezavisna komisija ustanovila da su stražari ubijeni. Prvi opštinski sud je u novembru doneo presudu u krivičnom postupku koji su 2005. roditelji ubijenih vojnika pokrenuli protiv vojnog tužioca Vuka Tufegdžića. Sudija je Tufegdžiću, sada sudiji, izrekao opomenu i kaznio ga novčano zbog „širenja informacija o ličnom i porodičnom životu“.

Vlasti su nastavile istragu o nestanku i potonjem ubistvu braće Jilija, Mehmeta i Agrona Bitićija, američkih državljana koji su ubijeni 1999. godine. Tela ove trojice otkrivena su 2001. godine u masovnoj grobnici u Petrovom Selu, nedaleko od srpskog policijskog objekta. Tela su pronađena sa zavezanim rukama dok su na glavama nađene rane od vatrenog oružja. Specijalni sud za ratne zločine nastavio je sudski postupak protiv Sretena Popovića i Miloša Stojanovića, bivših pripadnika specijalne policijske jedinice, optuženih za ova ubistva. Dana 13. aprila sudsko veće je dozvolilo da Popović i Stojanović budu pušteni iz pritvora pod nadzorom. Dana 26. februara, policija je uhapsila još četiri osumnjičena u predmetu Bitići i optužila ih za ratne zločine protiv ratnih zarobljenike. U pitanju su Milenko Arsenijević, zamenik načelnika žandarmerije, Milisav Vučković, penzionisani šef lokalne policijske stanice u Prokuplju, Marjan Mijatović, penzionisani šef zatvorskih čuvara u okružnom zatvoru u Prokuplju i Milovan Vučićević, penzionisani šef gradske plicije u Prokuplju. Policija je kasnije pustila svu četvoricu ali je istraga nastavljena.

U septembru je vršilac dužnosti državnog tužioca najavio da će uskoro doneti odluku o podizanju optužnica u slučaju ubistva novinara Slavka Ćuruvije, vlasnika lista Dnevni telegraf i časopisa Evropljanin, ubijenog 1999. Dana 11. januara Specijalni sud u Beogradu započeo je saslušavanje svedoka u ovom predmetu.

U januaru je nastavljeno suđenje osmorici policajaca za ubistvo 48 etničkih Albanaca počinjeno 1999. u Suvoj Reci na Kosovu. Suđenje do kraja godine nije okončano.

Domaći sudovi i Međunarodni krivični sud za bivšu Jugoslaviju nastavili su sudske procese u predmetima proisteklim iz zločina počinjenih u sukobima u periodu 1991-1999. na području Hrvatske, Bosne i Hercegovine i Kosova.

Dana 19. septembra Okružni sud u Novom Pazaru osudio je Estana Gegića, Ismeta Derdemeta i Seada Papića za ubistvo Ruždije Đurovića, kandidata za opštinskog odbornika iz stranke Lista za Sandžak, počinjeno 2006. Sud je Gegića osudio za ubistvo na kaznu zatvora u trajanju od 15 godina. Sud je takođe osudio Derdemeta i Papića za ugrožavanje javne bezbednosti na po jednu godinu zatvora. Sva trojica su osuđeni na po još tri meseca zatvora zbog ilegalnog posedovanja oružja.

Nema novih podataka o suđenju policajcu Saši Mijinu iz Kikinde optuženog da je 2005. na smrt pretukao jednog stanovnika Kikinde.

b. Nestanak lica

Nije bilo prijavljenih slučajeva nestanka lica iz političkih motiva.
Vlasti su ostvarile skroman napredak u saradnji sa susednim zemljama i Kosovom, Međunarodnom komisijom za nestala lica i drugim međunarodnim organizacijama na identifikaciji osoba nestalih za vreme sukoba na Kosovu. Međunarodni komitet Crvenog krsta (ICRC) predsedavao je Radnom grupom za nestala lica, u kojoj su predstavnici vlasti i iz Srbije i sa Kosova. Sastanci Radne grupe, koje je ICRC obustavio 2006. godine, nastavljeni su 2007. Sa dopremanjem posmrtnih ostataka 829 lica iz masovnih grobnica na Kosovo juna 2006. godine, sva tela do danas otkrivena u Srbiji vraćena su na Kosovo. Dana 5. juna, Sud za ratne zločine i Odbor Vlade Srbije za nestala lica pokrenuo je istragu o izveštaju o navodnom postojanju masovne grobnice u blizini Rudnice, ali istraga je ustanovila da grobovi ne postoje. Prema podacima ICRC-a, još su nerešeni slučajevi 2.047 nestalih lica.

c. Mučenje i drugi surovi, nehumani i ponižavajući oblici ponašanja ili kažnjavanja

Ustav i zakon zabranjuju ovakvu praksu; međutim, policija povremeno batina pritvorenike i maltretira lica obično za vreme hapšenja ili prilikom privođenja za lakša krivična dela.

Dana 28. juna, Inicijativa mladih za ljudska prava (YIHR) objavila je da je dobila sudski postupak protiv četiri policajca iz Dljevca kojima je suđeno za mučenje i ispitivanje jedanaestogdišnje devojčice iz Šarlinca 2003. Opštinski sud u Nišu osudio je policajce Predraga Ranđelovića i Ljubišu Stamenkovića na po četiri meseca a Slavišu Petkovića i Miroljuba Stevanovića na po pet meseci zatvora za prekoračenje ovlašćenja i nedozvoljenog ulaza u privatni posed. YIHR je nameravao da se žali na kazne koje smatra blagim.

Nema novih saznanja o sledećim predmetima iz 2006 godine: slučaj iz marta kada je policija pretukla Mihalja Kolončaja iz Kikinde; niz incidenata od maja do septembra, u kojima je subotički policijski inspektor Tomislav Lendvaj navodno tukao i seksualno zlostavljao dva građanina Subotice; slučaj Milete Novakovića koji je predvodio žandarmerijsku jedinicu i navodno joj naredio primenu prekomerne sile protiv izgrednika navijača za vreme košarkaške utakmice.

Nema novih saznanja u sledećim predmetima iz 2005 godine: slučaj zlostavljanja sedamnaestogodišnje devojke u jednoj beogradskoj policijskoj stanici; slučaj u kojem je saobraćajna policija u blizini Niša uznemiravala i tukla jednu porodicu; slučaj u kojem je policija navodno batinala jednog Beograđanina u njegovom stanu; slučaj u kojem je leskovački policajac navodno pretukao advokata leskovačkog Odbora za ljudska prava.

Uslovi u zatvorima i centru za pritvor
Uslovi u zatvorima bitno se razlikuju od ustanove do ustanove, a bilo je prijava da neki čuvari takođe zlostavljaju zatvorenike.

Mediji su izveštavali o prenatrpanosti zatvora, pošto je 8.500 zatvorenika na odsluženju kazne u zatvorskom sistemu čiji je zvanični kapacitet 6.000 kako je ustanovilo Odeljenje za tretman zatvorenika. U nekim zatvorima kaženjenici se i dalje žale na prljavštinu i nehumane uslove. Hrana je različitog kvaliteta – od slabog do jedva prihvatljivog, a zdravstvena nega je često neodgovarajuća. Čuvari nisu adekvatno obučeni za pravilno postupanje sa zatvorenicima. U julu su zatvorenici u Centralnom zatvoru protestvovali zbog uslova. Istog meseca su kažnjenici u zatvoru u Požarevcu, gradu jugoistočno od Beograda, štrajkovali glađu zbog kašnjenja u usvajanju predloga zakona o amnestiji.
Za razliku od prethodnih godina, nije bilo izveštaja da su maloletnici smeštani u iste ćelije sa odraslim zatvorenicima.

Država je dozvolila Međunarodnom komitetu Crvenog krsta i lokalnim nezavisnim posmatračima za ljudska prava, uključujući Helsinški komitet za ljudska prava u Srbiji (HCS), da posete zatvore i razgovaraju sa zatvorenicima bez prisustva stražara. U izveštajima koje su objavili HCS i Odbor Saveta Evrope za prevenciju torture (CPT), objavljenim maja 2006, kritikovani su uslovi u zatvorima, uključujući loše stanje u objektima, korupciju zatvorskih službenika i maltretiranje zatvorenika, premda je HCS zapazio izvesno poboljšanje u odnosu na svoj izveštaj za 2005. U izveštaju CPT-a takođe je primećeno da ustanove nemaju odgovarajuće procedure u slučajevima kada zatvorenici navedu da ih zatvorsko osoblje maltretira.

d. Proizvoljna hapšenja ili pritvor

Ustav i zakon zabranjuju proizvoljno hapšenje i pritvor i vlasti načelno poštuju ove zabrane. Za razliku od prethodnih godina, nije bilo izveštaja da je policija pritvarala i saslušavala aktiviste za ljudska prava.

Uloga policijskog i bezbednosnog aparata

Oko četrdeset tri hiljade policajaca u Srbiji deo su Ministarstva unutrašnjih poslova. Policija je podeljena u trideset tri regionalna sekretarijata kojima upravlja republička vlada.

Efikasnost policije bila je neujednačena i generalno ograničena. Iako su policajci uglavnom Srbi, pripadnici policije su i Bošnjaci (slovenski muslimani), etnički Mađari, mali broj etničkih Albanaca i drugih etničkih manjina. Policijske snage na jugu Srbije sastavljene su prvenstveno od Srba iako je obuhvaćen i manji broj etničkih Albanaca.

Bilo je izveštaja o korupciji i nekažnjivosti u policijskim snagama, za koje su vlasti u toku godine preduzele mere. Kancelarija generalnog inspektora, uspostavljena 2003. pri Ministarstvu unutrašnjih poslova, i kasnije preimenovana u Unutrašnju kontrolu, dobila je nešto veća ovlašćenja u pogledu aktivnog istraživanja zloupotreba, mimo bavljenja pritužbama građana. Premda Unutrašnja kontrola nije samostalno mogla korigovati slučajeve zloupotrebe, tokom godine je dobila ovlašćenje za podnošenje krivičnih prijava tužiocu i preporučuje pokretanje disciplinskih postupaka. Iako je Kancelarija preporučila brojne disciplinske postupke protiv radnika Ministarstva unutrašnjih poslova, nije imala načina da prati odvijanje tih postupaka, a neki sekretarijati su u potpunosti ignorisali ovakve preporuke. Zahvaljujući istrazi Unutrašnje kontrole, u oktobru je tužilaštvo podnelo krivične prijave protiv devet pograničnih policajaca u Kladovu koji su novodno primali mito i dozvoljavali da se roba preko granice prevozi bez plaćenih carinskih dažbina.

Kancelarija generalnog inspektora pokrenula je disciplinske mere protiv otprilike stotinu pripadnika policije, uglavnom pripadnika saobraćajne policije u Novom Pazaru, a tužilaštvo je podnelo krivične prijave u svim slučajevima.

Tokom godine, vlasti i Organizacija za bezbednost i saradnju u Evropi (OEBS) kao i druge strane vlade, obučavali su pripadnike policijskih, bezbednosnih i pograničnih snaga za borbu protiv terorizma, korupcije, pranja novca i trgovine ljudima. Vlasti i OEBS takođe su učestvovali u obuci zatvorskih službenika. Novi programi u toku godine obuhvatali su stvaranje centra za obuku u multietničkj Vojvodini, obuku policajaca za borbu protiv mučenja, obuku policijskih načelnika i obuku za multietničke policijske snage u južnim srpskim gradovima Preševu, Bujanovcu i Medveđi.

Hapšenje i pritvor

Hapšenja se generalno obavljaju na osnovu naloga mada je policija ovlašćena da izvrši hapšenje bez naloga pod određenim okolnostima, uključujući i postojanje osnovane sumnje da je lice počinilo teško krivično delo. Zakon nalaže da istražni sudija odobri svaki pritvor duži od 48 časova i u praksi se ovaj uslov poštuje. Kaucija je dozvoljena ali se retko koristi; pritvorenici kojima preti tužba za delo za koje je zaprećena kazna zatvora do pet godina često su bili puštani na slobodu uz lično novčano jemstvo.

Zakon predviđa da policija mora odmah upoznati uhapšenike sa njihovim pravima i ovaj propis je poštovan u praksi.

Po zakonu, pritvorenici imaju pravo na advokata, čije troškove, ukoliko je potrebno, snosi država, i ovo pravo se u praksi generalno poštuje. Članovima porodice je uobičajeno bilo dozvoljeno da posećuju pritvorenike. Pritvor lica osumnjičenih da su počinili teža krivična dela može trajati do šest meseci a da optužnica ne bude podignuta. Vlasti često takva lica drže u pritvoru punih šest meseci pre no što optužnica bude podignuta.

Zakonom je zabranjena upotreba sile, pretnji, obmane i prisile da bi se iznudili dokazi, kao i upotreba dokaza na sudu koji su dobijeni takvim sredstvima; međutim, ponekad policija upotrebljava ovakva sredstva da bi dobila iskaze.

Za razliku od prethodnih godina, nije bilo izveštaja da su se vlasti služile proizvoljnim hapšenjima i selektivnom primenom zakona u političke svrhe.

Zakon ograničava pritvor pre suđenja od podizanja optužnice do završetka suđenja do dve godine u većini slučajeva, ali dozvoljava pritvor do četiri godine za krivična dela za koja je zaprećena maksimalna kazna (40 godina zatvora). Zakon određuje dve godine kao maksimalni dozvoljeni pritvor nakon što apelacioni sud ukine presudu suda pred kojim je vođen sudski postupak. I pored toga, produženi pritvor pre suđenja bio je problem. Zakon zabranjuje da vlasti prekomerno produžavaju ulaganje zvanične tužbe protiv osumnjičenih i u otvaranju istraga; međutim, takva odlaganja su se redovno dešavala. Usled neefikasnosti sudova, predmeti su često prekomerno dugo čekali na suđenje, a kad bi i počela, suđenja su prekomerno dugo trajala.

e. Uskraćivanje prava na pravično i javno suđenje

Zakon predviđa nezavisno sudstvo; međutim, sudstvo je i dalje podložno korupciji i političkom uticaju, i korupcija sudstva još uvek predstavlja problem. Prema mišljenju posmatrača, reforma sudstva, posebno u pogledu zamene sudija imenovanih za vreme Miloševića, bila je izuzetno važna u eliminisanju korupcije. Neki posmatrači su takođe kritikovali sistem naimenovanja sudija, u kojem parlament i vlada mogu da preispituju političke nazore kandidata. Za razliku od prethodnih godina, nije bilo izveštaja da su vladini službenici pokušali da oslabe politički osetljive tužbe, između ostalog i tako što je vršen pritisak na tužioce i sudije.

Dana 20. jula Specijalno tužilaštvo za organizovani kriminal pokrenulo je istragu o puštanju Dušana Spasojevića i ostalih osumnjičenih iz pritvora 2001. Osumnjičeni su pritvoreni zbog sumnje da pripremaju atentat na premijera Đinđića izvršen 2003. Istraga je dovela do hapšenja bivšeg beogradskog okružnog tužioca Radeta Terzića, ali je sud 6. septembra naložio njegovo puštanje.

U junu je Vrhovni sud potvrdio presudu donetu 2006. protiv bivšeg sudije Vrhovnog suda Slavoljuba Vučkovića kome je suđeno za primanje mita u predmetu Jotkine organizovane kriminalne grupe. Iako je sud kaznu smanjio na šest godina zatvora, ovo je prva konačna presuda u veoma važnom slučaju korupcije.

Nema novih saznanja o slučaju bivšeg zamenika javnog tužioca Milana Sarajlića koji je 2006. godine osuđen za primanje novca od zemunskog organizovanog kriminalnog klana 2004.

Privatni sektor je smatrao da je korupcija u trgovinskim sudovima široko rasprostranjena. Procesi prenosa zemljišta su često bili izuzetno teški, što su mnogi u privatnom sektoru objašnjavali kao posledicu korupcije administracije. Nejasno je, međutim, u kojoj meri su ovi problemi proistekli iz korupcije a ne iz neefikasnosti birokratije.

Sudovi su bili izuzetno nedelotvorni i rešavanje predmeta može trajati godinama. Broj sudija u glavnim sudovima neadekvatan je za sve veći obim posla. Pomanjkanje profesionalne sudske administracije i postojanje centralizovanog budžeta za sve sudove kojim upravlja Ministarstvo pravde doprinelo je ovom problemu.

Sudski sistem se sastoji od opštinskih sudova, okružnih sudova, trgovinskih sudova, Vrhovnog suda i Ustavnog suda. Pored toga, zakon predviđa specijalne sudove u okviru Okružnog suda za ratne zločine i organizovani kriminal u Beogradu. Zakon predviđa postojanje Ustavnog suda, administrativnih apelacionih sudova i drugostepenog apelacionog suda u cilju smanjenja obima posla Vrhovnog suda. Tokom godine Narodna skupština je usvojila zakon o Ustavnom sudu i sudije su naimenovane. Krajem godine Skupština je tek trebalo da donese druge zakonske propise u skladu sa Ustavom iz 2006.

Tokom godine, Vojno odeljenje Okružnog suda u Begradu preuzelo je nadležnost za vojne predmete.

Sudski postupci

Suđenja su generalno javna, ali su zatvorena za vreme svedočenja svedoka optužbe. Porota ne postoji. Zakon predviđa da su optuženi nevini dok se ne dokaže suprotno i da imaju pravo da ih advokat zastupa na državni trošak ukoliko je potrebno, kao i da prisustvuju suđenju. Optuženi imaju pravo pristupa dokaznom materijalu u posedu države kao i da ispituju svedoke. I optužba i odbrana imaju pravo žalbe na presudu. Ova prava su generalno poštovana u praksi.

Zakon o krivičnom postupku, usvojen juna 2006. godine, uveo je istragu kojom rukovodi tužilac, nagodbu sa optuženim i upotrebu specijalnih istražnih tehnika, kao što su prisluškivanje i tajne operacije, ali skupština do kraja godine nije usvojila propise kojima ove promene stupaju na snagu.

Specijalni sud za ratne zločine nastavio je sa suđenjima za ratne zločine. Prema zakonu, dokaz koji je pribavljen pomoću specijalnih istražnih tehnika može se prihvatiti na sudu. Godine 2006. vlasti su ustanovile službu za podršku žrtvama/svedocima u beogradskom Okružnom sudu za žrtve i svedoke ratnih zločina.

Dana 15. oktobra, OEBS je izdao saopštenje u kojem izražava zabrinutost zato što skupštinski poslanici verbalno napadaju tužioca za ratne zločine Vladimira Vukčevića. OEBS u izjavi kritikuje ovakve napade koji podrivaju nezavisnost sudstva.

Dana 19. oktobra, policija je uhapsila četiri pripadnika paravojne jedinice „Škorpioni“ zbog učestvovanja u ubistvu 19 etničkih Albanaca 1999. u kosovskom gradu Podujevu. Tužilac za ratne zločine Vukčević izjavio je da hapšenja predstavljaju kraj istrage u predmetu Podujevo.

Dana 29 novembra, Veće za ratne zločine objavilo je optužnicu za 14 bivših dobrovoljaca i pripadnika paravojnih jedinica i pripadnika vojske za saučesništvo u ubistvu najmanje 20 civila i maltretiranje drugih civila u napadu na hrvatsko selo Lovas 1991. Sud je sedam optuženih lica zadržao u pritvoru dok je preostalih sedam pušteno na slobodu do suđenja.

Ima novih podataka u slučaju „Ovčara“ (takođe poznatom pod nazivom „Vukovarski masakr“). Dana 1. marta, mediji su objavili da je Vrhovni sud potvrdio presudu Milanu Buliću koji je batinao i maltretirao hrvatske zarobljenike. Vrhovni sud je smanjio kazne koje je Veće za ratne zločine dosudilo 2006. godine, sa osam na dve godine, navodeći kao razlog bolest optuženog. Decembra 2006. Vrhovni sud je naredio ponovno suđenje četrnaestorici bivših pripadnika srpske milicije koji su 2005. osuđeni za ubistvo, mučenje i nehumano postupanje prema 200 hrvatskih ratnih zarobljenika 1991. Mnogi u međunarodnoj kao i u zajednici nevladinih organizacija kritikovali su ovakvu odluku kao politički motivisanu naglašavajući da je Vrhovni sud posle prvog razmatranja poništio svaku presudu prvostepenog suda u svim značajnim slučajevima ratnih zločina (npr. Podujevo, Sjeverin, Ovčara). Ponovno suđenje do kraja godine nije okončano.

Dana 12. aprila, Specijalno veće za ratne zločine u Begradu osudilo je četiri od pet pripadnika „Škorpina“ za učestvovanje u likvidaciji šest bošnjačkih civila muslimana u Srebrenici 1995. Petooptuženi, Aleksandar Vukov, oslobođen je u nedostatku dokaza. Dana 12. aprila, komandir Slobodan Nedić i Branislav Nedić osuđeni su na maksimalnu zatvorsku kaznu u trajanju od 20 godina; Pero Petrašević, koji se izjasnio da je kriv, osuđen je na 13 godina, a Aleksandar Medić na pet godina zatvora.

Specijalno veće za ratne zločine nastavilo je suđenje u predmetu „Zvornik“ koji se odnosi na ubistvo 21 Bošnjaka muslimana i proterivanje još 1.822 lica 1992. godine. U povezanom predmetu, Specijalno veće za ratne zločine nastavilo je istragu o ubistvu još 700 civila.

Politički zatvorenici

Nije bilo izveštaja o političkim zatvorenicima i pritvorenicima.
Građanski sudski postupci i lekovi
U zemlji postoji nezavisno i nepristrasno sudstvo za građanska pitanja gde građani mogu pokrenuti spor kojim traže odštetu za kršenje ljudskih prava ili prekid kršenja tih prava. Pravni lek generalno podrazumeva novčane nadoknade.

Povraćaj imovine

Tokom godine, državna komisija je nastavila popis zahteva za povraćaj imovine oduzete počev od 1945. godine, ali nije ostvarila nikakav napredak na donošenju zakona o povraćaju imovine niti vraćanju imovine. Vlada je 2006. donela zakon o povraćaju opštinske imovine ali nije preduzela nikakve značajnije korake da napravi popis potraživanja niti da opštinsku imovinu vrati.

Savez jevrejskih opština napominje da Srbija nije obezbedila povraćaj privatne jevrejske imovine koja je bila predmet eksproprijacije, uglavnom između 1941. and 1944.

f. Proizvoljno ometanje privatnosti, porodice, doma i korespondencije

Ustav i zakon zabranjuju ovakvo delovanje; međutim, država je ometala privatnost i korespondenciju. Iako zakon propisuje da Ministarstvo unutrašnjih poslova mora nabaviti sudski nalog pre početka praćenja potencijalne kriminalne aktivnosti kao i da policija mora pribaviti nalog pre ulaska u posed, izuzev u slučajevima spasavanja ljudi i imovine, policija povremeno nije poštovala ove odredbe u praksi.

Većina posmatrača je smatrala da vlasti selektivno nadziru komunikacije, prisluškuju razgovore, čitaju običnu i elektronsku poštu, i ozvučavaju telefone. Čelnici organizacija za ljudska prava često su prijavljivali da se njihova komunikacija nadzire.

Mediji su izvestili da je Bezbednosno-informativna agencija pratila novinara Dejana Anastasijevića i prisluškivala njegov telefon deset dana pre no što je ispred njegovog stana eksplodirala bomba.

Odeljak 2 Poštovanje građanskih sloboda u koje spada:

a. Sloboda govora i štampe

Zakon predviđa slobodu govora i štampe; međutim, bilo je izveštaja da su vlasti ometale ove slobode te o represivnim merama protiv osoba koje su kritikovale vladu. Uopšte uzev, nezavisne medijske organizacije su bile aktivne i izražavale raznovrsne stavove; međutim, neke medijske organizacije doživele su pretnje i represije zbog objavljivanja stavova u kojima se kritikuje vlada. Tokom godina u štampi je vlada kritikovana u manjoj meri. Postojala je povećana zabrinutost zbog pada u profesionalnim i etičkim standardima i većem obimu tabloidskog novinarstva. Mnogim novinarima nedostaje profesionalnost u pogledu navođenja izvora i tačnosti podataka.

Srpski mediji su uglavnom nezavisni i u privatnom vlasništvu, premda većina opštinskih medija nije privatizovana. Najstariji nacionalni dnevni list «Politika» je u suvlasništvu države i jedne nemačke kompanije ali ga vodi nekoliko deoničarskih kompanija. Tokom godine, u svom izveštavanju i uredničkoj politici ove dnevne novine su sve više naginjale vladi, a posebno Demokratskoj stranci Srbije (DSS) na čijem je čelu predsednik vlade. Ostale značajnije novine su Blic, Glas Javnosti, Večernje Novosti, Kurir, Press, Dnevnik i Danas.

Zakon daje parlamentu ovlašćenje da odobrava budžet nezavisnog radiodifuznog saveta, koji ima široka ovlašćenja u pogledu oduzimanja licenci radio i televizijskim stanicama koje nemaju pravo žalbe; tokom godine, međutim, nije oduzeo licencu nijednom nacionalnom mediju.

Državna Radio-televizija Srbija (RTS), koja se finansira iz zakonom propisane pretplate, imala je najveću zastupljenost sa dva televizijska kanala i radio programom. Izveštavanje RTS-a je uglavnom bilo objektivno iako je država imala znatan uticaj na RTS i na javni servis Radio-televizija Vojvodina. Osim toga, mnoge televizijske stanice se u pogledu vesti oslanjaju na državnu novinsku agenciju TANJUG. Nezavisne novinske agencije BETA i FONET žalile su da finansiranje Tanjuga iz državnog budžeta Tanjugu daje nepoštenu komercijalnu prednost.

Godine 2006. državna Republička radiodifuzna agencija dodelila je nacionalne televizijske licence privatnim operaterima B92, TV Pink, Fox TV, TV Avala i Košava-Happy a radio licence stanicama B92, Radio Index, Radio S, Roadstar i Radio Fokus. Novinari i nevladine organizacije kritikovale su način na koji je agencija dodeljivala licence. U julu je Vrhovni sud presudio u korist dve televizijske i šest radio stanica kojima je Radiodifuzna agencija uskratila licencu, i naredila Agenciji da pregleda sve predmete i donese nove odluke. U sudskoj odluci, Vrhovni sud je naveo da proces izdavanja licenci nije bio transparentan. Radiodifuzna agencija je odbacila sudsku odluku a predsednik Agencije je zatražio ostavku predsednika Vrhovnog suda. Dana 16. jula, članovi Radiodifuznog saveta Agencije jednoglasno su potvrdili svoje prethodne odluke.

Aprila 2006. policija je zatvorila prvu privatnu televizijsku stanicu u zemlji, BK Televiziju, zbog rada bez licence kada je ova stanica kritikovala proces izdavanja dozvola. BK je preko satelita emitovao program nekoliko meseci ali je krajem godine stanica zatvorena.

Medijske organizacije, posebno Radio stanica B92, bile su žrtve vandalskog ponašanja, pretnji bombama i zastrašivanja zbog prenošenja stavova nepopularnih kod vlasti i desničarskih elemenata društva, kao što su diskusija o statusu i nezavisnosti Kosova i ispitivanje uloge Srbije u ratovima devedesetih godina. Organizacija medija Jugoistočne Evrope (SEEMO), Udruženje nezavisnih elektronskih medija, i Nezavisno udruženje novinara Srbije (NUNS) prijavili su izvestan broj takvih incidenata tokom godine. U aprilu su na neonacističkoj veb-stranici objavljene pretnje smrću Dinku Gruhonjiću, novosadskom izveštaču novinske agencije BETA i predsedniku Udruženja nezavisnih novinara Vojvodine. Gruhonjić je opširno izveštavao o Nacionalnoj formaciji, neonacističkoj grupi koja je upotrebila metalne poluge u napadu na učesnike komemorativnog skupa posvećenog obeležavanju Kristalne noći (pogroma nad Jevrejima širom Nemačke i u delovima Austrije 1938.) u Novom Sadu 2005. U maju je nekoliko stotina članova Srpske radikalne stranke lepilo plakate u znak podrške optuženiku ICTY-a Ratku Mladiću na pročelje zgrade u kojoj se nalazi B92 i zaposlenima dovikivalo uvrede. U avgustu je Stefan Cvetković, glavni i odgovorni urednik nezavisne radio i televizijske stanice TNT u Beloj Crkvi, primio pretnje smrću; Prema SEEMO-u, pretnje su upućene da bi se zaustavilo izveštavanje TNT-a o kriminalnim aktivnostima. U dva odvojena incidenta, u novembru i decembru u Aranđelovcu, pristalice političke partije Nova Srbija, uključujući najmanje jednog lokalnog zvaničnika, prekinula je i sprečila emitovanje političke debate na B92.

Dana 3. decembra, producenti popularne emisije Radija B92 „Peščanik“, u kojoj se iznose politički komentari i vrlo često krtikuje politika vlade, pokušali su da program emituju u Aranđelovcu, gradu u centralnoj Srbiji. Kad je emisija počela, oko 200 pripadnika Nove Srbije i Srpske radikalne stranke, predvođeni gradonačelnikom Topole Draganom Jovanovićem, izvršilo je napad. Demonstratori su preuzeli mikrofon i napali nekoliko ljudi u publici. Jovanović je branio svoje postupke i dalje pretio B92 u objavljenom intervjuu u Politici.

NUNS je kritikovao kašnjenje u istrazi napada na novinare, navodeći da to doprinosi uverenju da počinioci mogu da deluju nekažnjeno.

U aprilu je u Beogradu eksplodirala bomba ispred stana Dejana Anastasijevića, novinara nedeljnika Vreme. Napad je usledio nakon što je Anastasijević kritikovao presude izrečene „Škorpionima“ za ratne zločine. NUNS je kritikovao sporu reakciju policije. Dana 19. oktobra, policija je saopštila da je identifikovala ali ne i locirala osumnjičene u incidentu.

Novinari i medijske nevladine organizacije prijavili su da je lokalna vlada u Novom Pazaru ograničila medijski pristup opštinskim debatama i događajima. Prema „Novinarima bez granica, vlasti su pravile crnu listu novinara pred svaku konferenciju za štampu. Na primer, dana 25. septembra, opštinske vlasti su nekim novinarima zabranile da prisustvuju konferenciji za štampu koju su trebalo da održE šef delegacije Evropske komisije u Srbiji i švajcarski ambasador. Zvaničnici su otkazali konferenciju za štapu kad su saznali za incident.

Novinari su povremeno primenjivali autocenzuru zbog mogućih tužbi za klevetu i u strahu od vređanja javnog mnjenja, posebno kad su u pitanju teme koje se tiču ratova u bivšoj Jugoslaviji i o pregovorima koje predvodi UN o statusu Kosova. Aktivisti za ljudska prava prijavili su da im je u provladinim publikacijama i tabloidima narušavan ugled zbog izražavanja kritičkih stavova o vladi i izražavanja stavova suprotnih popularnom predstavljanju uloge Srbije u ratovima devedesetih godina.

Kleveta je krivično delo. Osuđeni za klevetu može biti kažnjen zatvorom ili novčanom kaznom u iznosu od 720 do 18.000 dolara (40.000 do 1.000.000 dinara).

U aprilu je Željko Bodrožić izbegao zatvorsku kaznu u trajanju od 80 dana po presudi, koja mu je 2002. izrečena zbog klevete, pošto su njegov izdavač i humanitarne agencije platili njegovu kaznu u iznosu od 185 dolara (10.000 dinara). Godine 2002. Bodrožić je napisao članak u kojem je kritikovao istaknutog pripadnika Socijalističke partije Srbije (SPS). Bodrožić je odbio da plati kaznu, ohrabren odlukom Odbora UN-a za ljudska prava iz 2005. da vlada treba da ukine presudu i Bodrožiću nadoknadi sudske troškove.

U septembru je Okružni sud u Beogradu naložio tabloidu Kurir da plati odštetu ministru ekonomije Mlađanu Dinkiću zbog objavljivanje „neistinite informacije“ 2005. kada je Dinkić bio ministar finansija. Prema državnoj novinskoj agenciji Tanjug, Kurir je vodio medijski rat protiv Dinkića pošto je Ministarstvo finansija primoralo vlasnika lista, Radisava Rodića, da plati zaostali porez.

Slobodan pristup internetu

Država nije ograničavala pristup internetu. Pojedinci i grupe mogli su da mirno izražavaju svoje stavove preko interneta, uključujući i elektronsku poštu. Međutim, bilo je izveštaja nevladinih organizacija i medija da je država selektivno nadzirala internet komunikacije.

Akademske slobode i kulturni događaji

Država je generalno poštovala akademske slobode. Za razliku od prethodnih godina, nije bilo izveštaja o cenzuri kulturnih događaja.

b. Sloboda mirnog okupljanja i udruživanja

Zakon dozvoljava slobodu okupljanja i udruživanja i država to obično i poštuje u praksi.

c. Sloboda veroispovesti

Zakon predviđa slobodu veroispovesti i država ovo pravo generalno poštuje u praksi; međutim, država je usvojila diskriminacioni zakon o religiji i vodila diskriminacionu politiku u pogledu poreza na imovinu, a neki vladini zvaničnici kritikovali su manjinske verske grupe.

Iako ne postoji državna religija, većinska Srpska pravoslavna crkva je uživala povlašćeni položaj. Na primer, bilo je žalbi da vlada nastavlja da finansira izgradnju velike srpske pravoslavne crkve u Begradu i subvencioniše plate srpskog pravoslavnog sveštenstva u susednim zemljama nastalim iz bivše Jugoslavije.

Zakon o religiji donet 2006. priznaje sedam „tradicionalnih“ verskih zajednica a to su: Srpska pravoslavna crkva, Rimokatolička crkva, Slovačka evangelistička crkva, Hrišćanska reformatska crkva, Evangelistička hrišćanska crkva, Islamska zajednica i Jevrejska verska zajednica. Zakon propisuje da se sve ostale verske grupe moraju ponovo registrovati pri Ministarstvu vera, koje ima diskreciono pravo da odluči da li će odobriti registraciju „netradicionalnih“ grupa ili ne; zakon automatski priznaje tradicionalne grupe. Po prethodnom zakonu, mnoge ovakve manjinske grupe zvanično su priznate u Srbije više od pedeset godina a u zemlji postoje već sto pedeset godina.

Po propisima o registraciji netradicionalnih grupa moraju se podneti: imena, matični brojevi i potpisi članova, dokazi da grupa prelazi prag od 0.001 procenta odraslog stanovništva u Srbiji (otprilike 75 osoba), opis verskih tekstova grupe i pregled verskih učenja, obreda, verskih ciljeva i osnovnih aktivnosti, kao i informacije o izvorima finansiranja. Savet Evrope i OEBS ocenili su ovakve zateve invazivnim.

Iako se u zakonu kaže da neregistrovane zajednice mogu nastaviti s radom po prethodnom zakonu, neregistrovanim zajednicama su uskraćeni poreski brojevi te stoga ne mogu plaćati porez, imati račune u bankama, niti zapošljavati pojedince. Neregistrovane verske zajednice takođe nisu mogle da zahtevaju povraćaj imovine. Vlasti su takođe uskratile neregistrovanim zajednicama građevinske dozvole i odbile su da priznaju njihova oficijelna dokumenta.

Pokušavajući da se registruju pri Ministarstvu vera, mnoge manjinske verske grupe prijavile su nejasne i nepravilne procedure. Nevladina organizacija „Forum 18“ prijavila je tokom godine da je vlada proizvoljno uskraćivala legalni status brojnim manjinskim verskim grupama. Nakon odbijanja, Ministarstvo je neke grupe upućivalo na Ministarstvo državne uprave i lokalne samouprave, predlažući da tamo zahtevaju da se registruju kao „građanske organizacije“. Međutim, ovo ministarstvo je ovakve grupe ponovo upućivalo na Ministarstvo vera navodeći da nije ovlašćeno za registraciju verskih grupa.

Tokom godine Ministarstvo vera je ponovo registrovalo svih sedam tradicionalnih verskih grupa i registrovalo deset „netradicionalnih“ verskih grupa i to su: Crkva adventista sedmog dana, Evangelistička metodistička crkva, Crkva Isusa Hrista svetitelja poslednjih dana, Evangelistička crkva Srbije, Crkva Hristove ljubavi, Hristova duhovna crkva, Crkva božija, Hrišćanska nazarenska verska zajednica, Savez hrišćanskih baptističkih crkava i Hristova crkva braće.

U februaru, nakon dva neuspela pokušaja da se registruju, Jehovini svedoci su podneli tužbu Vrhovnom sudu. Ministarstvo vera je tvrdilo da prijava nije valjano popunjena. Slučaj nije okončan do kraja godine. Ministarstvo je takođe odbilo aplikacije za registracuju Pentekostne crkve.

Po zakonu iz 2006. godine, nijedna verska grupa čiji naziv sadrži deo imena postojeće grupe ne može se registrovati i po tom osnovu vlada i dalje ne priznaje Grčku i Makedonsku pravoslavnu ckrvu. Krajem decembra, Ministarstvo vera je odbilo aplikaciju Crnogorske pravoslavne crkve (CPC) na temelju toga što je ta crkva građansko udruženje. Ministarstvo je takođe odbilo prijave Srpske baptističke unije, Stare katoličke crkve i Reformskog pokreta adventista sedmog dana jer se njihovi nazivi ne razlikuju dovoljno jasno od naziva drugih registrovanih crkava.

Poreski zakon izuzima imovinu sedam priznatih tradicionalnih verskih grupa iako je krajem godine još bio nerešen spor o ovom zakonu u Ustavnom sudu koji je pokrenut jula 2006. na osnovu tužbe Unije protestantsko-evangelističkih crkava u Srbiji.

Nesrpske pravoslavne verske organizacije su nastavile da prijavljuju teškoće u pribavljanju dozvola od lokalnih vlasti za izgradnju novih verskih objekata. Islamska zajednica u Beogradu i dalje ima poteškoće sa nabavkom zemljišta i dobijanjem državne dozvole za islamsko groblje u gradu. Baptistička unija, koja obavlja službu i druge aktivnosti u staroj zgradi koju je kupila da bi je koristila kao crkvu, prijavila je da opštinske vlasti i dalje odbijaju, bez objašnjenja, da izdaju dozvolu za renoviranje zgrade.

Srpski zakon obavezuje učenike osnovnih i srednjih škola ili da pohađaju nastavu jedne od sedam tradicionalnih verskih zajednica, ili da idu na časove građanskog vaspitanja. Poglavari verskih grupa isključenih iz ovog programa nastavili su da izražavaju svoje nezadovoljstvo zbog ograničene definicije veroispovesti prema tumačenju vlasti.

Male verske grupe nastavile su da prijavljuju slučajeve pristrasnosti državnih službenika, od kojih su neki javno izjavljivali da protestantske zajednice izjednačavaju sa satanističkim kultovima. Za vreme niza predavanja u septembru, viši policijski inspektor u Beogradu Zoran Luković u nekoliko navrata je dao javne izjave u kojima protestantske crkve izjednačava sa „satanističkim sektama“.

Posle napada u julu na adventističku crkvu u Somboru, policija je najpre pitala crkvene zvaničnike jesu li registrovani po novom zakonu pa tek onda pokrenula istragu o incidentu.

Dana 27. avgusta, Marija Arsenijević izgubila je starateljstvo nad novorođenčetom na osnovu toga što ju je detetov otac optužio da pripada Jehovinim svedocima. Posmatrači su sudsku odluku kritikovali, optužujući sud da odluku donosi isključivo na osnovu tobožnje verske pripadnosti majke deteta. Dana 14. septembra, mediji su izvestili da su se sve troje vratili u Belgiju, gde su ranije živeli kao porodica i da je belgijski sud prihvatio da rešava pitanje starateljstva pošto je dete belgijski državljanin.

Vlada je, prema zakonu iz 2006. o povraćaju opštinske imovine u Srbiji, uključujući i verske objekte konfiskovane posle 1945. godine, osnovala Direkciju za povraćaj opštinske i verske imovine. Do kraja godine, Direkcija nije počela obradu zahteva, ali je primala zahteve za povraćaj imovine od tradicionalnih zajednica i verskih zajednica registrovanih po zakonu iz 2006. Neke zajednice su imale poteškoće u upotpunjavanju dokumentacije neophodne za podnošenje zahteva. Savez jevrejskih opština i druge verske grupe protestovale su zbog uzimanja 1945. godine kao polazne tačke, pošto je njihova imovina uglavnom konfiskovana između 1941. i 1944.

Društvene zloupotrebe i diskriminacija

Tokom godine bilo je malo slučajeva fizičkih i verbalnih napada na verske manjine.

Dana 28. marta, misionari Jehovinih svedoka napadnuti su i gotovo jedan sat držani na nišanu u Starim Banovcima. Policija je uhapsila i saslušala osumnjičenog ali ga je pustila. Tužilac je 27. septembra održao pretres bez svedočenja žrtve. „Forum 18“ je prijavio da žrtve nisu dobile poziv za pretres. Tokom godine vlasti nisu preduzele ništa drugo.

Dana 29. juna, Života Milanović, poklonik Hare Krišne u Jagodini, zadobio je nekoliko ubodnih rana pošto je otvorio vrata osobi koja se predstavila kao policajac. Milanović je takođe napadnut i juna 2006. kada je zbrinut zbog ubodnih rana, uključujući i krst koji mu je urezan na glavi. Pre incidenta 29. juna, od 2001. napadnut je pet puta. Niko nije uhapšen zbog ovih napada.

Verske zajednice, a posebno manjinske verske zajednice, izveštavaju o kontinuiranim problemima vandalskog uništavanja crkvenih zgrada, groblja i drugih verskih objekata. Reakcija policije i tužilaštva često nije bila odgovarajuća i grupe za građansko društvo kritikovale su vlasti da nisu posvećene rešavanju problema diskriminacije. Nevladine organizacije primećuju da je tužilaštvo često podnosilo prijave za prekršaje, umesto ozbiljnije tužbe za netoleranciju, verski motivisana krivična dela i dela mržnje u onim slučajevima kojima se jesu bavili.

Dana 9. jula, posle ranijih napada iste godine u kojima su oštećene adventističke crkve u Somboru, Staparima, Kikindi i Rumi, neki mladi ljudi su oblepili adventističku crkvu u Beogradu nalepnicama sa tekstom: „Sekte su smrt za sprski narod."

Dana 17. septembra, nepoznati počinioci su sprejom ispisali: „Zaustavite sekte“ na zidovima evangelističke crkve u Kraljevu.

Dana 25. decembra, nepoznati počinioci su izvadili nekoliko krstova sa pravoslavnog groblja u Subotici u Vojvodini. Policijska istraga nije završena do kraja godine.

Štampa je nastavila da etiketira manje, multietničke hrišćanske crkve, uključujući baptiste, adventiste, Jehovine svedoke i druge manje verske grupe kao opasne „sekte“. RTS je emitovao emisiju o Jehovinim svedcima koja opisuje učenja ove grupe kao „ispiranje mozga“ i izopačenosti. Verske vođe primećuju da su se slučajevi vandalskog ponašanja često događali ubrzo posle takvih negativnih izveštaja u štampi.

Jevrejska zajednica broji otprilike tri hiljade osoba. Jevrejske vođe u Srbiji izvestili su o kontinuiranim incidentima antisemitizma uključujući grafite antisemitske sadržine, vandalsko ponašanje, male tiraže strane antisemtiske literature i tekstove na internetu. Na primer, 17. marta, na fasadi novosadske sinagoge sprejom je nacrtana svastika. HCS je naveo da se proteklih godina primećuje sve veći antisemitizam. Izdavački sektor Srbije objavio je razne antisemitske knjige s naslovima kao što su „Jevrejsko ritualno ubistvo“, „Jevrejska zavera“ i „Zašto se divim Adolfu Hitleru“. Prema rečima pripadnika Jevrejske zajednice, objavljivanje takvih publikacija često je dovodilo do pisama mržnje i drugačijeg izražavanja antisemitskih osećanja. Nekoliko nacionalističkih, ultradesničarskih organizacija identifikuje se sa antisemitskim govorom pokazujući svastike i koristeći govor mržnje. „Nacionalni stroj“ je bio jedan od najaktivnijih ovakvih grupa u poslednjih nekoliko godina i izažavao ujedno i antisemitski govor i antizapadnjačke poruke. Nevladine organizacije su primetile da reakcija nadležnih na ovakav govor mržnje često nije bila odgovarajuća.

Dana 7. oktobra, učesnici nedozvoljenog neonacističkog skupa u Novom Sadu sukobili su se sa protivničkom grupom protestanata. Policija je uhapsila 56 neonacista, uključujući i organizatora skupa Gorana Davidovića. Davidović je skup najavio u septembru, ali ga je policija zabranila pošto su verske organizacije i ostale nevladine organizacije osudile planirani događaj. Liga socijaldemokrata Vojvodine organizovala je kontramiting u cilju podrške etničkoj toleranciji i protivljenja fašizmu. Dana 9. oktobra, sud u Novom Sadu osudio je trojicu neonacista za narušavanje javnog reda na kazne zatvora od po 25 dana. Do kraja godine nisu okončani postupci u preostalim predmetima.

Predavanja o holokaustu deo su nastavnog programa u školama, a takođe se govori o ulozi vlade u tom periodu. Međutim, postoji tendencija među autorima da umanje i daju nova tumačenja uloge srpskog četničkog pokreta za vreme holokausta prikazujući ih kao žrtve stranog okupatora a, u stvari, mnoge četnici su sarađivali sa nacistima i vodili kampanje protiv jevrejskog stanovništva čak i pre nego što su nacisti okupirali Jugoslaviju.
Mada državni lideri javno osuđuju antisemitske incidente, vlasti nisu napravile nikakav značajniji napor u cilju sprečavanja takve netolerancije i govora mržnje.

Tokom godine Islamska zajednica se ozbiljno podelila u političkom opredeljenju. Jedna grupa se svrstala uz novoosnovani lokalni Rijaset u Beogradu, a druga je zadržala tradicionalne veze sa Rijasetom u susednoj Bosni i Hercegovini. Posmatrači su primetili da se obe grupe pripremaju za potencijalnu restituciju poseda Islamske zajednice u području Sandžaka. Dana 19. novembra, napetost između dve grupe za posledicu je imala tuču i pucnjavu ispred novopazarske džamije Atun Alem. Dana 19. decembra, dve grupe su se sukobile u Tutinu u Sandžaku kada se pristalice jedne napale pristalice druge grupe koji su pokušali da uđu u verski objekat gde su hteli da podele poklone deci za praznik Eid.

Više detalja videti u Međunarodnom izveštaju o slobodi veroispovesti za 2007. godinu.

d. Sloboda kretanja, interno raseljena lica, zaštita izbeglica i apatrida

Zakon predviđa slobodu kretanja unutar zemlje, putovanja u inostranstvo, emigraciju i repatrijaciju, i vlada ova prava uopšte uzev poštuje u praksi. Vlada je sarađivala sa Kancelarijom visokog komesara UN-a za izbeglice (UNHCR) i drugim humanitarnim organizacijama u pružanju zaštite i pomoći interno raseljenim licima, izbeglicama, izbeglicama povratnicima, azilantima, apatridima i drugim pojedincima.

Zakonom je zabranjeno prisilno proterivanje i vlada ga ni ne primenjuje.

Interno raseljena lica

Prema zvaničnim podacima UNHCR-a, u Srbiji je registrovano otprilike 206.500 interno raseljenih lica, uglavnom Srba, Roma, Aškalija (etnička grupa koja govori albanski jezik ali se smatraju strancima pošto su slični Romima ali se samo identifikuju kao zasebna grupa kulturološki različita od Roma), i slovenskih muslimana koji su napustili Kosovo zbog sukoba 1998-1999. godine. Oko 4.600 i dalje je u 67 zvaničnih kolektivnih centara dok je 1.200 smešteno u 43 nepriznata kolektivna centra. Mada su vlasti nastavile da zatvaraju kolektivne centre, mnoga raseljena lica ostala su u objektima koji ne odgovaraju nijednoj drugoj nameni izuzev kao prihvatilište u krajnjoj nuždi,

Ministarstvo rada i socijalne politike ustanovilo je Odeljenje za populacionu politiku kako bi se staralo o potrebama ugroženih populacija u Srbiji, uključujući interno raseljena lica. Neke od tih dužnosti ranije je obavljao Komesarijat za izbeglice. Komesarijat je i dalje nadležan za određivanje statusa interno raseljenih lica, izdavanje ličnih dokumenata interno raseljenim licama i smeštaj interno raseljenih lica u kolektivne centre.

Vlada je nastavila da isplaćuje plate interno raseljenim licima koja su do juna 1999. bili članovi kosovske vlade i zaposleni u državnim preduzećima.

Za dobijanje privremenog boravka u Srbiji, po zakonu je potrebno da se pojedinci lično odjave sa prethodne adrese. Ona interno raseljena lica sa Kosova koja nemaju lična ili boravišna dokumenta sa Kosova nisu mogla da se odjave sa kosovskih adresa, i stoga nisu mogli da se prijave na novim adresama u Serbiji. Bez stalnog boravka u Srbiji, interno raseljena lica ne mogu da dobiju zdravstveno osiguranje, socijalnu pomoć i mogućnost školovanja u državnim obrazovnim ustanovama. Nevladine organizacije koje pružaju pravnu pomoć pomagale su interno raseljenim licima pri prijavljivanju boravka.

U Srbiji živi 23.164 zvanično registrovana interno raseljena Roma. Međutim, UNHCR je procenio da u Srbiji živi 40.000 do 45.000 raseljenih Roma, od kojih mnogi navodno nemaju lična dokumenta pa nisu registrovani kao interno raseljena lica. Mnogi Romi sa Kosova smatrani su srpskim kolaboracionistima tokom sukoba na Kosovu i tamo se nisu mogli bezbedno vratiti. Premda neki Romi žive u državnim kolektivnim centrima, životni uslovi Roma u Srbiji izuzetno su loši. Lokalne opštine često nisu voljne da im obezbede smeštaj. Ukoliko su se Romi i nastanili, često žive u nedozvoljenim kampovima u blizini većih gradova. U najmanje jednom slučaju, kad je lokalna opština ponudila da Rome izmesti iz neodgovarajućeg smeštaja, Romi su odbili da se sele iz prestonice.

Za razliku od prethodnih godina, nije bilo izveštaja o napadima na interno raseljena lica. Bilo je izveštaja da vlasti ponekad nisu priznale interno raseljena lica kao takva, često usled nedostatka komunikacije sa službenicima na administrativnoj granici sa Kosovom koji treba da prijave interno raseljena lica. Bez zvanične potvrde o statusu interno raseljenog lica, pojedinac nema pristup službama za interno raseljena lica.

Vlasti su dozvoljavale da nevladine i međunarodne organizacije pružaju pomoć interno raseljenim licima.

Premda vladini službenici i dalje javno izjavljuju da interno raseljena lica treba da se vrate na Kosovo, viši državni zvaničnici takođe tvrde da za takva lica nije bezbedno da se vrate.

Zaštita izbeglica

Tokom godine, zakon nije predviđao davanje azila niti izbegličkog statusa u skladu sa Konvencijom Ujedinjenih nacija iz 1951. koja se odnosi na Status izbeglica i protokol iz 1967. Međutim, 23. novembra skupština je donela novi zakon koji ustanovljava sistem davanja azila i pružanje zaštite izbeglicama. Novi zakon, koji će stupiti na snagu u aprilu 2008. godine, pruža zaštitu od prisilnog vraćanja osoba u zemlju u kojoj strahuju od progona. Nije bilo podataka da li su tokom godine nadležni zaista takve osobe vraćali sa granica.

UNHCR ima kancelariju na aerodromu za prijem osoba iz treće zemlje koje su tražili azil, uključujući i one koji su u zemlju ušli preko drugih graničnih prelaza. UNHCR je odlučivao o izbegličkom statusu u skladu sa Konvencijom UN-a i nadležnostima organizacije. Prećutnim sporazumom, vlada toleriše odluke koje UNHCR donosi o statusu, i ne proteruje pojedince kojima je UNHCR dodelio status izbeglica niti im nudi priliku za integraciju. UNHCR je tokom godine otvorio 33 predmeta za državljane trećih zemalja. Od toga, 22 Iračana dobilo je izbeglički status i čekalo na preseljenje. Krajem godine je ukupno 44 lica bilo pod zaštitom UNHCR-a u svojstvu izbeglica, 11 kao azilanti i 33 osobe s nerešenim statusom. Dve aplikacije su povučene, a tri su prijave za izbeglički status „zatvorene na drugačiji način“ pošto su osobe nestale i pretpostavlja se da su se odselile negde drugde.

U saradnji sa Ministarstvom unutrašnjih poslova, UNHCR je u oktobru otvorio azilantski centar za prijem i smeštaj azilanata.

Vlada je sarađivala sa UNHCR-om i drugim humanitarnim organizacijama u pomoći izbeglicama i azilantima. Po Ukazu o izbeglicama iz 1992. vlada je obezbedila privremenu zaštitu osobama iz bivših republika Socijalističke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije (SFRJ) koji se možda ne mogu okvalifikovati kao izbeglice po Konvenciji iz 1951. i Protokolu iz 1967. Vlada i UNHCR procenili su da u Srbiji živi 98.000 izbeglica iz Hrvatske i Bosne i Hercegovine. Vlada je takođe obezbedila privremenu zaštitu osobama iz drugih područja koje se ne mogu okvalifikovati kao izbeglice po Konvenciji iz 1951. i Protokolu iz 1967. Takvih lica je bilo trideset troje u toku godine.

Tokom godine nije bilo prijavljenih slučajeva maltretiranja i diskriminacije izbeglica.

Apatridi

Osnova za državljanstvo je ius sanguinis. UNHCR je procenio da u zemlji živi i do 18.000 lica bez državljanstva, uglavnom usled teškog i dugog procesa registracije državljanstva. Nedostatak informacija, administrativne takse, teškoće pri pribavljanju dokumenata, nedostatak zvaničn priznatog boravka i ponekad potreba da se ide u sud kako bi se dokazalo poreklo i identitet veoma su otežali ili onemogućavali proces registracije. Ovi problemi su nesrazmerno uticali na zajednice Roma, Aškalija i Egipćana, posebno interno raseljenih lica, premda su pogađali i druge koji su siromašni i žive u udaljenim područjima.

Odeljak 3 Poštovanje političkih prava: pravo građana da promene vladu
Zakonom je građanima obezbeđeno pravo da promene vladu mirnim putem i građani su ovo pravo koristili u praksi na povremenim, slobodnim i fer izborima održanim na osnovu opšteg prava glasa.

Izbori i političko učešće

U zemlji su 21. januara održani parlamentarni izvori koje su OEBS i drugi posmatrači ocenili kao slobodne i fer. Stranke etničkih Albanaca takođe su učestvovale na izborima čime je okončan njihov petnaestogodišnji bojkot.

Političke stranke su uglavnom radile bez ograničenja ili spoljnog mešanja. Međutim, u jednom izveštaju objavljenom sredinom godine, YIHR je naveo 119 slučaja politički motivisanog nasilja između oktobra 2006. i aprila 2007. godine, uključujući pretnje, napade i uništavanje imovine upereno protiv zvaničnika i prostorija političkih stranaka. Ovakvo nasilje je najčešće usmereno protiv Liberalnodemokratske partije, koja je prihvatila da je nezavisnost Kosova neizbežna i zalagala se za saradnju sa ICTY, a najveći broj incidenata dogodio se u nedeljama oko januarskih izbora.

U Skupštini od 250 poslanika, pedeset su žene a na mestu jednog potpredsednika vlade i sekretara Skupštine se nalaze takođe žene. U kabinetu koji broji dvadeset tri člana četiri su žene. Vlada je 2006. donela amandman na zakon o izboru skupštinskih poslanika po kojem na stranačkim izbornim listama treba da bude najmanje 30 procenata žena.

Ustav i zakon izuzimaju stranke zasnovane na etničkom principu od pravila po kojem politička stranka mora osvojiti najmanje pet procenata glasova da bi ušla u parlament. Na januarskim izborima, manjinske partije i liste dobile su 3.5 procenata ukupnog broja glasova. Izlaznost pripadnika manjinskih zajednica bila je veća nego na prethodnim izborima; međutim, Romi su nastavili sa dobro poznatom praksom slabog odziva. Osam pripadnika nacionalnih manjina, uključujući etničke Mađare, Bošnjake, Rome i etničke Albance, izabrani su u parlament. Romske političke stranke prvi put imaju svoje predstavnike pošto su dve romske stranke osvojile po jedno poslaničko mesto. Stranka etničkih Albanaca takođe je posle petnaest godina osvojila jedno poslaničko mesto. Jedan od šest potpredsednika vlade pripadnik je etničke manjine. Rasim Ljajić, bosanski musliman, jedini je član manjinske grupe, u kabinetu koji ima 23 člana.

Vlada – korupcija i transparentnost

Zakon predviđa krivične kazne za korupciju zvaničnika; međutim, vlada nije efikasno primenila zakon a zvaničnici ponekad nekažnjeno učestvuju u korupciji. U javnosti je široko rasprostranjeno mišljenje da korupcija postoji na svim nivoima vlasti. Pokazatelji Svetske banke koji se odnose na vlasti u celom svetu ukazuju da je korupcija ozbiljan problem. Prema Barometru globalne korupcije koju je „Transparency International“ sproveo za 2007. godinu, 21 procenat ispitanika potvrdilo je da su oni ili članovi njihovih porodica tokom godine primili mito.

Državni zvaničnici po zakonu o sukobu interesa moraju da obelodane svoje finansijsko stanje; međutim, Odbor za obelodanjivanje finansijskog stanja može jedino da preporuči otpuštanje zbog nepodnošenja izveštaja a ne zbog sadržaja prijavljenih podataka.

Tokom godine, vlasti su izvršile nova hapšenja zbog korupcije i nastavile krivične postupke u važnim predmetima iz prethodnih godina. Iako je državni Savet protiv korupcije često davao javna saopštenja i intervjue, ovo telo nema nikakav pravni status, već samo savetničku ulogu. Bilo je izveštaja da vlasti nisu reagovale na detaljne izveštaje o sumnjama da korupcija postoji. Za razliku od prethodnih godina, nije bilo važnih politički motivisanih istraga.

Dana 22. januara, počelo je suđenje „stečajnoj mafiji“. Ukupno 36 lica, uključujući Gorana Kljajevića, bivšeg predsednika beogradskog Trgovinskog suda i sudiju trgovinskog suda Delinku Đurđević, optuženo je za podmićivanje, zloupotrebu službenog položaja i nezakonite stečajeve. Vlada je optužila osumnjičene za učestvovanje u unosnoj prevari gde je trgovinski sud objavljivao stečaj preduzeća a Nacionalna štedionica obezbeđivala povoljne kredite povlašćenim poslovnim ljudima za kupovinu preduzeća ispod tržišne cene. Suđenje je krajem godine bilo u toku.

U aprilu su Dejan Simić, bivši vice-guverner Narodne banke Srbije, i Vladimir Zagrađanin, direktor Socijalističke partije Srbije (SPS), optuženi za umešanost u potkupljivanju. Simić je navodno primio kofer u kojem je bilo gotovine u vrednosti od 146.000 dolara (100.000 evra) u zamenu za pristanak da se registruje Kreditna izvozna banka. Suđenje nije počelo do kraja godine.

U maju je počelo suđenje 53 lica u slučaju „drumske mafije“. Osumnjičeni su optuženi za upotrebu lažnih platnih kartica i ilegalnog softvera na dve velike naplatne rampe, između 2004. i 2006. godine, što je državi nanelo štetu u iznosu od oko 9,5 miliona dolara (6,5 miliona evra).

U julu je policija podnela krivičnu prijavu protiv bivšeg generalnog direktora Elektroprivrede Srbije, Ljubomira Gerića, i još tri bivša visoka službenika preduzeća u vezi sa dogovorima sa dve trgovinske kompanije između 2001. i 2004. godine, što su državnom budžetu naneli štetu koja se izražava u milionima dolara.

U septembru je počelo suđenje Mihalju Kertesu, bivšem načelniku Carinske službe iz Miloševićevog vremena, za prevaru i utaju. Predmet je deo istrage koja je još u toku pod nazivom „Kiparsko pranje novca“ koju tužilaštvo za organizovani kriminal vodi protiv bivših Miloševićevih funkcionera.

Vođa pokreta Snaga Srbije, Bogoljub Karić, krajem godine se još nalazio van zemlje. Ubrzo pošto je Karić stvorio novi parlamentarni kokus 2006. godine, policija je izdala nalog za njegovo hapšenje pod optužbom za utaju poreza, rđavo upravljanje milionima dolara i pranje novca dok je bio vlasnik telekomunikacione kompanije Mobtel. U ovom predmetu vlasti nisu preduzele nikakve nove aktivnosti.

Suđenje zameniku javnog tužioca Milorad Cvijoviću nije okončano do kraja godine. Cvijović je optužen za nedozvoljeno uzimanje sudskog dokumenta iz arhiva državnog tužilaštva 2005. kako bi uticao na postupak u jednom trgovinskom predmetu.

Nema novih saznanja o suđenju bivšem ministru odbrane Prvoslavu Daviniću, optuženom da je svojim telohraniteljima omogućio olakšice pri iznajmljivanju stanova. Dana 2. jula, podignuta je optužnica protiv Davinića, general-majora Miluna Kokanovića i pukovnika Jovice Vučkovića zbog zloupotrebe službenog položaja u vezi sa skandaloznom kupovinom vojne opreme 2005. U isto vreme, Mile Dragić, naveden kao vlasnik preduzeća za vojnu opremu, optužen je za pokušaj prevare i nezakonito posedovanje oružja.

Vlada je sporo primenjivala Zakon o dostupnosti informacija iz novembra 2004. i generalno u praksi nije omogućila pristup. Zakon predviđa dostupnost informacija od «legitimnog javnog značaja» (uz mnoge izuzetke) i uspostavlja mesto nezavisnog komesara, koga bira srpska skupština, s ciljem da se on bavi žalbama građana ukoliko neka vladina agencija odbije zahtev za informacije. U martu je komesar za informacije objavio izveštaj o zakonu u kojem se zaključuje da je primena veća ali i dalje nedovoljna. Prema izveštaju „Transparency International“ iz septembra 2006, oko 81 procenat lokalnih institucija, 67 procenata javnih preduzeća i 35 procenata ministarstava nisu ispunile svoje obaveze po zakonu o dostupnosti informacija, i pored toga što se broj zahteva udvostručio od kraja 2005. do kraja 2006. Nevladine organizacije su izvestile da su njihovi zahtevi za informacije često ostajali bez odgovora

Dana 30. marta, vlada je potpisala ugovor o izgradnji autoputa od Horgoša do Požege kroz Vojvodinu. Savet protiv korupcije, lokalni vojvođanski zvaničnici, novinari i nevladine organizacije javno su postavili pitanje da li je ugovor potpisan sa stranom koja je imala najpovoljniju ponudu. Ministar za infrastrukturu Velimir Ilić uporno je odbijao nastojanja javnosti da se ugovor dâ na uvid, navodeći tajnu klauzulu u ugovoru koja, prema njegovoj tvrdnji, ima za cilj da zaštiti informacije o imovini preduzimača. Nakon upornog javnog pritiska i zahteva da se ugovor objavi u skladu sa zakonom o dostupnosti informacija, Ministarstvo je veći deo ugovora objavilo na svojoj veb-stranici. Vlada je krajem godine započela realizaciju ugovora.

Odeljak 4 Stav vlade o istragama međunarodnih i nevladinih organizacija o navodnim slučajevima kršenja ljudskih prava

Brojne nezavisne domaće i međunarodne oganizacije za ljudska prava uglavnom su obavljale svoju delatnost, u čemu ih vlasti nisu ograničavale, vršile su istrage i objavljivale svoje nalaze o pojedinim slučajevima u vezi sa ljudskim pravima. Međutim, ove grupe su često bile predmet uznemiravanja, pretnji i sudskih sporova za klevete zbog izražavanja kritičkih stavova o vladi ili stavova suprotnih nacionalističkim pogledima na Kosovo, ICTY i ratove devedesetih godina. Istaknute organizacije za ljudska prava jesu Helsinški komitet za ljudska prava u Srbiji (HCS), Centar za humanitarno pravo (HLC), Advokatski komitet za ljudska prava (YUCOM), Fond za otvoreno društvo, Inicijativa mladih za ljudska prava (YIHR) i Beogradski centar za ljudska prava.

U julu je aktivistkinja YIHR-a Maja Stojanović izbegla zatvorsku kaznu nakon što je grupa nevladinih organizacija platila njenu novčanu kaznu. Opštinski sudija u Nišu naredio je ili da plati kaznu ili da izdrži desetodnevnu zatvorsku kaznu ukoliko do 25. jula ne plati novčanu globu. Novčana kazna je određena pošto je Stojanovićeva uhapšena 2005. zato što je postavljala plakate koji su pozivali na hapšenje haškog optuženika Ratka Mladića. Stojanovićeva je odlučila da kaznu ne plati u znak građanske neposlušnosti protestujući zbog selektivne primene zakona. Nevladine organizacije su kaznu platile nakon što je predsednik Tadić dao saopštenje da podržava stav Stojanovićeve.

Tokom godine, medijske kampanje protiv aktivista za ljudska prava dovele su do pretnji, uznemiravanja i napada na radnike nevladinih organizacija. Mediji su povremeno objavljivali njihove lične podatke kao što su etnička pripadnost i adresa. Dana 28. februara, tabloid Kurir je pozvao da se Ženska koalicija za mir krivično goni zbog podržavanja nezavisnosti Kosova. Dana 28. aprila, proradikalski list Pravda štampao je na osam strana tekst u kojem se nevladine organizacije napadaju kao neprijatelji zemlje, uključujući napade na direktorku HCS-a Sonju Biserko, HLC-a Natašu Kandić i direktorku YUCOM-a Biljanu Kovacević-Vučo.

Tokom godine radnici nevladinih organizacija bili su predmet nekolikih fizičkih napada i pretnji. Nevladine organizacije su prijavile da su vlasti često sporo reagovale u ovakvim slučajevima u smislu istrage i podnošenja krivičnih prijava. Dana 22. januara u Beogradu, grupa skinhedsa je napala Violetu Đikanović i Miloša Uroševića iz nevladine organizacije „Žene u crnom“. Nakon uvredljivih komentara na račun Uroševićeve seksualnosti, jedan od napadača je Đikanovićevu gurnuo niz stepenice; u bolnici joj je ukazana pomoć zbog povreda glave i tela. Đikanovićeva i Urošević su incident prijavili policiji i identifikovali jednog od napadača na osnovu fotografije. Međutim, osumnjičeni je imao alibi u vreme napada, i policija nije preuzela dalje mere.

Dana 24. januara u Nišu, nepoznati napadači su aktivistu YIHR-a Radojicu Bunčića udarili u lice i vređali. Policija je od Bunčića uzela iskaz ali nije identifikovala počinioce. Tokom godine druge mere nisu preduzimane.

Dana 11. jula u Nišu, mladi članovi „Moje inicijative“ postavili su plakate s pozivom na hapšenje haškog optuženika Mladića kad ih je napala šestorica muškaraca. Policija je pritvorila jednog napadača ali ga je pustila bez podnošenja krivične prijave. Vlasti nisu preduzele nikakve druge mere.

Marta 2006, HCS je bjavio izveštaj o napadima na branioce ljudskih prava u Srbiji. U izveštaju se s jedne strane hvali izvestan pozitivan napredak u pravnom pogledu, a s druge kritikuje to što vlada snažnije ne izražava osudu verbalnih i fizičkih napada na branioce ljudskih prava, kao i medijske kampanje koje za cilj imaju diskreditovanje lokalnih zagovornika ljudskih prava.

U julu je vlada postavila Sašu Jankovića za republičkog ombudsmana, što je funkcija koja je ustanovljena 2005. ali na koju ranije niko nije bio imenovam. Pokrajina Vojvodina imala je sopstvenog ombudsmana, koji je nezavisno radio tokom godine. Grad Kragujevac takođe je imao sopstvenog ombudsmana.

Tokom godine, vlada je pomogla u hapšenju Zdravka Tolimira i Vlastimira Đorđevića, dvojice od šestorice preostalih haških optuženika. Dvojica najtraženijih haških optuženika s vezama sa Srbijom, Ratko Mladić i Radovan Karadžić, i dalje su u bekstvu. I pored hapšenja, glavni tužilac ICTY-a Karla del Ponte navela je u svom decembarskom izveštaju Savetu bezbednosti UN-a da je razočarana što nije učinjeno više da se uhapse Mladić i Karadžić i da vlada ne sarađuje u potpunosti sa ICTY-om.

Iako ustav zabranjuje ekstradiciju bilo koje osobe koja ima srpsko državljanstvo i ova zabrana se primenjuje u praksi, zakon dozvoljava izuzetke u slučajevima ekstradicije građana ICTY-u.

Odeljak 5 Diskriminacija, društvene zloupotrebe i trgovina ljudima
Ustav i zakon zabranjuju diskriminaciju na osnovu rase, pola, umanjenih sposobnosti, jezika i društvenog položaja; međutim, diskriminacija žena i etničkih manjina kao i trgovina ljudima i nasilje nad ženama i decom predstavljali su problem.

Žene

Silovanje, uključujući i silovanje koje počini suprug, kažnjivo je zatvorskom kaznom u trajanju od jedne do četrdeset godina u lakšim slučajevima, dok je za teže slučajeve predviđena zatvorska kazna od najmanje tri godine, odnosno pet godina u slučaju smrtnog ishoda ili ukoliko je žrtva maloletna. Prema pretpostavkama advokata, samo mali broj silovanja se prijavljuje jer se žrtve plaše da će im se napadači osvetiti, ili da će doživeti poniženje na sudu. U retkim slučajevima, žrtve silovanja koje počini suprug podnose tužbu nadležnim organima. Ženske grupe su izvestile da su kazne često previše blage.

Nasilje nad ženama bilo je problem a visok stepen nasilja u porodici i dalje postoji. Nasilje u porodici je krivično delo za koje je zaprećena zatvorska kazna u trajanju od šest meseci do deset godina u zavisnosti od težine prestupa, dok je u slučaju smrtnog ishoda predviđena kazna od najmanje deset godina zatvora. Takve slučajeve je teško krivično goniti usled nedostatka svedoka i dokaza, kao i činjenice da svedoci i žrtve nerado svedoče. Studija o srpskim ženama koju je 2006. godine objavila Svetska zdravstvena organizacija navodi da su dve trećine žena izloženih fizičkom nasilju izjavile da nisu tražile pomoć jer su smatrale da je takvo maltretiranje normalno ili ga nisu smatrale ozbiljnim. Malobrojne zvanične agencije koje se bave nasiljem u porodici nemaju odgovarajuća sredstva.

U jednom izveštaju koji je priredilo i u aprilu objavilo nekoliko romskih nevladinih organizacija navodi se da je od polovine ispitanika koji su hteli da razgovaraju o nasilju u porodici preko 75 procenata prijavilo da je doživelo verbalno ili fizičko maltretiranje. Ispitanici su naveli da policija nije učinila ništa da ih zaštiti i da su bili isključeni iz nekih državnih sigurnih kuća.

Viktimološko društvo Srbije je u julu 2006. objavilo da je jedna trećina žena izložena fizičkom nasilju dok je polovina žena izložena psihičkom nasilju. Godine 2004. u Srbiji je bilo oko 4.900 prijavljenih slučajeva nasilja u porodici. Prema Udruženju sudija Srbije (MAS), međutim, nasilje u porodici se u veoma malom broju slučajeva prijavljuje, problem je široko rasprostranjen i obično dugotrajan. Nasilje često postaje način života u zemlji gde preovladavaju faktori koji tome doprinose kao što su finansijska zavisnost, prenatrpan životni prostor (uobičajeno je da više generacija u porodici živi zajedno), i nedostatak podrške šire porodice.
Tokom godine, MAS je učestvovao u nizu seminara i obuci za sudije koji treba da sude u predmetima nasilja u porodici. Centar za autonomna ženska prava u Beogradu otvorio je dežurnu telefonsku liniju za žrtve silovanja i supružničkog zlostavljanja i pokrovitelj je određenog broja samoorganizovanih grupa za pomoć. Savetodavni centar za nasilje u porodici drži prihvatilište za žrtve nasilja u porodici koje vlada delimično finansira. Dana 22. novembra, vlada je otvorila sopstveno prihvatilište u Beogradu za žrtve nasilja u porodici. Medijska kuća B92 vodila je kampanju sa Savetodavnim centrom za nasilje u porodici kako bi se prikupila sredstva za prihvatilište koje će biti sagrađeno u saradnji sa gradom Beogradom.

Prostitucija je nezakonita mada se klijenti osoba koje se bave prostitucijom ne smatraju krivičnim prestupnicima.

Seksualno uznemiravanje je bilo uobičajeni problem, ali se o tome i dalje malo zna a tokom godine podnet je mali broj prijava. Po zakonu je seksualno uznemiravanje krivično delo za koje je zaprećena kazna zatvorom u trajanju do šest meseci u lakšim slučajevima, odnosno do godinu dana kod zlostavljanja podređenog službenika ili štićenika.

Žene imaju jednaka zakonska prava kao i muškarci, uključujući ovde i jednakost po zakonu o porodici, zakonu o imovini i u sudskom sistemu i ova prava se generalno primenjuju u praksi. Vlada ima Savet za jednakost polova koji je tokom godine radio sa nevladinim organizacijama na podizanju javne svesti o pitanjima jednakosti polova. Vlada Vojvodine takođe ima Sekretarijat za rad, zapošljavanje i jednakost polova. Misija OEBS-a u Srbiji pomogla je da se osnuju lokalna tela zadužena za jednakost polova u više od trideset opština.

Tradicionalna shvatanja uloge polova, posebno u seoskim sredinama, za posledicu imaju diskriminaciju žena. U zabačenim seoskim sredinama, posebno u nekim manjinskim zajednicama, žene nemaju pravo upravljanja imovinom. U seoskim sredinama i nekim manjinskim zajednicama, uobičajeno je da muž određuje ženi kako će glasati.

Društveni položaj žena se generalno smatra inferiornim u odnosu na onaj koji imaju muškarci a zastupljenost žena u poslovanju nije velika. Žene po zakonu imaju pravo da za isti posao dobiju jednaku novčanu nadoknadu kao muškarci; međutim, prema Međunarodnoj helsinškoj federaciji za ljudska prava, prosečna plata žena je za 11 procenata niža od one koju dobijaju muškarci.

Deca

Vlada je predano radila na pravima i dobrobiti dece.

Romske prdice su imale poteškće u prijavljivanju novorođene dece, uglavnom zato što nemaju stalne adrese ili što roditelji ne poseduju lična dokumenta.

Obrazovni sistem predviđa obavezno i besplatno devetogodišnje školovanje, uključujući i predškolsko obrazovanje. Međutim, etničke predrasude, kulturne norme i ekonomska oskudica nepovoljno deluju na neku decu, posebno Rome, kad je u pitanju pohađanje škole. Po jednom vladinom izveštaju o napretku u smanjenju siromaštva, otprilike 95 procenata dece počelo je pohađanje škole na vreme, a otprilike 76 do 86 procenata dece stasale za srednju školu pohađa nastavu. Međutim, u izveštaju se navodi da je pohađanje škole kod dece iz ugroženih sredina, uključujući Rome i siromašnu populaciju, na znatno nižem nivou. Samo 14,4 procenata dece u seoskim sredinama pohađa pripremnu školu.

Obrazovanje Roma je predstavljalo problem. Mnoga romska deca, pogotovo ženska, ne idu u osnovnu školu, navodno ili iz porodičnih razloga, zato što nemaju lična dokumenta, zato što su nadležni u školi ocenili da nisu zreli, ili zbog društvenih predrasuda. U nekim slučajevima, deca koja jesu pohađala školu, smeštana su u posebna, isključivo romska odeljenja, ili u grupu koja je u dnu učionice na redovnoj nastavi. Malobrojni nastavnici govore romski jezik, a mnoga romska deca nisu naučila srpski jezik. Neka romska deca su greškom smeštena u škole za decu sa posebnim potrebama jer im je bilo teško da uspešno rešavaju standardizovane testove na srpskom jeziku zbog romskog jezika i kulturnih normi. Prema izveštaju iz 2005. o rasizmu u istočnoj Srbiji koji je pripremio Forum za etničke odnose i međunarodnu saradnju, premda 70 procenata romske dece koja pohađaju školu u urbanim sredinama završe osnovno šklovanje, a u seoskim sredinama takvih je svega 10 procenata. Uz pomoć Vlade, UNHCR je za Rome organizovao zdravstvene obrazovne programe a za romsku decu predškolske programe.

Po zakonu je besplatna medicinska nega bila omogućena u državnim bolnicama, a postoji i spisak ograničenog broja lekova koji su takođe besplatni. Međutim, ima izveštaja da neke osobe imaju ograničen pristup lekovima što je posledica korupcije. Dečaci i devojčice imaju podjednako pravo na zdravstvenu zaštitu; romska deca, međutim, često nisu vakcinisana.

Zlostavljanje dece predstavljalo je problem. Prema izveštaju o Strategiji za smanjenje siromaštva, tokom 2006. bilo je više prijavljenih slučajeva porodičnog nasilja. Iako je nastavnom osoblju naloženo da prijave slučajeve u kojima sumnjaju da se radi o zlostavljanju dece, to se često ne radi. Policija je uglavnom reagovala na prijave i tokom godine su vođeni krivični postupci u slučajevima zlostavljanja dece. Psihološka i pravna pomoć je omogućena žrtvama, a takođe postoji i centar za traume od incesta.

Dečji brakovi su problem u nekim zajednicama, posebno među Romima i u seoskim sredinama na jugu i istoku Srbije. U romskoj zajednici, dečaci i devojčice generalno stupaju u brak između četrnaeste i osamnaeste godine, prosečno u šesnaestoj godini života, a dečaci se načelno žene nekoliko godina kasnije od devojčica. Dečji brakovi su najčešći kod Aškalija muslimana, od kojih je većina sa Kosova a žive u drugim delovima zemlje kao interno raseljena lica.

Trgovina ljudima

Zakon zabranjuje trgovinu ljudima; međutim, ima izveštaja o trgovini ljudima preko, u i iz Srbije u cilju seksualne eksploatacije, rada i prosjačenja.

Srbija je tranzitno područje i zemlja-izvor i odredište za trgovinu ženama i decom u cilju seksualne eksploatacije. U odnosu na prethodne godine, povećana je trgovina domaćim stanovništvom u odnosu na žrtve iz inostranstva. Srbija je tranzitno područje za žene, žrtve trgovine ljudima, koje idu u druge balkanske zemlje i Zapadnu Evropu. Primarne zemlje-izvori za trgovinu ljudima u Srbiju i iz nje jesu istočnoevropske zemlje. Nevladine organizacije su izvestile o kontinuiranom povećanju broja maloletnih žrtava, premda je ovo možda posledica povećanog monitoringa i poboljšane identifikacije žrtava.

Tokom 2006. su Ministarstvo za rad, zapošljavanje i socijalnu politiku i nevladina organizacija Centar za prava dece objavili rezultate izveštaja koji je pokazao da su romska deca, deca iz siromašnih, seoskih zajednica i starateljskih porodica u najvećoj opasnosti od zloupotrebljavanja dečjeg rada, uključujući prosjačenje, krađe, prostituciju, prodaju narkotika i težak fizički rad. Neka romska deca bila su žrtve trgovine ljudima unutar romske zajednice a i prodavana su Romima u unostranstvu zarad eksploatacije u prosjačenju i lopovskim bandama.

Trgovci ljudima su bili uglavnom deo malih kriminalnih grupa sa međunarodnim vezama. Za razliku od prethodnih godina, nije bilo identifikovanih slučajeva vezanih za velike organizovane kriminalne grupe. U nekim slučajevima, prijatelji ili članovi porodice omogućili su kontakt između trgovaca ljudima i njihovih žrtava.

Trgovci ljudima su žrtve vrbovali putem oglasa u kojima se tražila pratnja, navodile bračne i poslovne ponude. Neke žene su svesno odlazile da rade kao prostitutke da bi tek kasnije postale žrtve trgovine ljudima. Vlasti su prijavile da je povećana upotreba interneta i SMS poruka kao metoda vrbovanja žrtava.

Vlasti su povećale sredstva za antitrafiking programe. Krivični zakon razlikuje trgovinu ljudima i krijumčarenje. Za trgovinu ljudima zaprećena je kazna od dve do deset godina zatvora; za trgovinu maloletnicima, kazna od najmanje tri godine zatvora; ukoliko se trgovina ljudima završi smrtnim ishodom, kazna je najmanje deset godina zatvora; ukoliko dođe do teških telesnih povreda, kazna je od tri do petnaest godina; u slučajevima višestruke trgovine ljudima ili ukoliko ju je počinila organizovana grupa, kazna je najmanje pet godina zatvora.

Tokom godine vlasti su podnele 26 krivičnih prijava protiv 57 lica zbog trgovine ljudima. Državni službenici procenjuju da se broj neidentifikovanih slučajeva povećao. Antitrafiking grupe radile su sa 185 žrtava trgovine ljudima, uključujući 60 žrtava identifikovanih tokom godine

Vlasti su sarađivale u borbi protiv trgovine ljudima sa susednim zemljama, uključujući Bosnu i Hercegovinu, Hrvatsku, Mađarsku, Sloveniju, Bugarsku, Rumuniju, Grčku i Ukrajinu. Međutim, Ustav zabranjuje ekstradiciju građana, uključujući i one sa dvojnim državljanstvom (izuzev ekstradicija ICTY-u za ratne zločine) i vlasti nisu ekstraditovale nijednog državljanina koji je za trgovinu ljudima optužen u drugim zemljama.

Dana 17. novembra, vršilac dužnosti javnog tužioca u Novom Pazaru, Slobodan Radovanović, izvestio je o hapšenju zamenika javnog tužioca Nenada Palamara, koji navodno nije vodio istragu niti je prijavio žrtve trgovine ljudima koje rade kao prostitutke u noćnom klubu u Novom Pazaru i navodno seksualno zlostavljao te žrtve. Do kraja godine suđenje nije počelo.

Napore vlasti protiv trgovine ljudima predvodio je antitrafiking koordinator koji je bio šef pogranične policije i združenih državnih službi, nevladinih i međunarodnih organizacija. Policijske snage za organizovani kriminal uključuju zasebnu jedinicu za antitrafiking, a pogranična policija ima zasebnu kancelariju za borbu protiv trgovine ljudima i krijumčarenja stranih državljana. Vlasti su pomagale u međunarodnim istragama o trgovini ljudima i učestvovale u regionalnim antitrafiking operacijama.

Vlasti su ponudile privremene boravišne vize i prihvatilište žrtvama koje su pristale da svedoče protiv svojih trgovaca, obezbedile zaštitu žrtava i svedoka, i nisu krivično gonile žrtve.

Vladina agencija za koordinaciju i zaštitu žrtava radila je na pravilnoj identifikaciji žrtava i njihovom upućivanju službama za pomoć. Sve policijske stanice imaju centralne punktove za trgovinu ljudima kako bi pružile brzu reakciju i pomoć mogućim žrtvama. Posebna prihvatilišta za domaće i strane žrtve trgovine ljudima radila su tokom godine. Nevladina organizacija „Astra“ ima dežurnu telefonsku službu za žrtve trgovine ljudima. Nevladine organizacije i dobrovoljci žrtvama su pružali pravnu, medicinsku, psihološku i drugu pomoć. Nevladina organizacija „Atina“ vodi dugoročni program reintegracije za žrtve seksualnog izrabljivanja.

Za razliku od prethodnih godina, Međunarodna organizacija za migracije (IOM) nije imala sredstava za repatrijaciju stranih žrtava i više nije upravljala regionalnim centrom za informacije o žrtvama trgovine ljudima.

IOM i OEBS su finansirali programe obuke, uključujući obuku za dobrovoljce pri dežurnim telefonskim linijama, prihvatilišta, socijalne radnike i policiju.

Napori vlasti i nevladinih organizacija na podizanju javne svesti u cilju borbe protiv trgovine ljudima obuhvataju konferencije na ovu temu, dokumentarne filmove i javno informisanje, a programi obuhvataju i škole. Nevladine organizacije nastavile su da organizuju i finansiraju većinu kampanja za podizanje javne svesti u Srbiji. Vlada je delimično finansirala televizijsku seriju od 13 epizoda pod naslovom „Moderno ropstvo“, posvećenu povećanju svesti o trgovini ljudima.

Osobe sa umanjenim sposobnostima

Ustav i zakon zabranjuju diskriminaciju osoba sa umanjenim sposobnostima prilikom zapošljavanja, obrazovanja, u pogledu dostupnosti zdravstvene zaštite ili u pružanju drugih državnih usluga, i vlada je generalno primenjivala ovaj zakon. Međutim, pomanjkanje prilaza javnim zgradama i javnom prevozu bilo je problem. Centar za samostalan život (CIL), nevladina organizacija za prava osoba sa umanjenim sposobnostima, prijavila je da većina osoba sa umanjenim sposobnostima živi izolovano od svojih zajednica i da objekti za njihovo obrazovanje i negu ne postoje ili su neadekvatni. Visoka stopa nezaposlenosti i nedostatak smeštaja otežavaju zapošljavanje osoba sa umanjenim sposobnostima. Premda nije bilo izveštaja o otvorenoj diskriminaciji osoba sa umanjenim fizičkim ili mentalnim sposobnostima, CIL je prijavio da je teško odrediti ima li diskriminacije pri zapošljavanju zato što poslodavci obično daju druge razloge zbog kojih nisu zaposlili osobe sa umanjenim sposbnostima.

Zakonom je propisano omogućavanje pristupa osoba sa umanjenim sposobnostima novim javnim zgradama i vlada je generalno primenjivala ovaj propis u praksi.

Nezaposlenost je i dalje ozbiljan problem osoba sa umanjenim sposobnostima. Studija koju su objavili 2006. Centar za razvoj angažmana i Centar za alternativne studije pokazuje da je 87 procenata osoba sa umanjenim sposobnostima nezaposleno a da 70 procenata živi u siromaštvu. Studija takođe pokazuje da je veći procenat žena s umanjenim sposobnostima zavistan od javne pomoći u poređenju sa muškarcima sa umanjenim sposobnostima.

U izveštaju objavljenom u februaru, HCS navodi da su uslovi u psihijatrijskim bolnicama u zemlji čest neadekvatni i da osoblje nije obučeno za ovakve slučajeve. Većina institucija su veliki objetki izolovani od zajednice. Mnogi pacijenti ostaju u institucijama po deset ili dvadeset godina zato što nema drugih mogućnosti. Prava psihijatrijskih bolesnika nisu zaštićena ni zakonom ni propisima. HCS je prijavio da su neki pacijenti protiv svoje volje zatvoreni u zaključana odeljenja duže nego što je medicinski opravdano i da može doći do zloupotrebe lečenja, kao što je dugotrajna fizička imobilizacija.

Dana 21. novembra, Međunarodna organizacija za prava osoba sa umanjenim mentalnim sposobnostima (MDRI) objavila je izveštaj o državnim objektima za osobe sa umanjenim mentalnim sposobnostima. Izveštaj pod naslovom „Mučenje a ne lečenje“ kritikovao je ustanove u kojima su higijena i lečenje bolesnika neadekvatni. Izveštaj takođe navodi nedostatak obuke osoblja i pomanjkanje nadzora nad njihovim aktivnostima, što za posledicu ima zlostavljanje pacijenata. MDRI je kao primere naveo pacijente koji su neprestano vezani za krevete. Ministarstvo za socijalna pitanja je primetilo da, iako su u izveštaju delimično tačno opisane najgore institucije, uslovi nisu tako ekstremni u svim objektima.

Nacionalne/rasne/etničke manjine

Manjine čine 25 do 30 procenata stanovništva u Srbiji i podrazumevaju etničke Mađare, Bošnjake, Rome, Slovake, Rumune, Vlahe, Bugare, Hrvate, Albance i druge.

Romi, koji čine 1,4 procenta populacije, i dalje su meta brojnih slučajeva policijskog nasilja, verbalnog i fizičkog uznemiravanja običnih građana i socijalne diskriminacije.

U januaru u selu Međa u opštini Leskovac, na 30 romskih kuća sprejom su ispisani svastike i antirmski grafiti. Policija je uzela izjave ali tokom godine nije preduzela druge mere.

Dana 6. februara, grupa Srba je napala predsednika i nekoliko članova Demokratskog udruženja Roma u Beogradu. HCS je prijavio da je saobraćajna policija prisustvovala događaju ali nije intervenisala i da je takođe bilo rasističkih komentara na račun žrtava. Policija je uzela izjave žrtava ali tokom godine nije preduzela druge mere.

U avgustu se desio niz napada na Rome u Beogradu, uključujući uništavanje kuća, napade i grafite koji odražavaju govor mržnje. Policija je odgovorila da se istraga vrši ali do kraja godine niko nije uhapšen.

U izveštaju o Razvojnom prgramu UN-a za socijalno ugrižene, objavljenom u julu 2006, navodi se da romska populacija i dalje živi u uslovima krajnjeg siromaštva s ograničenim pristupom obrazovanju i zdravstvenoj zaštiti. U izveštaju se navodi da je stanje Roma u zemlji i daje uglavnom nepromenjeno od početka pružanja pomoći.

Mnogi Romi, uključujući interno raseljena lica sa Kosova, žive nezakonito u bespravnim naseljima u kojima ne postoje osnovne usluge kao što su školstvo, zdravstvena zaštita, vodovod i kanalizacija. Neka naselja se nalaze na vrednim industrijskim ili komercijalnim zemljištima gde su privatni vlasnici želeli da preuzmu kontrolu; neka se nalaze u prostorijama preduzeća u državnom vlasništvu koja treba da budu privatizovana. Tokom godine, beogradske vlasti ponovo su sprečile rušenje jednog naselja na privatizovanom zemljištu dok ne budu mogli da obezbede drugi smeštaj Romima koji ovde žive, ali vlasti i dalje teško uspevaju da nađu rešenje.

Mada ne u velikoj meri, ipak je bilo slučajeva vandalskog ponašanja i nekih fizičkih napada na pripadnike manjina u Vojvodini. Broj napada na etničke Mađare u Vojvodini ostao je mali, a manjinski lideri su izvestili da je situacija mirna. Vojvođanski i srpski državni zvaničnici nastavili su da primenjuju strategiju koja se sastoji od deset tačaka, usvojenu 2005. godine, u cilju poboljšanja etničkih odnosa u pokrajini, uključujući edukativne programe, kampanje za podizanje javne svesti i veću zastupljenost manjina u policiji i sudstvu.

Politički lideri u Vojvodini i dalje su imali prigovore na ustav iz 2006. Iako Ustav Vojvodini prividno daje veći deo poreskih prihoda nego što je pokrajina ranije dobijala, on joj takođe dalje ograničava autonomiju. Samo 48 procenata vojvođanskog izbornog tela glasalo je na referendumu o ustavu, dok je samo 14 procenata etničkih Mađara učestvovalo. Politički lideri vojvođanskih Mađara navodili su ove ustavne „nedostatke“ kao dokaz neuspeha vlade da uključi manjine u stvaranje politike.

Zakonom je predviđena zvanična upotreba maternjeg jezika i pisma nacionalne manjine koja ima 15 procenata stanovništva u datom području. Međutim, u junu je YIHR prijavio da su nazivi naselja i ulica napisani samo na srpskom i to ćirilicom u šest opština u Vojvodini gde postoje velike populacije etničkih Čeha, Mađara i Rumuna.

Vođe etničkih Albanaca u južnim opštinama Preševo, Bujanovac i Medveđa nastavili su sa pritužbama u vezi sa nedovoljnom zastupljenosti etničkih Albanaca u strukturama vlasti i lobirali za veću političku autonomiju u sredinama gde preovlađuju etnički Albanci. Na januarskim parlamentarnim izborima etnički Albanici na jugu Srbije okončali su decenijski bojkot nacionalnih izbora i izabrali jednog predstavnika.

U septembru je vlada najavila reorganizaciju Koordinacionog tela za jug Srbije, koje kordiniše politiku i pomoć ovom regionu. Vođe etničkih Albanaca su se žalile da ih vlada nije konsultovala pre objavljivanja ove izjave i da predložene izmene ne obuhvataju najneodložnije probleme u regionu kao što je obrazovanje i zdravstvena zaštita. U decembru je predsednik Koordinacionog tela posetio region kako bi predstavio petogodišnji plan Koordinacionog tela za region i podstaknuo lokalne lidere da učestvuju u organizaciji.

U cilju rešavanja otvorenih pitanja manjinskih zajednica, država obezbeđuje dežurnu telefonsku liniju za manjine i ostale za probleme u vezi sa ljudskim pravima. Pod pokroviteljstvom vlade takođe su održavani školski programi za edukaciju dece na temu manjinskih kultura i promovisanja tolerancije. Nastava je alternativa veronauci „tradicionalnih“ verskih grupa.

Ostale društvene zloupotrebe i diskriminacija

Nasilje i diskriminacija homoseksualaca bila je problem. Neke nevladine organizacije su izvestile da se homoseksualcima uskraćuju jednake mogućnosti pri zapošljavanju i obrazovanju. Ispitivanje koje je 2006. obavljeno u organizaciji Inicijative mladih za ljudska prava pokazuje da lezbijke, biseksualci, gej i transgender osobe u velikoj meri doživljavaju pretnje, govor mržnje, verbalne napade i fizičko nasilje. Antidiskriminaciona koalicija kritikovala je pomanjkanje reakcija policije na tri napada na vlasnike dva kluba u Beogradu u koje dolaze homoseksualci, koji su se dogodili 12. oktobra i 3. novembra. Nevladine organizacije okarakterisale su napade kao deo antigej kampanje.

Iako zakon o radiodifuziji zabranjuje diskriminaciju na osnovu seksualne orijentacije, mediji su prenosili sadržaje uvredljive za homoseksualce.

Organizacije za ljudska prava povremeno su bile napadane zbog svoje podrške pravima homseksualaca što je ponekad dovodilo do uznemiravanja. Na primer, 28. februara u Nišu, dva člana YIHR-a pratila su i uznemiravala nepoznata lica koja su izražavala bes što ovi „štite homoseksualce i lezbijke“ i optužila ih da su anti-Srbi.

U anketi koju je 2006. godine sprovela organizacija za lezbijska prava Labris, 65 procenata homoseksualnih ispitanika tvrdilo je da su doživeli nasilje zbog svoje seksualne orijentacije. Samo deset procenata ispitanika nasilje je prijavilo policiji.

Nevladine organizacije prijavile su slučajeve diskriminacije lica zaraženih HIV virusom ili obolelih od side, uključujući otpuštanje s posla i uznemiravanje u susedstvu. Nevladina organizacija „Sunce“ sapštila je da strah od diskriminacije mnoge osobe sprečava da odu na testiranje, pa je stoga pravi broj HIV-pozitivnih lica u zemlji i do deset puta veći od registrovanih 2,088.

Odeljak 6 Prava radnika

a. Pravo na udruživanje

Zakon i ustav propisuju da svi radnici, izuzev vojnog i policijskog osoblja, imaju pravo da se učlane ili osnivaju sindikate po svom izboru, što je uslovljeno restrikcijama u koje spada odobrenje Ministarstva za rad i izjava poslodavca da je vođa sindikata u stalnom radnom odnosu, a što se navodno svodi na to da je neophodna i dozvola poslodavca. Državni savez sindikata preovlađuje u organizovanom poslovnom sektoru pošto upravama državnih delatnosti koje dominiraju privredom više odgovaraju sindikati koji su članovi ovog saveza. Manji savezi nezavisnih sindikata uspešno konkurišu državnom savezu. U državnom sektoru, 61 procenat radnika učlanjen je u sindikate. U privatnom sektoru, 13 procenata članovi su sindikata, što je više nego prethodne godine.

Zakon ne zabranjuje diskriminaciju sindikata. Prema sindikatu „Nezavisnost“, tokom godine je bilo slučajeva otpuštanja i suspendovanja s posla radi sindikalne aktivnosti. Jedan poslodavac je prislio radnike da se premeste u drugi ogranak preduzeća nadajući se da će radnici dati otkaz. Predmet je na sudu.

b. Pravo na organizovanje i kolektivno pregovaranje

Zakon i ustav dozvoljavaju da sindikati neometano obavljaju svoje aktivnosti, a vlada je to pravo štitila u praksi. Zakon štiti pravo na organizovanje i kolektivno pregovaranje, i to pravo se slobodno ostvarivalo u praksi. Zakon o radu iz 2005. propisuje da svako preduzeće sa više od deset zaposlenih mora imati sporazum o kolektivnom pregovaranju. Međutim, da bi se sa poslodavcem pregovaralo, u sindikat mora biti učlanjeno 15 posto zaposlenih. Da bi se pregovaralo sa vladom, u sindikat mora biti učlanjeno 10 posto svih zaposlenih. Zaostaci u isplatama zarada su značajni i široko rasprostranjeni. Sporazumom o kolektivnom pregovaranju obuhvaćeno je otprilike 40 procenata svih zaposlenih.

Zakon i ustav predviđaju pravo na štrajk osim za osobe koje obezbeđuju neophodne usluge kao što su obrazovanje, električna energija i poštanske usluge. Ovi zaposleni čine otprilike 50 procenata svih zaposlenih i štrajk moraju najaviti najmanje petnaest dana unapred i obezbediti „minimalni proces rada“. Radnici su koristili pravo na štrajk.

Srbija i dalje nema opšti kolektivni sporazum pošto je prethodni istekao septembra 2005. Posle neuspešnih pregovora 2006. godine, tokom ove godine nije bilo razgovora. U nedostatku opšteg kolektivnog sporazuma, strukovni i lokalni sporazumi se mogu potpisati na osnovu odredaba zakona o radu. U slučaju da u preduzeću ne postoji predstavnik sindikata u preduzeću, poslodavac je dužan da minimalne radne standarde uspostavi na osnovu zakona o radu.

Ne postoje izvozne zone.

c. Zabrana prinudnog ili obaveznog rada

Zakonom je zabranjen prinudni i obavezni rad, uključujući i rad dece; međutim, žene i dece su bili žrtve trgovine ljudima u svrhu komercijalnog seksualnog eksploatisanja, rada i prosjačenja.

d. Zabrana rada dece i donja starosna granica pri zapošljavanju

Vlada efikasno primenjuje zakone koji decu štite od eksploatacije pri radu; međutim, ima izveštaja da su dece bila žrtve trgovine ljudima u svrhu komercijalnog seksualnog eksploatisanja, rada i prosjačenja.

U seoskim i poljoprivrednim zajednicama uobičajeno da mlađa deca pomažu svojim porodicama u poslu. Deca, naročito romska, takođe obavljaju razne neprijavljene sitne poslove, obično peru prozore na automobilima ili prodaju manje stvari kao što su novine. Romsku decu često njihove porodice prisiljavaju na fizički rad, teraju na prosjačenje, ili ih prodaju u inostranstvo gde se organizovano bave prosjačenjem ili krađom.

Donja starosna granica pri zapošljavanju jeste petnaest godina, a za radnike mlađe od osamnaest godina potrebna je pismena dozvola roditelja ili staratelja. Zakon o radu propisuje veoma određene uslove za rad mladih radnika i ograničava radnu nedelju na 35 radnih sati.

Inspekcija rada pri Ministarstvu za rad, zapošljavanje i socijalna pitanja proveravala je tokom inspekcije da li postoji rad dece; međutim, Ministarstvo je izvestilo da tokom godine nije naišlo na kršenje zakona u ovom pogledu. Odsustvo ovakvih prekršaja najverovatnije je posledica toga što inspektori imaju ograničene mogućnosti za monitoring. Nema pouzdanih podataka o radu dece usled nedostatka mehanizama za praćenje ovog problema. Tokom godine nije bilo izveštaja o kršenju propisa o radu dece. Ministarstvo je takođe uvrstilo prevenciju zapošljavanja dece u svoje redovne programe za zaštitu dece i porodice.

e. Prihvatljivi uslovi rada

U periodu juli-decembar u Srbiji je minimalnu mesečnu zaradu odredio Socijalno-ekonomski savet na otprilike 205 dolara (11.094 dinara). Minimalna zarada nije bila dovoljna za pristojan životni standard radnika i njegove porodice. U preduzećima gde postoje sindikati, minimalna zarada je uglavnom efikasno primenjena. Ovo nije bio slučaj u manjim privatnim preduzećima, a radnici se često plaše da će izgubiti posao jer mnogi od njih nisu prijavljeni kao zaposleni. Inspekcija rada je odgovorna za primenu minimalne zarade.

Prema podacima objavljenim krajem godine, prosečna plata je u novembru iznosila oko 524 dolara (29.373 dinara) ili 26 dolara (1.468 dinara) dnevno ili 3 dolara (183 dinara) na sat. Dve prosečne plate potrebne su da bi se pokrili prosečni mesečni troškovi.

Standardna radna nedelja od 40 časova generalno se poštovala u državnim preduzećima ali ne i u privatnim firmama. Prema zakonu zaposleni ne može da radi prekovremeno duže od 4 sata dnevno ili više od 240 sati tokom jedne kalendarske godine. Za vreme osmočasovnog radnog dana, propisana je pauza od 30 minuta. Tokom radne nedelje između dve smene mora proći najmanje dvanaest časova, a tokom vikenda – najmanje 24.

Kolektivnim sporazumima regulisano je plaćanje prekovremenog rada. Međutim, zakon o radu propisuje da nadoknada za prekovremeni rad treba da bude u vrednosti od najmanje 26 procenata osnovne plate, kako je definisano relevantnim kolektivnim sporazumom. Sindikati u okviru preduzeća su primarni posrednici u primeni plaćanja prekovremenog rada; međutim, Inspekcija rada takođe snosi odgovornost u ovom pogledu. Inspektorat je imao mešovite rezultate u pogledu primene propisa o radu usled raznih faktora, uključujući i politiku i korupciju.

Svako preduzeće je obavezno da oformi odeljenje za sigurnost i bezbednost koje treba da primenjuje sigurnosne i bezbednosne propise; međutim, u praksi ova odeljenja su često usredsređena na elementarne aspekte sigurnosti kao što je kupovina sapuna i deterdženata a ne na nabavku sigurnosne opreme za radnike. Radnici nisu imali pravo da se sklone u situacijama kada su im zdravlje ili sigurnost bili ugroženi a da pri tom ne budu u opasnosti da izgube posao.

KOSOVO

Kosovo ima otprilike 2.2 miliona stanovnika i nalazi se pod upravom Privremene administrativne misije Ujedinjenih nacija na Kosovu (UNMIK) u skladu sa Rezolucijom 1244 Saveta bezbednosti Ujedinjenih nacija (UNSC)iz 1999. Na čelu UNMIK-a je specijalni predstavnik generalnog sekretara UN-a za Kosovo (SRSG). UNMIK donosi propise u vezi sa građanskim i pravnim obavezama vladinih organa i privatnih lica i ratifikuje zakone usvojene u Skupštini Kosova. UNMIK je doneo Ustavni okvir za privremenu samoupravu Kosova kojim se definišu privremene institucije samouprave (PISG). Višestranački izbori za poslanička mesta u Skupštini Kosova u novembru uglavnom su odražavali volju birača. Tokom godine, pod pokroviteljstvom UN-a vođeni su pregovori o rešavanju statusa Kosova. Do kraja godine nije doneta odluka. Međunarodne civilne vlasti UNMIK-a i Mirovne snage na Kosovu (KFOR), koje, pod okriljem UN-a, predvodi NATO, uglavnom su održale efikasnu kontrolu nad snagama bezbednosti.

UNMIK i PISG su generalno poštovali ljudska prava lokalnog stanovništva; međutim, bilo je problema u određenim oblastima, posebno u vezi sa manjinskim stanovništvom. Najozbiljniji problemi bili su: politički i etnički motivisano nasilje, povrede od neeksplodiranih naprava i nagaznih mina, dugotrajan pritvor pre suđenja i nedostatak pravovremenog sudskog postupka, korupcija i mešanje vlade u sudstvo, društvena averzija prema Srbima i Srpskoj pravoslavnoj crkvi, nedostatak napretka u povratku interno raseljenih lica njihovim kućama, korupcija PISG-a, nasilje i diskriminacija žena, trgovina ljudima, naročito devojkama i ženama u cilju seksualne eksploatacije, društveno nasilje, zloupotreba i diskriminacija manjinskih zajednica, društvena diskriminacija osoba sa umanjenim sposobnostima, zlostavljanje i diskriminacija homoseksualaca, i rad dece u nezvaničnom sektoru.

POŠTOVANJE LJUDSKIH PRAVA

Odeljak 1 Poštovanje integriteta ličnosti koje zabranjuje:

a. Proizvoljno ili nezakonito lišavanje života

Vlada i njeni organi nisu počinili nezakonita ili proizvoljna ubistva; međutim, UNMIK-ove bezbednosne snage ubile su dve osobe za vreme demonstracija.

Za vreme demonstracija Pokreta za samoopredeljenje 10. februara, UNMIK-ove bezbednosne snage ubile su dva civila gumenim mecima i teško ranili još dve osobe. Posle ovog incidenta, komesar UNMIK-ove policije Stiven Kertis i ministar unutrašnjih poslova Fatmir Redžepi dali su ostavke. U julu, nakon preliminarne istrage, UNMIK-ovo Odeljenje pravde zaključilo je da su ljudske žrtve bile neopravdane i da se na osnovu činjenica osnovano sumnja na krivično delo bezbednosnog osoblja koje je pucalo gumenim mecima. UNMIK-ovo Odeljenje pravde takođe je zaključilo da nema dovoljno dokaza za podizanje optužbe protiv konkretnih lica. Istraga, koja krajem godine nije još bila završena, ustanovila je da su bezbednosne snage koristile gumene metke kojima je odabno prošao rok upotrebe. Stoga je UNMIK zabranio da njegove bezbednosne snage koriste gumene metke. Albin Kurti, vođa takozvanog Pokreta za samoopredeljenje optužen je za učestvovanje i organizovanje mase koja je počinila krivično delo, učestvovanje i predvođenje grupe koja je ometala službenike u izvršavanju svojih zadataka, i pozivanje na otpor. Suđenje Albinu Krutiju nije okončano do kraja godine. Nekoliko međunarodnih organizacija za ljudska prava izrazilo je zabrinutost zbog vremena koje je Kurti proveo u pritvoru pre suđenja i UNMIK-ovog vođenja sudskog postupka.

Nije bilo pomaka u slučaju Hetema Sadrija Redžaja koji je decembra 2006. ubijen u policijskom pritvoru u Peći.

Za razliku od 2006. godine, nije bilo izveštaja o stradalima od nagaznih mina i neeksplodiranih naprava zastalih iz sukoba 1998-1999.

Nije bilo pomaka u istragama u sledećim ubistvima koja su možda politički motivisana: Marka Orošija ubijenog maja 2006, osumnjičenog za ubistvo advokata i političkog aktiviste Demokratske lige Kosova (LDK) u Istoku Šabana Manaja 2001; ubistvo kosovskog Srbina Dragana Popovića ubijenog juna 2006. u njegovoj kući u etnički mešovitoj opštini Klini.

Za razliku od prethodnih godina, nije bilo očigledno politički motivisanih ubistava policajaca. Međutim, tokom godine su ubijena dva službenika Kosovske policijske službe (KPS). Dana 3. januara, policajac Avni Kosumi je ubijen pošto je na njega pucano u blizini sela Babin Most dok se vozio autoputem Priština-Mitrovica. Bio je sa još dvojicom službenika KPS-a koji u to vreme nisu bili na dužnosti. KPS do kraja godine nije završio istragu.

Dana 30. avgusta, policajac KPS-a Triumf Riza umro je u bolnici ubrzo nakon što je na njega pucano na prištinskom parkingu. Dana 1. septembra, Arben Beriša je priznao da je počinio ubistvo i predao se policiji. Lokalni kriminalac Enver Sekiraća javno je optužen za umešanost u ubistvo; istraga KPS-a o njegovim navodnim vezama sa zločinom do kraja godine nije završena.

Pred međunarodnim sudijama 2006. je počelo suđenje za ubistvo optuženima Škumbinu Mehmetiju, Florimu Ejupiju, Nazimu Kadriju, Arbenu Ahmetiju i Arsimu Rašitiju. Aprila 2005. osumnjičeni su optuženi za ubistvo pripadnika KPS-a i policajca UNMIK-a iz zasede na podujevskom putu posle martovskih nereda 2004. Dana 9. novembra, Okružni sud u Prištini osudio je Mehmetija za teško ubistvo, pokušaj ubistva i po tri tačke za nedozvoljeno posedovanje oružja, dok ga je oslobodio po ostalim tačkama optužnice. Škumbin Mehmeti je osuđen na 30 godina zatvra. Florim Ejupi, Nazim Kadriju, Arben Ahmeti i Arsim Rašiti oslobođeni su svih optužbi. Sud je posebnom odlukom odredio produženje pritvora Mehmetiju dok presuda ne postane pravosnažna.

Ejupi je takođe ranije optužen da je sa saučesnicima planirao i 2001. izvršio bombaški napad na autobus iz Merdara u blizini Podujeva kada je ubijeno 11 kosovskih Srba a ranjeno 40. Dana 9. avgusta, međunarodni tužilac je optužnicu izmenio i povukao optužbu za terorizam protiv svih optuženih i odbacio krivičnu prijavu protiv petorice optuženih. U predmetu su održane završne reči. Dana 30. novembra, po zahtevu međunarodnog javnog tužioca, sud je na još dva meseca produžio pritvor optuženom u istražnom zatvoru. Suđenje nije završeno do kraja godine.

Dana 19. septembra, reginalni sud u Peći osudio je Bedrija Krasnićija na 27 godina zatvora za ubistvo policajaca KPS-a Sebahatea Tolaja i Isufa Haklaja počinjeno 2003. godine.

U nekim slučajevima navodnih ratnih zločina iz prethodnih godina bilo je pomaka. Dana 17. januara, Okružni sud u Prizrenu zatvorio je istragu o dvojici bivših policajaca, kosovskih Srba, Gorana Janjuševića i Slaviše Milkovića, za ratne zločine nad civilnim stanovništvom u prizrenskoj oblasti tokom sukoba 1999. Ni Janjušević ni Milković nisu uhapšeni.

Dana 8. februara, tužioci su podigli optužnicu protiv Idriza Gašija, koji je iz Švedske doveden na Kosovo zbog optužbe za ratne zločine iz 1998. u regionu Peći. U junu je Gaši osuđen za ubistvo Sanije Balaj, kosovske Albanke, civila, koja je 1998. ubijena nakon što je u selu Barane zaustavljena na kontrolnom punktu Oslobodilačke vojske Kosova (OVK). Osuđen je na 15 godina zatvora.

Bilo je pomaka u slučaju kosovskih Albanaca, pripadnika Kosovskog zaštitnog korpusa (KZK) (Selima Krasnićija, Bedrija Ziberaja, Džavita Elšanija, Isufa Gašija i Islama Gašija), uhapšenih zbog navodne umešanosti u ratne zločine nad kosovskim albanskim civilima u logoru „Drenovac“ u Prizrenu 1998. Selim Krasnići je uhapšen 24. novembra i krajem godine je u pritvoru čekao suđenje. Dana 19. aprila, Policija UNMIK-a uhapsila je Osmana Ziberaja, optuženog da je 2005. ubio Hasana Rustemija i pokušao ubistvo Nezima Rustemija, koji su obojica bili svedoci u tadašnjem sudskom postupku vođenom protiv Krasnićija za ratne zločine. Dana 17. jula, međunarodni tužilac je podigao optužnicu protiv Ziberija i još jednog osumnjičenog, Šićerija Šale.

Dana 22. avgusta, Vrhovni sud je oslobodio optužbe Salija Veselija za ubistvo bivšeg vođe OVK iz Prizrena i naložio da se odmah pusti. Ovom odlukom međunarodnih sudija poništena je presuda Veseliju koju je na ponovnom suđenju doneo Okružni sud u Prizrenu.

Nije bilo pomaka u istrazi o ubistvu UNMIK-ovog policajca Omara Alija iz 2005. koji je ubijen kad je bomba eksplodirala ispod njegovog službenog vozila.

Nije bilo napretka u potencijalno politički motivisanom ubistvu etničkog Turčina i člana Turske demokratske partije Kosova Ibiša Cakalija iz 2005. Krajem godine istraga je bila u toku.

Nije bilo pomaka u sledećim očigledno politički motivisanim ubistvima kosovskih Albanaca u 2005. godini: ubistvo Sadika Musaja, svedoka na suđenju „grupi Dukađini“; ubistvo Muhameta Salaja, bivšeg pripadnika OVK; pucanje iz automobila na novinara Bardhila Ajetija iz dnevnog lista Bota Sot na albanskom jeziku; iz automobila koji je prolazio ubijen je Muhamet Džemajili, bivši komandant Oslobodilačke vojske Preševa, Medveđe i Bujanovca, oružane grupe kosovskih Albanaca koja je ranije bila aktivna u Preševskoj dolini u Srbiji; u eksploziji automobila poginuli su pripadnik KZK i bivši pripadnik OVK Naser Ramaj i njegov brat Jeton.

Nije bilo pomaka u slučaju Fatona Hajrizija, uhapšeng 2006. zbog navodnog ubistva ruskog pripadnika KFOR-a u Klini 2002. Hajziri je 18. avgusta pobegao iz zatvora u Dubravi. Policija ga je uhapsila u jednom prištinskom kafeu 5. oktobra.

b. Nestanak

Nije bilo izveštaja o politički motivisanim nestancima; međutim, i dalje ima na hiljade lica nestalih od sukoba 1998-1999. čiji ostaci nisu identifikovani niti je utvrđeno gde se nalaze.

Prema Međunarodnom komitetu Crvenog krsta (ICRC), krajem juna se još nije znalo šta je sa 2.047 lica čije je stanje neizvesno od početka konflikta, od kojih su oko 70 procenata kosovski Albanci a 30 procenata kosovski Srbi i pripadnici ostalih manjina.

Tokom godine, UNMIK-ova kancelarija za nestala lica i sudsku medicinu (OPMF) nastavila je sa identifikacijom posmrtnih ostataka nestalih osoba na Kosovu. Od 2002. godine, kancelarija je obavila 571 terensku operaciju i ekshumaciju, od kojih 66 tokom godine. Pronađena su tela 3.800 nestalih osoba i pažnja je usmerena na utvrđivanje identiteta zemnih ostataka 1.500 osoba koji su otkriveni na Kosovu od 1999. i oko 900 primljenih iz Srbije počev od 2002.

Do kraja godine, OMPF je u posedu imao 455 neidentifikovanih tela, od kojih je 397 ekshumirano na Kosovu a 58 prebačeno iz Srbije. Od januara do avgusta, OMPF je primio 180 pozitivnih DNK izveštaja, što predstavlja 77 identifikovanih lica. Tokom godine, OMPF i Međunarodna komisija za nestala lica radili su na identifikaciji 61 slučaja nestalih lica čiji se identitet nije mogao utvrditi jer nije bilo dovoljno davalaca krvi. DNK podaci i tradicionalne metode kombinovane su pri identifikaciji posmrtnih ostataka. Tokom godine vraćeni su posmrtni ostaci 9 lica a za preostala tela nastavljen je rad na identifikaciji.

Tokom godine, OMPF je takođe nastavio sa ekshumacijama; otkrio je i izvršio autopsije na 73 tela sa 66 lokacija. Ekshumacije su bile u toku i krajem godine.

U junu 2006, srpske vlasti su prebacile poslednje zemne ostatke kosovskih albanskih žrtava iz sukoba 1998-99. pronađene u masovnim grobnicama u Srbiji. Ovi ostaci su vraćeni porodicama kako bi se obavile sahrane. Porodice nestalih i dalje su tražile da srpske vlasti dozvole pristup podacima koji bi mogli ukazati na lokacije drugih masovnih grobnica ili mesta na kojima su tela možda spaljena.

Radna grupa za nestala lica sastavljena od kosovskih i srpskih zvaničnika, kojom predsedava ICRC, sastala se četiri puta tokom godine pod pokroviteljstvom SRSG-a. Iako se specijalna podgrupa za sudsku medicinu sastala dva puta u prvoj polovini godine i obavila nekoliko telekonferencija o forenzičkim pitanjima, stotine zemnih ostataka u prištinskoj mrtvačnici i dalje nisu identifikovani.

Prema podacima ICRC-a, od januara do avgusta zemni ostaci 155 lica identifikovani su i predati porodicama: 41 iz Srbije na Kosovo (preko OPMF-a), 16 sa Kosova u Srbiju (ekshumirani na Kosovu i predati porodicama u Srbiji), a 98 u okviru Kosova (ekshumirani na Kosovu i predati porodicama na Kosovu).

c. Mučenje i drugi surovi, nehumani ili ponižavajući postupci ili kazne

Ustavni okvir i zakon o krivičnom postupku zabranjuju ovakvu praksu ali je bilo izveštaja da ih je PISG primenjivao. Nije bilo izveštaja da je UNMIK, koji je suvereno telo vlasti, ili KFOR, koji ima ograničenu nadležnost u pogledu hapšenja i pritvora, upražnjavao ovakvu praksu.

Prema medijskom izveštavanju, KPS je primenjivao silu u razbijanju nasilnih demonstracija i tukao demonstrante a izvršio je hapšenja za vreme demonstracija 10. februara. Kancelarija ombudsmana pokrenula je istragu o protestu 10. februara i poslala pisma SRSG-u i premijeru tražeći da iskriste svoj autoritet kako bi se obavila nezavisna istraga o policijskom ponašanju za vreme ovog protesta.

Jedinica KPS-a za profesionalne standarde pokrenula je tri istrage, od kojih je jedna obustavljena kao neosnovana. Druge dve istrage su dovele do disciplinskih postupaka povedenih protiv umešanih policajaca, i svi su suspendovani na po deset dana bez plate, određena im je obavezna dopunska obuka, a u lične dosijee unete su im zabeleške o disciplinskoj meri.

Uslovi u zatvorima i centrima za pritvor

Zatvori i centri za pritvor su navodno u skladu sa međunarodnim standardima; međutim, tokom godine bilo je navodnih zlostavljanja i maltretiranja zatvorenika.

Dana 18. avgusta, sedam lica zatvorenih zbog terorizma, ubistva, pokušaja ubistva i pljačke pobeglo je iz zatvora u Dubravi. Jedan zatvorenik je navodno ispalio dva hica unutar zatvora, a nepoznata lica su pucala iz automatskog oružja na spoljne zidove objekta kako bi omogućili bekstvo. Kasnije su izvan zatvorskih zidova pronađene ispaljene raketne granate. Odsek za kaznenu upravu pri UNMIK-ovom Odeljenju pravde preuzeo je kontrolu nad zatvorom u Dubravi na jedan dan. Uhapšeno je pet službenika Kosovske zatvorske službe (KCS). Direktor zatvora u Dubravi, Sokol Zogaj, dao je ostavku 27. avgusta. Policija je potom uhapsila jednog begunca u prištinskom kafeu 5. oktobra a drugog ubrzo zatim izvan Prištine. Jedan begunac je 1. novembra ubijen u obračunu blizu Tetova u Makedoniji a druga dva su poginula 7. novembra u obračunu u istom području. Do kraja godine dva begunca ostala su na slobodi.

UNMIK je prijavio da su tokom godine vođeni disciplinski postupci protiv članova KCS-a koji broji 1.650 pripadnika. Ponašanje za koje su pokrenuti disciplinski postupci uključivalo je administrativne prekršaje kao što su opetovana kašnjenja i prevare.

U zatvoru u Dubravi do 1. jula nalazio se 1.161 zatvorenik, iako je ukupni kapacitet zatvora 1.100. Tokom godine radili su zatvor u Dubravi i pet centara za pritvor, a u Lipljanu je nastavljena izgradnja novog zatvorskog objekta da bi se smanjila prenatrpanost.

Tokom godine, zatvorski službenici UNMIK-ove policije nastavili su da nadležnost prebacuju na Kosovsku zatvorsku službu (KCS), u nadležnosti PISG-a. KCS je vodio svakodnevne poslove u zatvoru u Dubravi, s izuzetkom odeljenja sa 32 zatvorenika visokog rizika koje je ostalo pod međunarodnim nadzorom. UNMIK je zadržao nadležnost za potpunu kontrolu zatvorskog sistema u vanrednim situacijama.

UNMIK je dozvoljavao posete ICRC-a a ombudsman je mogao da prati rad kosovskih zatvora i centara za pritvor. U februaru je Ministarstvo pravde dozvolilo Savetu za odbranu ljudskih prava i sloboda (CDHRF), lokalnoj nevladinoj organizaciji, potpuni pristup svim zatvorima, centrima za pritvor i popravnim centrima. CDHRF se ranije žalio da mu je u nekoliko navrata pristup uskraćen. U martu su predstavnici Komiteta Saveta Evrope za prevenciju torture (CPT) posetili zatvore i druge objekte za pritvor. Delegaciji je takođe omogućen potpun pristup objektu za pritvor u bazi NATO-a/KFOR-a. Tokom godine ICRC je posetio neke od kosovskih zatvora ali nije izdao saopštenja za javnost.

d. Proizvoljno hapšenje ili pritvor

Ustavni okvir i zakon o krivičnom postupku zabranjuju proizvoljno hapšenje i pritvor i te zabrane su UNMIK, KFOR i PISG generalno poštovali u praksi.

Uloga policijskog i bezbednosnog aparata

Lokalne bezbednosne snage uključuju KZK, civilnu organizaciju za vanredne situacije, i KPS, lokalne policijske snage koje rade u nadležnosti SRSG-a i pod nadzorom UNMIK-ove policije. Po UNMIK-ovoj odredbi iz decembra 2005. godine, ustanovljeno je Ministarstvo unutrašnjih poslova, koje je po ustavnom okviru odgovorno za primenu zakona. Prvi ministar unutrašnjih poslova imenovan je 2006. godine, a KPS je postao izvršno telo u sastavu ministarstva. UNMIK je zadržao izvršnu vlast nad policijom, ali je nastavio da prenosi policijska ovlašćenja i funkcije na KPS.

Međunarodni policijski komesar upravlja i UNMIK-ovom policijom i KPS-om. Kosovski Albanci koji obavljaju funkcije zamenika komesara i četiri pomoćnika komesara podređeni su međunarodnom policijskom komesaru. Pripadnici etničkih manjina su na kraju godine činili otprilike 16 procenata sastava KPS-a koji broji 7.200 ljudi, 10 procenata su kosovski Srbi, a 13 procenata su bile žene.

SRSG ima izvršnu vlast nad KPS-om. Svakodnevne policijske operacije prenete su na KPS u svim regionima izuzev u Mitrovici. U ovim regionima je KPS odgovoran za sve policijske službe i uobičajene aktivnosti. Specijalizovane jedinice za ratne zločine i etnički motivisana ubistva i dalje se sastoje prvenstveno od međunarodnog osoblja policije UN-a i uglavno rade nezavisno od KPS-a zbog osetljivosti ovih poslova. Jedinice za kriminalističku obaveštajnu službu i organizovani kriminal zajedno su radile. I međunarodna policija i sudstvo imaju diskreciono pravo da intervenišu u bilo kojem krivičnom predmetu. Iz praktičnih razloga, većina policijskih dužnosti i obaveza bila je u rukama KPS-a.

Podložnost korupciji i uticaju vlasti i dalje je problem u bezbednosnim snagama.

Tokom 2006. godine, Ministarstvo unutrašnjih poslova pri PISG-u i Misija OEBS-a na Kosovu inaugurisali su Policijski inspektorat Kosova, telo ustanovljeno za promovisanje policijske umešnosti i uspešnosti, odgovornost policije za njene radnje, i istragu i kažnjavanje rđavog ponašanja. Tokom godine, inspektori su obavili 14 revizija i inspekcija uključujući i slučaj od 10. februara i protest za samoopredeljenje.

Kancelarija UNMIK-a za nadzor istraživala je korupciju u UNMIK-u i krivični sudski sistem. Sudstvo se generalno odnosilo prema bezbednosnim snagama jednako kao i prema opštem stanovništvu.

Tokom godine jedinica KPS-a za profesionalne standarde, kojom upravlja policija UNMIK-a, pokrenula je 460 predmeta koji obuhvataju 678 službenika KPS-a; većina se odnosi na neopravdano odsustvo s posla, zloupotrebu bolovanja, primenu sile, spavanje na poslu i etničko nasilje. Do kraja godine završeno je 376 predmeta, 299 su procenjeni kao valjani, a 68 kao neosnovani. Bez istražnih mera zatvoreno je devet slučajeva zbog ostavki optuženih službenika. Izrečene su različite kazne, od otpuštanja do privremene suspenzije i obavezne obuke. U septembru je još ukupno 185 slučajeva bilo pod istragom; u slučajevima gde je u pitanju kršenje krivičnog zakona, mnogi službenici su privremeno suspendovani do odluke suda.

U aprilu je racija, koju su u opštini Štrpce sa većinskim srpskim stanvništvom izvršili pripadnici KPS-a, koji su svi bili isključivo etnički Albanci, dovela do povređivanja nekoliko osumnjičenih kosovskih Srba i verodostojnih tvrdnji o prekomernoj upotrebi sile i nepriličnom ponašanju. Stoga je KPS pokrenuo internu istragu kako bi se utvrdilo rđavo ponašanje policije i započela nacrt standardnih operativnih procedura za policijske operacije u područjima gde žive Srbi i pripadnici drugih manjina. Do kraja godine nisu završeni ni istraga ni uspostavljanje ovih procedura.

Hapšenje i pritvor

Policija je uopšte uzev otvoreno hapsila osumnjičene koristeći nalog koji je izdao sudija ili tužilac; međutim, u određenim slučajevima, osumnjičene su tajno hapsili maskirani policajci ili policajci na tajnom zadatku. Po zakonu, za hapšenje je neophodan nalog tužioca a uhapšeni mora biti izveden pred sudiju u roku od 72 časa. Većinu hapšenja tokom godina obavio je KPS a ne UNMIK. KPS nije kršio vremensko ograničenje od 72 sata i generalno je optužbu podizao u roku od šest sati ili bi privedene puštao. Uhapšeni imaju pravo da budu obavešteni o razlogu za hapšenje na jeziku koji razumeju; da ne govore i ne odgovaraju ni na kakva pitanja osim ona koja se tiču njihovog identiteta; da dobiju besplatne prevodilačke usluge; da imaju advokata i da im se advokat obezbedi ukoliko sami ne mogu da plate pravnu pomoć; da dobiju lekarsku pomoć uključujući i psihijatrijsku pomoć; i da obaveste jednog člana porodice. Policija UNMIK-a i KPS generalno su poštovali ova prava u praksi. Zakon dozvoljava kauciju, oduzimanje pasoša, kućni pritvor i druge mere kao alternativu pritvoru po pozivu, ali se ovo primenjivalo samo u nekolicini slučajeva.

Pod vanrednim okolnostima, KFOR je mogao uhapsiti i pritvoriti pojedince bez naloga. Komandant KFOR-a može pojedincima produžiti pritvor i do trideset dana a da pred sudom ne budu optuženi za krivično delo pod uslovom da ih sud ne oslobodi. Nije bilo izveštaja da je tokom godine KFOR vršio hapšenja bez naloga.

Policija UNMIK-a i KPS mogu zadržati lice do 72 sata bez sudskog naloga. Sud može zadržati lice u pritvoru pre suđenja i do 30 dana od dana hapšenja, ali sud može ovaj pritvor produžiti i do ukupno 18 meseci. Zakon dozvoljava kućni pritvor, žalbu na pritvor po pozivu i dodatnu upotrebu kaucije kao alternativu pritvoru pre suđenja.

Dugi pritvori, i pre i za vreme sudskog postupka, i dalje su problem premda je tokom godine bilo izvesnih poboljšanja. Zakon propisuje da sudija može nametnuti vanredne mere samo kada uobičajene mere, kao što je kućni pritvor, nisu dovoljne da osiguraju prisustvo optuženog tokom krivičnog postupka i omoguće propisno vođenje krivičnog postupka. U praksi su sudije uobičajeno koristile pritvor po pozivu ne pravdajući to pokazivanjem dokaza.

e. Uskraćivanje pravičnog javnog suđenja

Ustavni okvir predviđa nezavisno sudstvo; međutim, lokalno sudstvo je povremeno postupalo pristrasno i bilo pod spoljnim uticajima i nije u svim slučajevima obezbedilo pravičan postupak. Bilo je verodostojnih izveštaja o korupciji lokalnog sudstva i pravosuđe je bilo neefikasno.

Zakonodavna vlast pripada UNMIK-u prema Rezoluciji 1244 Saveta bezbednosti Ujedinjenih nacija. Policija i sudski organi UNMIK-a zadržali su izvršnu vlast u okviru pravosudnog sistema ali su sarađivali sa lokalnim sudijama i tužiocima; tokom godine UNMIK je nastavio da prenosi neke nadležnosti na Ministarstvo pravde, Ministarstvo unutrašnjih poslova i Pravosudni savet Kosova ustanovljen 2005. U srpskim enklavama i opštinama sa većinskim srpskim stanovništvom vlada Srbije je nastavila da vodi nedozvoljeni paralelni pravosudni sistem.

Sudski sistem se sastoji od Vrhovnog suda, pet okružnih sudova uključujući trgovinski sud, 25 opštinskih sudova, 25 sudova za manje prekršaje i apelacionog suda za manje prekršaje. U oktobru je bilo 174 međunarodne sudije koje je postavio UNMIK i 13 međunarodnih tužilaca. U januaru su UNMIK i Ministarstvo pravde uspostavili Specijalno tužilaštvo Kosova pod nadzorom UNMIK-ovog Odeljenja prave. Tužilaštvo obuhvata šest kosovskih specijalnih tužilaca koji su usredsređeni na teška krivična dela, uključujući trgovinu ljudima, korupciju i kontraterorizam. Jedan specijalni tužilac odgovoran je za predmete u vezi sa trgovinom ljudima, a drugi za kontraterorizam i teške međuetničke zločine.

PISG uključuje centralnu kancelariju javnog tužioca, pet okružnih tužilaca i sedam opštinskih tužilaca.

Mada je po zakonu predviđeno da u teškim slučajevima sudi veće sastavljeno od pet sudija, od kojih su dva profesionalna a tri laika, po UNMIK-ovim propisima međunarodnim tužiocima je dozvoljeno da sude u predmetima osetljive etničke ili političke prirode, u šta spadaju postupci pred većem sastavljenim od trojice međunarodnih sudija. Od početka svoga rada 2003. godine, međunarodni tužioci su okočali oko 300 od ukupno 700 predmeta koji su im dodeljeni.

UNMIK i Pravosudni savet Kosova su 2006. pokrenuli kampanju zapošljavanja sudija i tužilaca iz redova nedovoljno zastupljenih zajednica. U junu je jedan kosovski Srbin, sudija, stupio na dužnost, čime je ukupan broj kosovskih Srba sudija porastao na 15.

Jedinica UNMIK-a za sudsku inspekciju (JIU) nadzirala je sudski rad i dala preporuke za disciplinske mere i obuku. Jedinica je nadležna da izvrši reviziju i evaluaciju kosovskog pravosudnog sistema, daje preporuke Odeljenju za pravosuđe za rešavanje sistemskih problema, vodi istrage o navodima o sudijskim i tužilačkim zloupotrebama i iznosi takve slučajeve na disciplinskim raspravama pred Pravosudnim savetom Kosova. JIU je procesuirao ukupno 1.838 prijava od 2001. godine, uključujući 351 tokom godine do septembra. Od tog 351 slučaja, JIU je odbacio 179 predmeta a okončao 71 od 150 istraga. U većini istraga (64), JIU nije otkrio zloupotrebe. Jedinica je sedam predmeta prosledila Pravosudnom savetu, koji je suspendovao jednog opštinskog sudiju do podizanja optužnice za primanje mita, izrekao opomenu jednom okružnom tužicu i jednom opštinskom sudiji, i odbacio prijave za jednog okružnog sudiju i jednog okružnog tužioca. JIU se žalio u slučajevima gde su prijave odbačene i tražio strožu disciplinsku meru za tužioca.

Sudski postupci

Suđenja su javna a zakon optuženom omogućava da prisustvuje suđenju, suoči se sa svedocima, vidi dokaze i ima pravnog zastupnika, čije troškove, ukoliko je potrebno, snosi država; međutim, ovi postupci se retko koriste u praksi. Optuženi se smatra nevinim dok se ne dokaže suprotno i ima pravo žalbe. Suđenje se odvija pred većem koje se sastoji od laika i profesionalnih sudija; nema suđenja sa porotom.

Pravosudni savet Kosova je od januara povećao mesečna primanja advokatima koje imenuju sud sa oko 365 dolara (250 evra) na oko 730 dolara (500 evra) mesečno.

Tokom godine, PISG je ustanovio Komisiju za pravnu pomoć. Premijer je imenovao šefa komisije, a UNMIK-ovo Odeljenje pravde izvršilo je provere za osam kandidata za zamenike. Komisija je nezavisno vladino telo koje obezbeđuje besplatnu pravnu pomoć siromašnim osobama. Kada postanu potpuno operativni, službenici za pravnu pomoć će raditi u pet okružnih kancelarija za pravnu pomoć gde će advokati koje imenuje komisija pružati pravnu pomoć ljudima kojima je neophodna. Komisija je preko raznih medija nastojala da ohrabri učešće manjina.

Odeljenje UNMIK-a za sudski integritet bavilo se i dalje problemima pravosudnog sistema koji su se odnosili na manjine. Osim toga, Ministarstvo pravde je vodilo 11 kancelarija za vezu sa sudom, od kojih su dve osnovane tokom godine, s ciljem da se pomogne manjinskim zajednicama u područjima gde su Srbi većina tako što se s njima odlazi u sud, u njihovo ime se sudu podnose dokumenta, a izbeglicama i interno raseljenim licima se obezbeđuju informacije i pruža pravna pomoć. U odgovor na prethodne kritike pravnih eksperata i posmatrača za ljudska prava o nepravičnosti u suđenjima pripadnicima etničkih manjina, umesto kosovskih Albanaca, međunarodne sudije i tužioci sudili su i tužili po predmetima koji se odnose na kosovske Srbe.

Sudski sistem Kosova i Međunarodni krivični tribunal za bivšu Jugoslaviju (ICTY) nastavili su sa identifikacijom i kažnjavanjem počinilaca ratnih zločina tokom sukoba 1999. godine; međutim, mnogi slučajevi su ostali nerešeni. Vrhovni sud nastavlja da postupa po žalbama na odluke lokalnih sudova u predmetima koji se odnose na navodne ratne zločine i genocid proistekle iz sukoba 1999.

Politički zatvorenici i pritvorenici

Tokom godine, nije bilo izveštaja da su KFOR, UNMIK, KPS ili PISG držali političke zatvorenike ili pritvorenike.

Građanski sudski postupci i lekovi

Prema izveštaju OEBS-a iz 2006. godine, mešanje opštinskih vlasti i UNMIK-ovog Odeljenja pravde ometalo je nezavisnost pravosuđa u građanskim predmetima. OEBS je naveo slučajeve u kojima su opštinske vlasti otvoreno ometale sudske postupke, vršile pritisak na sudije u predmetima u kojima su nadležni bili stranka, i uticali na treću stranu da spreči sudove u izvršavanju dužnosti. OEBS je takođe izvestio da je UNMIK-ovo Odeljenje pravde instruiralo sudije da ne procesuiraju odštetne zahteve za imovinu koju su oštetili KFOR, UNMIK, ili opštine. Tokom godine OEBS je prijavio izvestan pomak u ovoj oblasti iako nedovoljan da se smanji broj zaostalih predmeta. UNMIK-ovo Odeljenje pravde je tvrdilo da se nije bavilo takvim zahtevima jer su logistički problemi takvih zahteva nepremostivi. Takođe je tvrdilo da će priliv zahteva koji se tiču imovine ometati rad sudova, povećati već ionako veliki broj nagomilanih predmeta i zahtevati posebno planiranje i koordinaciju, pošto će se morati obezbediti bezbednosna pratnja velikom broju kosovskih Srba koji su podnosioci zahteva. OEBS je u julu prijavio da su se UNMIK i opštinske vlasti neovlašćeno remetili sudsku nezavisnost u predloženoj prodaji imovine u romskom naselju u mitrovačkom regionu.

Nije bilo izveštaja o teškoćama u izvršavanju sudskih naloga koji su proistekli iz građanskih parnica. Međutim, prema jednom izveštaju iz 2006, samo 14 procenata otvorenih predmeta koji bi uticali na građanski red bili su posledica građanskih sporova; 69 procenata takvih predmeta ticalo se naplate dugovanja komunalnih preduzeća.

Povraćaj imovine

PISG je u martu 2006. ustanovio Kosovsku agenciju za imovinu (KPA) kao naslednika Direktorata UNMIK-a za stambene i imovinske zahteve. Dok se Direktorat bavio samo stambenom imovinom, nova agencija je odgovorna za rešavanje stambenih, komercijalnih i poljoprivrednih imovinskih zahteva u vezi sa sukobom iz 1999. godine. Do septembra je Kosovska agencija za imovinu primila 27.064 zahteva: 24.064 za poljoprivrednu imovinu, 844 za komercijalnu imovinu i 1.808 za stambenu imovinu. Kosovski Srbi u severnom delu Mitrovice i dalje zauzimaju imovinu kosovskih Albanaca, dok su kosovski Albanci u južnom delu zauzeli i ne dozvoljavaju kosovskim Srbima pristup njihovoj imovini.

Komisija za stambene i imovinske zahteve održala je poslednju sednicu u junu gde je raspravljala o 53 zahteva o kojima treba ponovo raspravljati. Oko 98,8 procenata svih odluka komisije primenjeno je, a preostalo je još oko 354 predmeta. Početkom avgusta glavni zamenik SRSG-a privremeno je suspendovao izvršenje odluka KPA pošto su lokalne vlasti u opštini Klina odbile da ih primene. Ovo je podstaklo veću saradnju opštinskih vlasti i UNMIK je suspenziju ukinuo 8. avgusta što nije uticalo na odluke Agencije.

Krajem godine Agencija je pod svojom upravom imala 4.665 poseda; 3.350 po zahtevu uspešnih potražilaca, a 1.315 na osnovu ex officio intervencije Komisije za stambene i imovinske zahteve (prethodnika KPA). Od ovih slučajeva, 167 su bili predmet zahteva za povraćaj poseda.

Nadležnost KPA uključuje nadzor iznajmljivanja izvesne napuštene svojine na Kosovu. U tom smislu, agencija je upravljala rasporedom iznajmljivanja imovine pod svojom nadležnošću, omogućavajući licima u posedu imovine da dobiju zakupninu tako što su ovlastili agenciju da imovinu iznajmljuje dok se vlasnik ne odluči da svojinu koristi na drugačiji način. Do kraja godine ukupno je iznajmljeno 813 poseda od kojih je 113 iznajmljeno ex officio. KPA je kroz ovaj program prikupila zakupninu u vrednosti oko 618.330 dolara (423.514 evra).

Broj zahteva u vezi sa imovinom nagomilan u opštinskim sudovima do kraja godine iznosio je oko 21.000; ovo su gotovo isključivo novčani zahtevi kosovskih Srba na ime odštete u vezi sa ratom.

f. Proizvoljno ometanje privatnosti, porodice, doma i korespondencije

Propisi UNMIK-a i Ustavni okvir zabranjuju takve aktivnosti i UNMIK, KFOR i PISG su se u praksi generalno pridržavali ovih zabrana. Snage KFOR-a su pomagale civilnoj policiji UNMIK-a i KPS-u u obavljanju pretresa u slučajevima visoko rizičnih osumnjičenih osoba i samostalno su obavljali pretrese na privatnim posedima tražeći oružje bez naloga suda, na osnovu ovlašćenja mirovne misije po Rezoluciji 1244 Saveta bezbednosti Ujedinjenih nacija.

Odeljak 2 Poštovanje građanskih sloboda

a. Sloboda govora i štampe

Propisi UNMIK-a i Ustavni okvir predviđaju slobodu govora i štampe, i UNMIK, KFOR i PISG su generalno poštovali ova prava u praksi. Međutim, bilo je izveštaja da su novinare zastrašivali zvaničnici iz javnog sektora i vlasti, političari i poslovni ljudi. Mediji su takođe naveli da su nailazili na poteškoće i ometanja u pribavljanju informacija u državnim i javnim institucijama. Važeći zakon o medijima zabranjuje govor mržnje i govor koji poziva na etničko nasilje. Štampani mediji imaju etički kodeks i sopstveno telo koje rešava pritužbe u vezi sa novinskim tekstovima.

Generalno, pojedinci mogu javno ili privatno kritikovati vlasti bez represalija.

Prema Udruženju profesionalnih novinara Kosova, usled finansijskih nevolja medijskih kuća, nezavisnost uredništva i novinarski profesionalizam bili su podložni spoljnim uticajima i pritiscima. Neke novine su finansijski bile samodovoljne, a neke su radile zahvaljujući donacijama i tako uspele da razviju uredničku politiku nezavisnu od poslovnih i političkih interesa. Međutim, neke novine su se oslanjale na finansiranje poslovnih i političkih interesnih grupa, koje su im novac obezbeđivale u zamenu za pozitivno izveštavanje. Tokom godine nije bilo izveštaja da su PISG ili UNMIK vršili pritisak ili uticali na nezavisne štampane medije.

Štampani mediji se rukovode novinarskim kodeksom koji je usvojio Savet za štampu Kosova, organizacija koju čine novinski urednici i izdavači. Žalbena komisija saveta može da izrekne novčane kazne za kršenje kodeksa, uključujući kazne i do 2.920 dolara (2.000 evra) za teška kršenja kao što su govor mržnje i klevete.

Tokom godine, na Kosovu je bilo 114 ovlaštenih radiodifuznih medija (od kojih 45 emituje program na jezicima manjina), koji su iznosili široku paletu gledišta.

Međunarodnim medijima je bilo dozvoljen neometan rad.

Novinari su izvestili da su pritisci političara i organizovanog kriminala za posledicu imali indirektan oblik cenzure; uzdržavali su se od kritičkog istraživačkog izveštavanja iz straha za ličnu bezbednost. Novinarima su povremeno nuđene finansijske beneficije u zamenu za pozitivno izveštavanje ili odustajanje od istraživanja. Prema rečima urednika, vladine agencije su povukle redovne reklame iz novina koje su objavile kritičke prikaze o njima.

Od januara 2006, Skupština Kosova ima neposrednu nadležnost nad kosovskim popularnim javnim medijskim preduzećem Radio Televizijom Kosovo (RTK), a budžet RTK-a je pod kontrolom Ministarstva finansija. Zakon iz 2006. po kojem RTK prelazi iz nadležnosti UNMIK-a pod nadzor PISG-a propisuje regulisanje sadržaja programa RTK-a i nalaže da najmanje 15 procenata programskog vremena RTK-a, uključujući udarne termine, bude proporcionalno posvećeno nevećinskim zajednicama na njihovim jezicima.

U avgustu 2006. Komisija za nezavisne medije ustanovljena je umesto privremenog komesara UNMIK-a za medije. Komisija je stalno telo koje nadzire sedmočlani upravni savet u kojem su dva međunarodna člana. Komisija je primenila propise UNMIK-a i kodeks ponašanja koji se odnosi na radiodifuzne medije.

Prethodnih godina je javno nazivanje kosovskih Srba ratnim zločincima za posledicu imalo ubistva iz svete i druge vrste nasilja. Počev od marta list Infopres redovno je objavljivao spiskove kosovskih Srba koji su regrutovani u Jugoslovensku armiju tokom sukoba 1998-1999. Savez za štampu Kosova, samostalno telo koje rešava pritužbe na štampane medije, pokrenulo je istragu ali nije postignuta saglasnost o tome da li je Infopres prekršio standarde Saveta za štampu. OEBS je javno kritikovao ove tekstove; Infopres je odbacio kritike tvrdeći da su tekstovi tačni i da vrše posao koji pravosuđe nije u stanju da obavi.

Za razliku od 2006, nije bilo slučajeva policijskog nasilja nad novinarima. Međutim, Udruženje profesionalnih novinara Kosova prijavilo je 24 slučaja kršenja slobode štampe tokom godine. U pitanju su verbalne pretnje, koje su novinarima i njihovim agencijama uputili subjekti pogođeni negativnim medijskim izveštavanjem, i pritisci da se ne objave izvesni materijali i članci.

Tokom godine bilo je nekoliko slučajeva nasilja ili uznemiravanja uperenih na medije.

Dana 6. marta, novinar lista Lajm Enis Veliju tvrdio je da ga je napalo obezbeđenje Preduzeća za bezbednost WDG u sedištu Kosovske elektrokorporacije (KEK) u Prištini nakon što je portparolu preduzeća postavio pitanje o tenderu KEK-a za službe obezbeđenja.

Dana 21. septembra, kuća novinara Milajima Zekavasa je spaljena čime je napravljena šteta od oko 146.000 dolara (100.000 evra). Zeka je rekao da mu je kuća pre ovog incidenta dvaput opljačkana. Zeka je izveštavao o kontroverznim slučajevima, uključujući i važne slučajeve ubistava i korupcije.

Dana 2. avgusta, Udruženje profesionalnih novinara Kosova primilo je pritužbu novinara lista Lajm Albana Selimija koji tvrdi da mu je Ministarstvo zdravlja uskratilo fizički pristup Ministarstvu i pristup informacijama Ministarstva u znak odmazde za objavljivanje izveštaja za koji Ministarstvo tvrdi da je netačan.

U julu su se novinari dnevnika Koha Ditore javno žalili da im je Ministarstvo za životnu sredinu zabranilo pristup Ministarstvu navodno zbog osporavanja izjave ministra.

Za razliku od prethodnih godina, nije bilo izveštaja o sukobima novinara i pripadnika KPS-a.

Nije bilo pomaka u istrazi o ubistvu urednika lista Bota Sot Bardhila Ajetija iz 2005. KPS-ova istraga je krajem godine bila u toku.

Prema zakonskim propisima o izborima, za vreme političke kampanje mediji moraju obezbediti pravično i nepristrasno izveštavanje i razgovore i debate za sve stranke, izveštavanje o kampanjama mora biti pravično i nepristrasno, a u debatama moraju učestvovati gosti različitih političkih mišljenja i publika kao i nepristrasni moderatori. Međunarodni sudija je 2006. naredio konfiskaciju imovine lista Bota Sot te da se proda kako bi se platilo 105.000 dolara (72.000 evra) na ime novčane kazne koju je sud odredio zbog neuravnoteženog izveštavanja o izborima decembra 2004. i netačnog izveštavanja. Iznos od 75.900 dolara (52.000 evra) koji Bota Sot ima na računu u banci blokiran je do naplate novčane kazne. Nije bilo pomaka u ovom slučaju i račun u banci je i dalje blokiran. Bota Sot je u martu nastavio da izlazi pošto je list postigao dogovor sa Poreskom upravom o postepenom otplaćivanju poreskog duga.

Slobodan pristup internetu

UNMIK, KFOR i PISG nisu ograničavali upotrebu interneta niti je bilo izveštaja da je vlada kontrolisala elektronsku poštu ili onlajn komunikaciju na internetu. Pojedinci i grupe mogli su da mirno izražavaju svoje stavove preko interneta, uključujući i elektronsku poštu. Po jednoj anketi u maju, 22 procenta žitelja Kosova internet koristi svakodnevno.

Akademske slobode i kulturni događaji

UNMIK, KFOR i PISG nisu ograničavali akademske slobode niti kulturne događaje.

b. Sloboda mirnog okupljanja i udruživanja

Sloboda okupljanja

Propisi UNMIK-a i Ustavni okvir predviđaju slobodu okupljanja i u praksi UNMIK, KFOR i PISG generalno poštuju ovo pravo. Propisi UNMIK-a nalažu da organizatori prijave demonstracije 48 sati ranije radi policijske koordinacije.
Prema izveštajima medija, KPS je koristio silu da razbije demonstracije i batinao demonstratore pri hapšenju u najmanje četiri prilike tokom godine.

Sloboda udruživanja

Propisi UNMIK-a i Ustavni okvir predviđaju slobodu udruživanja i u praksi UNMIK, KFOR i PISG generalno poštuju ovo pravo.
Misija OEBS-a na Kosovu rutinski registruje političke stranke pod pokroviteljstvom UNMIK-a, a Ministarstvo javnih službi registruje nevladine organizacije.

c. Sloboda veroispovesti

Propisi UNMIK-a i Ustavni okvir predviđaju slobodu veroispovesti i u praksi UNMIK i PISG generalno poštuju ovo pravo.

Nema nekih posebnih propisa u vezi sa odobravanjem dozvola za verske grupe; međutim, da bi mogle kupiti imovinu ili dobiti finansijsku pomoć od UNMIK-a ili nekih drugih međunarodnih organizacija, verske organizacije se moraju registrovati pri UNMIK-u i Ministarstvu javnih službi kao nevladine organizacije. Verske grupe su se žalile da status nevladine organizacije ne odražava adekvatno njihov verski karakter, a Protestantska evangelistička crkva odbila je da se registruje kao nevladina organizacija.

U skladu sa zakonom iz 2002. po kojem državne obrazovne ustanove treba da se uzdrže od verskih uputstava ili drugih aktivnosti koje promovišu ijednu određenu religiju, Ministarstvo obrazovanja je zabranilo nošenje marama. Ministarstvo je nastavilo da primenjuje ovu zabranu, posebno u školama koje propisuju uniformu, uprkos mišljenju ombudsmana iz 2004. da bi taj propis trebalo primenjivati samo na nastavno i drugo osoblje škole a ne i na učenike. Dana 20. septembra, list Koha Ditore je izvestio da je trima učenicama iz dve srednje škole u opštini Srbica zabranjen ulazak u školu jer nose marame; na kraju im je dozvoljeno da prisustvuju nastavi.

Protestantske grupe još prijavljuju diskriminaciju u pristupu medijima, posebno kad je reč o Radio Televiziji Kosovo (RTK). Protestantska evangelistička crkva na Kosovu, poznata kao Zajednica božjih ljudi, takođe je prijavila da im 2006. godine Opština Dečani nije dala dozvolu za izgradnju crkvenog objekta na zemljištu koje su kupili, navodeći negativnu reakciju lokalnog stanovništva. Krajem godine predmet je bio pred Vrhovnim sudom Kosova.

Islamska zajednica je nastavila da tvrdi da su UNMIK-ovo odbijanje da dodeli radio frekvenciju za islamsku radio stanicu i zatvaranje prostorije za molitvu u Nacionalnoj biblioteci primeri pomanjkanja verskih sloboda.

Društvene zloupotrebe i diskriminacija

Tokom godine bilo je više izveštaja o napadima na srpsko pravoslavno sveštenstvo i parohijane i o mnogobrojnim vandalskim napadima na srpske pravoslavne crkve i crkvenu imovinu.

Nije bilo pomaka u slučaju iz maja 2006. kad su nepoznati napadači pucali na automobil koji je vozio srpski pravoslavni sveštenik Srđan Stanković u zvečanskoj opštini. UNMIK je podneo prijavu protiv pripadnika KPS-a, kosovskog Srbina, u vezi sa ovim incidentom. Predmet je predat međunarodnom tužiocu i nije okončan do kraja godine.

Bilo je izveštaja o incidentima kao što su kamenovanje i drugi napadi na srpske autobuse i srpsko pravoslavno sveštenstvo dok su putovali izvan manastira, a monasi i monahinje u nekim manastirima navodno nisu koristili delove manastirskog poseda u strahu za ličnu bezbednost.

Bezbednosni problemi i dalje pogađaju srpsku zajednicu i njihove verske slobode. Neki kosovski Srbi su tvrdili da nisu mogli da putuju slobodno kako bi upražnjavali verske običaje.

Dana 29. marta, napadač koga je KPS identifikovao kao kosovskog Albanca Jusufa Mulaja iz sela Istinić ispalio je raketnu granatu na manastir Dečane. Premijer Agim Čeku i ostali visoki kosovski albanski političari osudili su napad i izrazili solidarnost sa manastirom. Policija je izvršila pretres Mulajeve kuće 4. maja, ali je on već pobegao što upućuje da je najverovatnije upozoren na pretres. Ovo je četvrti napad na manastir od 1999. Mulaj je krajem godine i dalje bio u bekstvu.

Dana 29. jula, u selu Boljotinu u opštini Zvečan, jedan kosovski Albanac pretio je srpskopravoslavnoj monahinji iz manastira Sokolica. Napadač ju je vređao a vojniku KFOR-a pretio sekirom. Počinioca je KPS pritvorio, saslušao i pustio.

Tokom godina bilo je brojnih slučajeva krađe i vandalskih napada na imovinu Srpske pravoslavne crkve. U mnogim slučajevima su izvršene krađe dragocenih metala, dok su u drugima izvršeni vandalski napadi, često na novoobnovljene crkve. Na primer, 5. marta su nepoznati počinioci vandalizovali crkvu svetog Jovana u Peći. Sveti Jovan je jedna od mnogih crkava zapaljenih u neredima 2004. i delimično obnovljena 2005.

Dana 16. januara, vladika Teodosije iz Lipljana i članovi Komisije Saveta Evrope za obnovu crkava na Kosovu posetili su novoobnovljenu crkvu svetog Nikole u Prištini nakon što je komisija obaveštena da je deo olovnog krova nestao. Osim krađe krova, polomljeno je nekoliko prozora na crkvi.

Dana 10. februara, nepoznati počinioci su oštetili unutrašnjost pravoslavne crkve u selu Lepi, u opštini Lipljan, i ukrali oko 560 dolara (30.000 srpskih dinara). KPS-ova istraga je krajem godine bila u toku.

Dana 30. maja, pet tinejdžera je uhapšeno jer su skinuli krov sa crkve Svete nedelje u Prizrenu. Tinejdžeri su ubrzo pušteni.

Dana 18. avgusta, nepoznati počinioci su sprejom ispisali grafite po unutrašnjsti sprske pravoslavne crkve u Gnjilanu, kao što su, između stalog: „Ponosim se što sam Albanac" i „Smrt svim Srbima“. Istraga KPS-a je krajem godina bila u toku.

Dana 26. oktobra, Komisija Saveta Evrope za obnovu, koja nadzire obnovu srpskih pravoslavnih crkava uništenih u neredima marta 2004, prijavila je da su lopovi ukrali olovni krov vredan oko 15.000 dolara (10.400 evra) sa crkve Svete nedelje i crkve Bogorodice Ljeviške, koje se obnavljaju u Prizrenu. PISG je javno osudio krađe i obećao da će finansirati popravke. PISG je kasnije dao oko 70.000 dolara (50.000 evra) kako bi se na lokacijama gde Komisija vrši obnovu omogućilo obezbeđenje.

Protestantska grupa u Mitrovici prijavila je redovne, metodične slučajeve vandalskog ponašanja i krađe u svojoj crkvi. Grupa je izvestila da KPS nije preduzeo ništa i pored postojanja video-dokaza zločina i informacija o počiniocima.

I pored određenog pomaka, protestanti su nastavili da prijavljuju slučajeve uznemiravanja i diskriminacije, uključujući verbalne napade, nedostatak protestantskog programa na RTK, i slučajeve da školski zvaničnici pozivaju roditelje učenika kako bi decu sprečili da se preobrate u protestante.

Oko 40 osoba iz dve porodice u Prizrenu poreklom su Jevreji, ali na Kosovu ne postoje ni sinagoge niti jevrejske institucije izuzev malog groblja u Prištini. Dana 16. avgusta, 14 nadgrobnih spomenika namerno je oštećeno. Policijska istraga nije okončana do kraja godine.

Više pojedinosti videti u Međunarodnom izveštaju o slobodi veroispovesti za 2007.

d. Sloboda kretanja, interno raseljena lica, zaštita izbeglica i apatridi

Propisi UNMIK-a i Ustavni okvir predviđaju slobodu kretanja unutar Kosova, putovanja u instranstvo, emigraciju i repatrijaciju, i ove propise su UNMIK i PISG generalno poštovali; međutim, međuetničke tenzije i objektivni i subjektivni bezbednosni problemi ograničili su slobodu kretanja u praksi. Tokom godine, UNMIK, KFOR, i PISG su generalno poboljšali ova prava za manjinske zajednice. PISG je sarađivao sa Kancelarijom visokog komesara UN-a za izbeglice (UNHCR) i drugim humanitarnim organizacijama na obezbeđivanju zaštite i pomoći interno raseljenim licima, izbeglicama, izbeglicama povratnicima, azilantima, apatridima i drugim licima.

Policija i dalje ocenjuje bezbednosnu situaciju kao stabilnu ali krhku. Policiji nije prijavljen nijedan zločin vezan za slobodu kretanja. I pored toga, pripadnici svih etničkih zajednica nastavili su da se kreću unutar ili između područja u kojima većinu stanovništva čini njihova etnička grupa. Kamenovanje i drugi oblici zastrašivanja nastavili su da pogađaju kosovske Srbe kada putuju izvan područja na kojima su Srbi većinsko stanovništvo.

Sporadični slučajevi nasilja i zastrašivanja usmereni na manjine i dalje su ograničavali kretanje kosovskih Albanaca na severu Kosova. PISG i UNMIK su povećali napore da olakšaju putovanje pripadnika manjinskih zajednica po celom Kosovu, ali su objektivni i subjektivni rizici odvratili mnoge pripadnike manjina od putovanja izvan njihovih oblasti.

Dana 27. juna, KPS je u opštini Leposavić sa srpskim većinskim stanovništvom upozoren na eksploziju na putu koji vodi u albanska sela Košutovo, Bistricu, and Ceraju. Minibus opštinskih zajednica prevozio je devetoro putnika i prešao preko žice zakačene za ručnu granatu koja je eksplodirala iza vozila. U eksploziji nije bilo povređenih. Ovo je druga naprava postavljena na putu u razdoblju od dva meseca; u prvom incidentu, KFOR je otkrio i demontirao bombu. Istraga je krajem godine bila u toku.

Tokom godine je bilo napada na autobuse koji su prevozili Srbe i pripadnike drugih etničkih manjina. Na primer, 14. oktobra je autobus koji je prevozio grupu Srba koji su posetili Srpsku patrijaršiju u Peći, kamenovan kad je grupa potom bila u poseti manastiru Dečani. Autobus je navodno pretrpio znatnu štetu. Dana 17. novembra, autobus koji je prevozio 30 profesora i studenata Varšavskog semeništa u manastir Zočište kamenovan je dok je bio parkiran usred sela sa većinskim albanskim stanovništvom.

Da bi se umanjili rizici od napada pomoću jednakog označavanja vozila etničkih Srba i etničkih Albanaca, UNMIK je nastavio da besplatno nudi kosovske registarske tablice etničkim Srbima koji su svoja vozila već registrovali u Srbiji. Međutim, kosovski Srbi nisu bili voljni da koriste tablice koje izdaje UNMIK jer tako ne mogu da putuju u Srbiju koja ne priznaje UNMIK-ove tablice.

Bilo je takođe incidenata čija je meta bila infrastruktura koju koriste manjine. Dana 10. marta, lovci su pronašli neeksplodiarnu granatu blizu predajnika u selu Matica u Mitrovici. Dana 17. aprila, eksplozivna naprava je nađena na mostu u selu Pograđe u Gnjilanu. Dana 23. aprila, neeksplodirana naprava nađena je ispod mosta u selu Vrbovac u Gnjilanu. Do kraja godine niko nije priveden kao osumnjičeno lice u ovim slučajevima.

Nije bilo pomaka u sledećim slučajevima iz 2006. godine: otkriće eskploziva u junu ispod mosta koji povezuje dva srpska povratnička sela u opštini Klina, i eksplozija u decembru na pruzi u selu Mihalić, opština Vučitrn, zbog koje je privremeno obustavljen železnički saobraćaj između kosovskih srpskih zajednica na jugu Kosova i područja severno od Ibra. Do kraja godine niko nije priveden kao osumnjičeno lice u ovim slučajevima.

Dana 1. januara, UNMIK je preneo nadležnost za obezbeđivanje humanitarnih i specijalnih transportnih usluga za manjinske zajednice na Kosovu na Ministarstvo saobraćaja i komunikacija i Ministarstvo za zajednice i povratak. Neki kosovski Srbi žalili su se da su kvalitet i učestalost humanitarnih sabraćajnih usluga u izvesnim opštinama smanjeni posle prenošenja nadležnosti.

UNMIK je regulisao kretanje iz Kosova i na Kosovo. Propisi UNMIK-a predviđaju da centralni matični ured izdaje putna dokumenta svakom licu koje ima stalni boravak na Kosovu, i matični ured takva dokumenta u praksi rutinski izdaje. Upravnu i operativnu nadležnost nad matičnim uredom ima PISG, ali je UNMIK zadržao sveukupnu nadležnost, u šta spada izdavanje UNMIK-ovih putnih dokumenata i bezbednost centralne baze podataka.

Zakon zabranjuje nasilno proterivanje i vlasti ga nisu primenjivale.

Interno raseljena lica

Prema podacima UNHCR-a, od sukoba 1998-1999. godine, 207.000 osoba bilo je raseljeno na području Srbije, a 16.500 na području Crne Gore. Od 4.100 raseljenih zbog nereda 2004. i dalje je interno raseljeno oko 1.200 lica. Unutar Kosova raseljeno je 20.310 lica od kojih su skoro polovina kosovski Albanci. Tokom godine, vratio se mali broj interno raseljenih lica zbog nesigurnosti u pogledu budućeg političkog statusa Kosova, nemogućnosti zapošljavanja, bezbednosnih problema i imovinskih sporova. Uspešan povratak odvija se u Klini, Istoku i Peći. Premda su opštinske vlasti uglavnom podržavale povratak, na Kosovu i dalje postoje prepreke za srpske povratnike.

Tokom godine je i dalje bio sveukupno mali broj povratnika pripadnika manjina premda postoji veći povratak kosovskih Rma, Aškalija i takozvanih Egipćana. Kosovski Srbi se i dalje vraćaju u vrlo malom broju. Prema podacima UNHCR-a, tokom ove godine na Kosovo se vratilo više interno raseljenih lica nego što je to bio slučaj 2006. godine, što se razlikuje od tendencije pada na godišnjem nivou kakva je postojala od 2003. UNHCR je prijavio da se tokom godine vratilo 1.685 pripadnika manjina dok je 2006. taj broj iznosio 1.627. Ove cifre takođe uključuju povratak kosovskih Albanaca u područja gde su manjina.

Tokom godine, UNMIK je nastavio da prenosi nadležnosti Ministarstvu za zajednice i povratak, što je obuhvatilo koordinaciju opštinskog ravnomernog finansiranja i rada opštinskih kancelarija za povratak i opštinskih kancelarija zajednica. Ministarstvo je napore usredsredilo na podršku organizovanom i individualnom povratku manjina i na upravljanje razvojem zajednice i projektima stabilizacije.

Ukupan broj povratnika pripadnika manjinskih zajednica od 2000. u septembru je bio 17.149. Kosovski Srbi čine oko 38 procenata povratnika ove godine, za razliku od 31 procenta u 2006. Romi (uključujući Aškalije i Egipćane) nastavili su da se vraćaju u neznatno većem broju i čine 43 procenta ukupnog broja povratnika, u odnosu na 54 procenta u 2006. U Mitrovici, kosovski Srbi na severu grada i kosovski Albanci u južnom delu i dalje protivzakonito nastanjuju tuđu imovinu što ometa potencijalne povratnike.

Do septembra je vlada rekonstruisala preko 98 procenata (881 od 897) kuća oštećenih ili uništenih u nemirima 2004. Prema podacima Ministarstva kulture, od 26 još neobnovljenih kuća, 23 su ostale nedovršene zbog bezbednosnih problema u severnoj Mitrovici, a vlasnici preostale tri kuće odbili su obnovu svojih kuća. Dana 11. maja, posle žalbi o kvalitetu rekonstrukcije, vlada je osnovala petočlanu komisiju za pregled žalbi ali ovo telo do kraja godine nije donelo nijednu odluku.

Do septembra je 37 romskih porodica (144 lica) nastavilo da živi u olovom zagađenom kampu Česmin lug za interno raseljena lica. U Osterodama, medicinskom objektu takođe u severnoj Mitrovici, smešteno je 98 porodica (395 lica) preseljenih 2006. iz Česminog luga i još dva zagađena kampa. Tokom godine, 31 dete u Osterodama završilo je terapiju lečenja od trovanja olovom a još 20 je započelo drugu fazu lečenja.

Tokom 2005, UNMIK je započeo donatorsku kampanju za ponovnu izgradnju originalnog romskog naselja u južnom delu Mitrovice koje su 1999. uništili kosovski Albanci. Ograničena novčana sredstva usporila su projekat povratka, ali je obnova stanova započela u maju. Povratak u okolinu započeo je u martu i do kraja godine se vratilo 320 od 438 očekivanih lica. Do kraja godine, dve stambene zgrade sa ukupno 24 stana završene su i u njih su se vratile 24 porodice. U martu je KPS otvorio podstanicu u ovom području, a zdravstvena klinika koju finansira jedna strana vlada otvorena je u maju.

Zaštita izbeglica

Zakon ne propisuje davanje azila i izbegličkog statusa u skladu sa Konvencijom Ujedinjenih nacija iz 1951. koja se odnosi na status izbeglica i Protokolom iz 1967. Međutim, Kosovo je davalo azil i izbeglički status po UNMIK-ovim propisima o kretanju lica iz Kosova i na Kosovo, čije su odredbe u skladu sa Konvencijom i Protokolom. UNHCR je u okviru svojih nadležnosti donosio odluke u takvim slučajevima na Kosovu.
U praksi, UNMIK je pružao zaštitu od ponovnog proterivanja, tj. vraćanja osoba u zemlju u kojoj strahuju od progona.

Odeljak 3 Poštovanje političkih prava: Pravo građana da promene vladu
Propisi UNMIK-a i Ustavni okvir predviđaju pravo stanovnika da mirnim putem promene vladu i oni su to pravo u praksi koristili na periodičnim izborima zasnovanim na opštem pravu glasa.

Kosovo je i dalje pod civilnom upravom UNMIK-a. UNMIK i njegov glavni administrator, specijalni predstavnik generalnog sekretara (SRSG), uspostavili su međunarodnu civilnu vlast 1999. godine po završetku vojne intervencije NATO-a koja je srpske snage naterala na povlačenje. UNMIK je 2001. proglasio Ustavni okvir za PISG. Prema Ustavnom okviru, Skupština Kosova, koja broji 120 članova, bira predsednika, premijera i druge ministre i zvaničnike PISG-a. Kosovski lideri nastavili su da kritikuju UNMIK zbog sporosti u prenošenju nadležnosti na PISG, a UNMIK je zadržao veliki broj nadležnosti u skladu sa Rezolucijom 1244 Saveta bezbednosti UN-a, uključujući bezbednost i odnose sa inostranstvom. U izveštaju UN-a iz 2005. navodi se da bez jasnog budućeg političkog statusa, PISG ne može da preduzme dalje korake i poboljša svoju efikasnost.

Izbori i političko učešće

Međunarodni i domaći posmatrači su ustanovili da su izbori 17. novembra za Skupštinu Kosova generalno odražavali volju birača, mada je učestvovalo veoma malo kosovskih Srba, uglavnom zbog pritisaka srpske vlade da izbore bojkotuju. Nisu prijavljene nikakve značajne nepravilnosti. Kosovo ima višestranački sistem kojim dominiraju četiri kosovske albanske stranke i nekoliko manjinskih stranaka i koalicija.

Po propisima UNMIK-a, pojedinci se mogu kandidovati u okviru svojih stranaka, koje moraju održati otvorene i transparentne interne izbore da bi se napravila lista kandidata. Stranačka pripadnost je imala značajnu ulogu u pristupu državnim službama, dobijanju pozicija u službi i za društvenu afirmaciju. Tradicionalne društvene veze i plemenska lojalnost takođe su igrali veliku, mada nezvaničnu ulogu u političkim organizacijama.

Bilo je izveštaja o politički motivisanim napadima i pretnjama etničkim albanskim političkim i društvenim ličnostima tokom godine.

U februaru, posle odluke o tenderu za drugog operatera mobilne telefonije na Kosovu, dva nepoznata lica pucali su na Antona Berišu, načelnika tela za telekomunikacione propise, dok je putovao autoputem Priština-Peć; nije bilo izveštaja o povredama. Osumnjičeni su takođe dočekali Berišu u zasedi u selu Balince blizu Kline 12. aprila; u ovom napadu je povređen jedan pripadnik KPS-a. Dana 23. jula, specijalni tužilac Afrim Šefkiju podigao je optužnicu protiv petorice osumnjičenih. Dana 17. septembra, Agim Hoti, jedan od osumnjičenih, priznao je da je pucao u pravcu automobila ali je tvrdio da nije nameravao da puca u Berišu. Takođe je priznao da je oružje upotrebljeno u napadu i pronađeno u policijskoj istrazi njegovo i da ga ilegalno koristi. Četiri preostala osumnjičena izjasnila su se da nisi krivi.

Nije bilo pomaka u sledećim slučajevima iz 2006. godine: nepoznato lice je u januaru napalo Ismajla Nazifija, člana predsedništva ogranka LDK-a u Uroševcu; kosovski dnevni list je u julu objavio pretnju kosovskom pregovaračkom timu koju je uputila samozvana „Karadaku brigada“; u Gnjilanu je u eksploziji bombe uništen automobil supruge bivšeg kosovskog ministra unutrašnjih poslova Fatmira Redžepija.

U Skupštini Kosova ima sto dvadeset poslanika od čega su trideset osam žene. Ženama mora pripasti svako treće mesto na listi kandidata svake političke stranke. Žena nije bilo u osmočlanom u rukovodećem skupštinskom telu, dok je na mestu ministra i zamenika ministra radila samo po jedna žena. Žene predstavljaju 28 procenata izabranih opštinskih predstavnika. U septembru 2005, trideset četiri članice Skupštine osnovale su neformalni kokus sa osmočlanim multietničkim odborom.

Posle izbora održanih 17. novembra, u Skupštini Kosova od sto dvadeset poslanika, bilo je dvadeset četiri pripadnika etničkih manjina, od kojih deset kosovskih Srba i četrnaest pripadnika drugih grupa, uključujući etničke Turke, Bošnjake, Gorance, Rome, Aškalije i Egipćane. U PISG-u su na ministarskim mestima bila tri pripadnika manjina, dva kosovska Srbina i jedan kosovski Bošnjak, a na mestima zamenika ministara – jedan Srbin. Mesto predviđeno za jednog etničkog Srbina ostalo je prazno jer je određena srpska stranka odbila da preuzme poziciju. Jedan kosovski Bošnjak i jedan kosovski Turčin su se smenjivali na mestu u Predsedništvu Skupštine Kosova; osam mesta predviđenih za kosovske Srbe ostalo je prazno zbog bojkota jedne od stranaka kosovskih Srba. Kosovski Srbi iz nekoliko političkih strana osvojili su za njih određenih deset poslaničkih mesta na izborima 17. novembra. Pre tih izbora, njihovi prethodnici nisu tražili položaje u kabinetu koji su im namenjeni nastavljajući da bojkotuju glasanje u Skupštini, mada su učestvovali u radu odbora. Kosovski Srbin vodio je Ministarstvo za povratak. Po Ustavnom okviru, deset poslaničkih mesta mora biti rezervisano za kosovske Srbe, a deset za druge etničke manjine na Kosovu, ali na opštinskom nivou , gde takve odredbe ne postoje, manjine su nedovoljno zastupljene.

Vlada – korupcija i transparentnost

U javnosti je uvreženo mišljenje da korupcija postoji i u PISG-u i u UNMIK-u. Pokazatelji Svetske banke koji se odnose na vlasti u celom svetu ukazuju da je korupcija ozbiljan problem. Nedostatak efikasnog sudskog nadzora i generalna slabost u vladavini prava doprineli su korupciji u PISG-u. U okviru svojih nadležnosti UNMIK je nastavio da donosi odluke u mnogim osetljivim predmetima koji se tiču korupcije i međuverskih zločina.

Kancelarija generalnog revizora, nezavisnog tela, obavila je reviziju finansijskog upravljanja i odgovornosti u PISG-u kao i u svim opštinama i javnim preduzećima. Tokom godine, kancelarija je objavila izveštaje za sva ministarstva, predsednički kabinet i Skupštinu. Većina izveštaja kritikovala je državnu upravu, fiskalnu praksu i način nabavke. Tokom godine, tužioci su nastavili s pregledanjem revizorskih izveštaja iz 2006.godine, što je dovelo do ostavke tadašnjeg ministra za povratak Slaviše Petkovića.

Tokom 2006. godine predsednik Skupštine Kosova Kole Beriša naložio je reviziju uprave Skupštine pod njegovim prethodnikom Nedžatom Dacijem. U izveštaju o reviziji navode se mnoge nezakonitosti i nepravilnosti u radu skupštinske uprave, zloupotrebe državnih fondova i nepravilnosti u nabavci za vreme Dacijevog mandata na mestu predsednika Skupštine. Potom je Skupština formirala istražni odbor. Dana 17. januara, odbor je na snovu rezultata svoga rada otpustio četiri službenika skupštinske uprave zbog nezakonitog rada za vreme Dacijevog mandata. Dana 22. februara, Skupština je raspravljala i potvrdila izveštaj generalnog revizora koji je istakao nezakoniti rad u Skupštini za vreme Dacijevog mandata.

U junu 2006, Jedinica KPS-a za finansijski kriminal i korupciju uhapsila je Ahmeta Ališanija, višeg Dacijevog savetnika, pod sumnjom za prevaru i podmićivanje. Ališani je pušten pa ponovo uhapšen u novembru 2006. u vezi sa revizijom Skupštine Kosova. Dana 1. februara Ališani je pušten do početka suđenja.

PISG je preduzeo i druge mere borbe protiv korupcije. U februaru je započela rad novoosnovana Agencija za antikorupciju. Dana 7. juna, šef agencije Hasan Preteni izjavio je da državne institucije ne podržavaju valjano ni Agenciju za antikorupciju ni borbu protiv korupcije. Dana 5. septembra, Preteni je objavio da je Agencija podnela tužilaštvu 37 predmeta koji se tiču korupcije.

Nije bilo pomaka u istrazi o napadu na nezavisnog međunarodnog generalnog revizora iz februara 2006. koji se odigrao nakon kritičke revizije u prištinskoj opštini. Istraga KPS-a je krajem godine bila u toku.

U novembru 2006. međunarodni tužilac je podigao optužnicu protiv bivšeg direktora Pošte i telekomunikacija Kosova (PTK) Leme Džema, bivšeg direktora odseka Kosovske poverilačke agencije Rodžera Renoldsa, bivšeg direktora Norway Invest Mustafe Nezirija i bivšeg direktora i predsednika Norway Invest Ronena Sorensena, u vezi sa navodnom zloupotrebom 438.000 dolara (300.000 evra). Dana 5. aprila, Ove Johansen, norveški državljanin, uhapšen je u Crnj Gori po međunarodnoj poternici koju je UNMIK izdao novembra 2006. godine; Johanson je navodno organizovao nedopušten transfer ovih sredstava sa PTK na fantomsku kompaniju sa sedištem u Norveškoj. Johansen je krajem godine i dalje bio u pritvoru a njegov krivični predmet nije rešen.

Dana 4. maja, pećki tužilac Gezim Kolcaku potvrdio je da je u toku istraga protiv 11 međunarodnih i osam lokalnih službenika preduzeća Radonići hidro-sistem, kompanije koja je poslovala sa KEK-om. Bivši upravnik KEK-a Džo Tračler, osuđen 2003. u Nemačkoj za krađu 6.6 miliona dolara (4.5 milion evra) od KEK-a, bio je predsednik upravnog odbora Radonići hidro-sistema pre preuzimanja dužnosti u KEK-u i takođe je umešan u istragu o Radonići hidro-sistemu. Prema rečima Kolcakua, zbog sumnje na organizovani kriminal slučaj je predat specijalnom tužilaštvu.

Dana 14. maja, mešovito veće sastavljeno od dvojice međunarodnih i jednog lokalnog sudije osudilo je Teutu Vranica, opštinskog sudiju u Đakovu, za iznuđivanje i uništavanje službenih dokumenata. Vranica je zahtevala da joj u građanskoj parnici stranka plati 730 dolara (500 evra) kako bi donela povoljnu odluku, a zatim uništila i optužnicu javnog tužioca i ceo predmet. Osuđena je na kombinovanu kaznu – tri i po godine zatvora i petogodišnju zabranu rada na mestu sudije nakon što joj istekne zatvorska kazna.

U novembru 2006, dva finansijska službenika u zatvoru u Dubravi uhapšeni su pod optužbom da su zloupotrebili službeni položaj i falsifikovali dokumenta. Šef finansijske službe Sabajdin Lončari i pomoćnik za nabavku Fitim Maksutaj osumnjičeni su za nezakonito prisvajanje zatvorskih sredstava i falsifikovanje faktura. Pušteni su pod uslovom da ne stupaju u kontakt sa svedocima u ovom predmetu ni sa službenicima računovodstva zatvora u Dubravi, te da ne odlaze na svoja bivša radna mesta. Jedan član međunarodnog osoblja takođe je bio pod istragom.

U julu i avgustu je počelo suđenje u predmetu Sanije Gaši, optužene za nezakonito prisvajanje 70.000 dolara (48.000 evra) u svojstvu direktora budžeta i finansija u prištinskoj Poreskoj upravi.

Ni po jednom zakonu nije dozvoljen pristup zvaničnim dokumentima UNMIK-a. Zakon omogućava dostupnost zvaničnih dokumenata PISG-a ali ne uključuje kazne ukoliko se ne poštuje, a u praksi su institucije PISG-a retko dozvoljavale pristup tokom godine. Institucije čak nisu odgovorile na gotovo 85 procenata (690 od 820) zahteva dostavljenih u toku godine, prema studiji Inicijative mladih za ljudska prava iz 2006, a kad i jesu, najčešće su odgovarale tako što su odbijale da pruže tražena dokumenta. Odgovor na srpskom , kako zakon nalaže, dat je samo na šest od 318 zahteva na srpskom jeziku. Mada je većina odgovora data u propisanom roku od 15 dana, novinari su se žalili da rok od 15 dana zapravo znači da nikad neće dobiti dokumenta na vreme kako bi sami predali tekstove u roku neophodnom za objavljivanje.

Tokom godine, mediji su se redovno žalili na nedostatak pristupa zvaničnim dokumentima čak i kad je pristup obavezan po zakonu. Krajem avgusta. Udruženje profesionalnih novinara Kosova prijavilo je da izveštaj o stepenu u kojem vlasti i javne institucije odgovaraju na zahteve medija za dobijanje zvaničnih dokumenata pokazao da je samo 23 procenta zahteva uspešno rešeno. Izveštaj je ukazao da nijedna institucija kojoj su se novinari obratili moliocima nije omogućila spisak raspoloživih dokumenata.

Odeljak 4 Stav vlade o istragama međunarodnih i nevladinih organizacija o navodnim slučajevima kršenja ljudskih prava

Široka paleta domaćih i međunarodnih grupa koje se bave ljudskim pravima generalno je radila bez ograničenja, vodila istrage i objavljivala svoja saznanja o slučajevima u vezi sa ljudskim pravima. UNMIK, KFOR i PISG su povremeno sarađivali i reagovali na njihove stavove.

Zadatak ombudsmana je da istraži tvrdnje da vlasti krše međunarodne zakone o ljudskim pravima. Mada je kancelarija ombudsmana aktivno objavljivala interventna pisma, izveštaje i preporuke, PISG, lokalni sudovi i KPS nisu uvek postupali po njegovim preporukama. Predmeti koje je kancelarija ombudsmana istraživala ticali su se imovinskih prava, zloupotrebe službenog položaja, administrativnih postupaka ili manjkavosti u radu javnih organa, pomanjkanja propisnih istraga krivičnih dela, pitanja koja se tiču dužine sudskih postupaka i izvršenja sudskih odluka, sporova u vezi sa zapošljavanjem i nekažnjivosti. Bivši zamenik ombudsmana Hilmi Jašari tokom godine je i dalje radio kao vršilac dužnosti šef kancelarije ombudsmana, nakon isteka mandata međunarodnog ombudsmana 2005. Mandat ombudsmana je 2006. promenjen tako što je iz njegovog delokruga isključen UNMIK; novo Savetodavno veće za ljudska prava u okviru UNMIK-a osnovano je u aprilu sa zadatkom da nadzire UNMIK.

UNMIK, KFOR i PISG generalno su sarađivali sa Međunarodnim krivičnim sudom za bivšu Jugoslaviju (ICTY). ICTY je 2005. podigao optužnicu protiv nekadašnjeg premijera Ramuša Haradinaja i kooptuženih Idriza Balaja i Lahija Brahimaja u vezi sa ratnim zločinima počinjenim 1998. Suđenje počelo u martu i do kraja godine nije završeno.

Odeljak 5 Diskriminacija, društvene zloupotrebe i trgovina ljudima

Propisi UNMIK-a i PISG-a jasno zabranjuju diskriminaciju na osnovu rase, pola, etničke pripadnosti, umanjenih sposobnosti i jezika; međutim, nasilje i diskriminacija žena, osoba s umanjenim sposobnostima i etničkih manjina bili su problemi.

Žene

Po propisima UNMIK-a silovanje je krivično delo; međutim, supružničko silovanje nije posebno istaknuto. Po privremenom krivičnom zakoniku, za silovanje je zaprećena kazna od jedne do deset godina zatvora; za silovanje maloletnika (seksualni odnos sa devojčicom mlađom od 14 godina) zaprećena je kazna od jedne do pet godina zatvora.

Silovanje se izuzetno retko prijavljuje jer su žrtve i njihove porodice u društvu izložene sramoti. Prema podacima Ministarstva pravde, tokom godine advokati su pružili usluge žrtvama u otprilike 82 slučaja silovanja. UNMIK-ova policija je prijavila da je tokom godine KPS uhapsio šest lica zbog silovanja.

Porodično nasilje nad ženama, uključujući supružničko zlostavljanje, i dalje postoji u velikoj meri. Propisi UNMIK-a zabranjuju porodično nasilje za koje je zaprećena kazna zatvorom u trajanju od šest meseci do pet godina. Kad žrtve i podnesu prijavu, jedinice KPS-a za porodično nasilje obavljaju istragu i predmet prosleđuju tužiocima. Prema podacima UNMIK-a, porodična odanost i tesno povezane zajednice i nagomilani predmeti i pred građanskim i pred krivičnim sudovima doprineli su niskoj stopi krivičnog gonjenja.

Kao i silovanja, i nasilje u porodici je i dalje ozbiljan prblem koji se veoma retko prijavljuje. OEBS je u julu objavio izveštaj o nasilju u porodici. Izveštaj je naglasio probleme u suđenjima u predmetima porodičnog nasilja uključujući nezakonita kašnjenja u pregledanju molbi za zaštitne mere. OEBS je takođe izrazio zabrinutost u vezi sa žalbenim postupkom u predmetima porodičnog nasilja; u nekim slučajevima, sudovi nezakonito napominju u odlukama da će žalba optuženog odložiti izvršenje zaštitne mere.

KPS je prijavio da su u toku godine 53 žrtve porodičnog nasilja smeštene u prihvatilišta. Centar za zaštitu žena i dece pružio je pomoć za 43 žrtve porodičnog i seksualnog nasilja od januara do 30. avgusta. Jedinica za podršku i pomoć žrtvama Ministarstva pravde radila je na 334 slučaja porodičnog nasilja od januara do juna. Premda su osuđujuće presude u takvim slučajevima bile retke, izrečene kazne su varirale od sudske opomene do zatvorske kazne. Tradicionalni društveni odnosi prema ženama u društvu kojim dominiraju muškarci doprineli su visokom nivou porodičnog nasilja i malom broju prijavljenih slučajeva.

Nisu postojale vladine agencije isključivo posvećene porodičnom nasilju. Ministarstvo za rad i socijalna pitanja pružalo je izvesnu finansijsku podršku prihvatilištima za žrtve porodičnog nasilja kojima upravljaju nevladine organizacije i u kojima se takođe prihvataju žrtve trgovine ljudima. Ministarstvo je takođe pružilo socijalne usluge preko centara za socijalna pitanja. Ministarstvo pravde se staralo o prihvatilištu za žrtve trgovine ljudima. Ukupno je šest prihvatilišta pružalo pomoć žrtvama porodičnog nasilja i trgovine ljudima, uključujući i jedno koje vodi međunarodna nevladina organizacija. KPS je prijavio da je tokom godine pomoć dobilo 66 žrtava porodičnog nasilja. Nekoliko lokalnih i međunarodnih nevladinih organizacija bavilo se aktivnostima za pomoć ženama; međutim, njihov rad je ograničavalo tradicionalno ćutanje o porodičnom nasilju, seksualnom zlostavljanju i silovanju.

Tokom godine je radila anonimna dežurna telefonska linija, na raspolaganju 24 sata, u Prištini, Gjilanu, Peći, Prizrenu i Mitrovici. Od 2004. preko ove linije pružena je pomoć u 2.573 slučaja. Žrtve porodičnog nasilja predstavljaju 70 procenata svih poziva, dok ostatak predstavljaju žrtve trgovine ljudima, seksualnog zlostavljanja i zlostavljanja dece. Dežurna linija je obaveštavala osobe koje su zvale o njihovim pravima, raspoloživim prihvatilištima i relevantnim informacijama.

Nastavni program škole KPS-a za obuku obuhvata specijalne kurseve o porodičnom nasilju i silovanju. Nije bilo izveštaja da je KPS neodgovarajuće reagovao na optužbe za silovanje i porodično nasilje.

Zakon zabranjuje prostituciju ali je prostitucija i dalje rasprostranjena. Istražna jedinica UNMIK-a za prostituciju vodila je istrage u slučajevima prostitucije.

Ne postoji poseban zakon o seksualnom uznemiravanju koje je predstavljalo uobičajeni problem. Društvena svest o seksualnom uznemiravanju i dalje je na niskom stepenu i mali broj slučajeva je prijavljen.

Žene imaju ista zakonska prava kao muškarci ali tradicionalno imaju niži društveni status što utiče na njihov tretman u okviru zakonskog sistema. Iako ne postoje zakonske prepreke, relativno mali broj žena se nalazi na položajima visokog ranga u privredi, KPS-u i vladi. Mada je sve veći broj zaposlenih žena, stopa nezaposlenosti žena je i dalje visoka – oko 70 procenata, što je 20 do 25 procenata više nego kod muške populacije. Žene predstavljaju manje od 34 procenta zaposlenih u državnim službama.

Tradicionalni društveni stavovi prema ženama za posledicu imaju diskriminaciju. U nekim seoskim sredinama žene nisu uvek u mogućnosti da donose odluke koje se tiču dece ni da vrše kontrolu nad imovinom. Mada žene i muškarci imaju jednaka zakonska prava kad je u pitanju nasleđivanje imovine, porodična imovina obično prelazi u ruke muškaraca. Udovice etničkih Albanaca, posebno u seoskim područjima, izložene su opasnosti da izgube starateljstvo nad decom zbog običaja po kojem deca i imovina prelaze u porodicu pokojnog oca dok se žena vraća svojoj porodici.

Deca

UNMIK i PISG su generalno bili posvećeni dobrobiti i pravima dece.

Propisi UNMIK-a nalažu da deca od šest do petnaest godina starosti budu na obaveznom školovanju. Obavezno devetogodišnje obrazovanje je besplatno. Prema statističkim podacima iz 2005. godine, 97.5 procenata dece kosovskih Albanaca i 99 procenata dece kosovskih Srba upisana su u osnovnu školu, a samo se 77 procenata dece od sedam do četrnaest godina iz nesrpskih manjinskih zajednica (Romi, Aškalije, Egipćani, Turci, Bošnjaci, Goranci i drugi) školuje. Kod nesrpskih manjina školuje se 69 procenata devojčica.

UNICEF je izvestio da je nedostatak objekata za manjinsko obrazovanje u delovima Kosova nekim interno raseljenim licima otežao povratak kućama.

Prema podacima UNICEF-a, manje od 75 procenata sve dece koja završe osnovnu školu upisuje se srednju školu, a manje od 55 procenata kosovskih albanskih učenica nastavlja školovanje. Među devojčicama nesrpskih manjinskih zajednica, samo 40 procenata se upisuje u srednje škole.

Prema podacima UNICEF-a, oko 40 procenata populacije mlađe je od 18 godina, a 33 procenta od 15 godina. Manje od 10 procenata dece između dve i pet godina starosti pohađa predškolske ustanove.

Propisi UNMIK-a nalažu jednake uslove za školsku decu i obezbeđuju pravo na osnovno i srednjoškolsko obrazovanje na maternjem jeziku za manjinske učenike. Tokom godine radile su škole u kojima se predavanja drže na srpskom, bošnjačkom i turskom. I deca kosovskih Srba i deca kosovskih Albanaca pohađala su škole u neodgovarajućim objektima i bez osnovne opreme. Nekoliko škola ima i srpske i albanske učenike, koji su učili po različitim nastavnim programima i smenjivali se na časovima.

Romska, aškalijska i egipatska deca pohađaju mešovite škole sa decom kosovskih Albanaca ali se navodno suočavaju sa zastrašivanjem i maltretiranjem u nekim većinskim albanskim oblastima. Romska deca su bila u nepovoljnijem položaju zbog siromaštva, što je mnoge navelo da počnu da rade i kod kuće i na ulicama u ranom uzrastu kako bi doprineli porodičnom budžetu. Romska deca su takođe bila u nepovoljnom položaju zbog toga što su morala da uče još jedan jezik pošto mnogi kod kuće govore romski. Neka kosovska bošnjačka deca u prevashodno bošnjačkim oblastima povremeno su mogla da pohađaju osnovnu školu na svom jeziku, ali je nekolicina van takvih oblasti slušala predavanja na albanskom jeziku.

Studija koju su 2006. uradili UNICEF i Ministarstvo obrazovanja o rasprostranjenosti nasilja u školama otkrila je da je nasilje nad decom prihvatljivo. Fizička kazna je prihvaćena praksa kod kuće i u školi. Deca koja žive daleko od škole prijavila su da se plaše da putuju zato što im usput preti nasilje vršnjaka. Deca su prijavila da su počinioci nasilja njima bliske osobe, da dečacima preti veća opasnost od fizičkog nasilja a devojčicama od verbalnog zlostavljanja. Od dece uzrasta od šest do 11 godina, 75 procenata smatra da na ulicama vlada najveće nasilje, za 27 procenata je škola mesto nasilnih događaja, a za 12 procenata kuća. Trideset sedam procenata starije dece smatra nasilje nad decom u školi široko rasprostranjenom pojavom.

Deca bez roditelja smeštena su na različita mesta, uključujući širu porodicu, kod staratelja i u opštinske domove. Međutim, kako lokalni programi o usvajanju i starateljskoj porodici nisu pratili stopu ostavljanja, vlasti su povremeno smeštale novorođenčad i decu u grupne domove sa nekoliko negovatelja. Deca s umanjenim sposobnostima često su bila sakrivana i bez potrebne nege, posebno u seoskim područjima.

Tokom godine Ministarstvo rada i socijalne pomoći vodilo je 31 centar za socijalnu pomoć koji je pružio pomoć za 1.253 siročića i 913 dece delikvenata. Ministarstvo je takođe brinulo o starateljskim domovima i koordinisalo smeštaj dece u privremenim prihvatilištima sa nevladinim organizacijama. Prema podacima Centra za socijalni rad, 19 napuštene dece s posebnim potrebama, od tri do 18 godina starosti, živelo je u dva opštinska doma koja finansira vlada i koja pružaju dvadesetčetvoročasovnu negu.

Brakovi dece su sklapaju, posebno među etničkim Romima, Aškalijama, Egipćanima i Albancima. UNMIK nije prikupio statističke podatke o ovom pitanju, pa je nejasno u kolikoj meri to predstavlja problem.

Trgovina ljudima

Po propisima UNMIK-a i privremenim krivičnim zakonima i zakonima o krivičnim postupcima, trgovina ljudima smatra se krivičnim delom; međutim, trgovina ženama i decom i dalje je ozbiljan problem.

Kosovo je izvorna, tranzitna i odredišna tačka za trgovinu ljudima, a trgovina unutar područja je sve veći problem. Žrtve su žene i deca kojima se trguje unutar područja ili koja stižu iz Istočne Evrope, sa Balkana i iz bivšeg Sovjetskog Saveza na Kosovo, prevashodno u cilju seksualne eksploatacije, ali i rada po kućama ili prinudnog rada po barovima i restoranima. Žrtvama se takođe trgovalo preko Kosova za Makedoniju, Albaniju i zemlje Zapadne Evrope. Prema podacima Međunarodne organizacije za migracije (IOM), svih osam osoba identifikovanih kao strane žrtve trgovine ljudima vraćene su dobrovoljno u svoje države ili u svoje zajednice.

Prema podacima KPS-a i IOM-a, trgovina ljudima je sve veći problem. Podaci IOM-a ukazuju da je sa Kosova 73 procenta žrtava trgovine ljudima, a za njima slede žene i devojke iz Moldavije (13 procenata), Albanije (10 procenata) i Ukrajine (3 procenta). Statistika KPS-a se razlikuje, i prema policijskim podacima, 56 procenata žrtava su sa Kosova i njima je trgovano unutar područja,a za njima sledi 28 procenata iz Albanije, 9 procenata iz Moldavije i 3 procenta iz Makedonije i Srbije. KPS je takođe prijavio velike teškoće u identifikaciji žrtava trgovine ljudima zbog njihove nevoljnosti da otvoreno istupe i podnesu prijave policiji. Kulturni tabui i opasnost od socijalne diskriminacije bili su razlog za većinu žrtava trgovine ljudima unutar područja da ne govore o svojim iskustvima. Druga poteškoća bila je nesposobnost KPS-a da regrutuje svoje pripadnike kosovske Srbe za antitrafiking jedinicu, što je sprečavalo da se vode tajne operacije u severnom delu Kosova i u enklavama kosovskih Srba.

Žrtve trgovine ljudima radile su uglavnom u seks industriji, uglavnom u bordelima i noćnim klubovima ali sve više i u privatnim stanovima i preko službi za pozivanje devojaka. Nijedna od njih nije prijavila da je znala da će raditi u seks industriji kad je napustila svoj dom. Žrtve trgovine ljudima su prijavile da su redovno batinane i silovane, da im je uskraćivana medicinska nega i da su im putne i lične isprave oduzete. Žrtve su često zaticane u lošem zdravstvenom i psihičkom stanju.

UNMIK je izvestio da su trgovci ljudima često radili u okviru koordinisanih postupaka pripadnika organizovanog kriminala iz redova kosovskih Srba i kosovskih Albanaca, a da su neke žene preko ili iz Srbije stizale na Kosovo. Vlasnici barova i bordela kupovali su žrtve od organizovanih kriminalnih bandi.

Metode trgovine ljudima su sve sofisticiranije. U odgovor na agresivnu kampanju iskorenjivanja trgovine ljudima koju sprovode lokalne i međunarodne vlasti, trgovci ljudima su komercijalni seks izmestili iz javnih barova i klubova u privatne stanove, gde se takve radnje teže otkrivaju. Trgovci ljudima su sve više finansijski podsticali žrtve na odbijanje pomoći.

IOM je izvestio da su od 569 žrtava, uglavnom međunarodnih, kojima je pomoć pružio od 1999, 74 procenta postale žrtve trgovaca ljudima nakon što su prihvatile izmišljene poslove u inostranstvu, 4 procenta je tvrdilo da su kidnapovane, a 4 procenta je očekivalo brak. U 83 procenta slučajeva, vrbovanje je izvršeno preko ličnih zajedničkih kontakata, 29 procenata žrtava su zavrbovali poznanici, a 16 procenata prijatelji ili porodični prijatelji. Vrbovanje su uglavnom vršile žene.

Prema privremenom krivičnom zakoniku, za trgovinu ljudima zaprećena je maksimalna kazna od 20 godina zatvora. Bavljenje trgovinom ljudima kažnjava se na dve do 12 godina zatvora, ili do 15 godina ukoliko je žrtva maloletna; organizivanje grupe za bavljenje trgovinom ljudima kažnjava se na sedam do 20 godina zatvora i novčanom globom od 730.000 dolara (500.000 evra); omogućavanje trgovine ljudima kroz nemar kažnjava se na šest meseci do pet godina zatvora. Osoba koja se upusti u seksualni odnos sa žrtvom trgovine ljudima može biti osuđena na tri meseca do pet godina zatvora, a sa maloletnom žrtvom od dve do 10 godina zatvora. Omogućavanje prostitucije se kažnjava novčanom globom ili kaznom do 3 godine zatvora, odnosno do 5 godina ukoliko se bavlja u radijusu od 350 metara od škole ili druge lokacije na kojoj se nalaze deca. Kada su u prostituciju umešane maloletne žrtve, zatvorska kazna može biti do 12 godina. Prostitucija se kažnjava kao manji prekršaj; prostitutke se mogu kazniti ali ne i klijenti ukoliko policija ne dokaže da je klijent svesno koristio usluge žrtve trgovine ljudima. Prostitucija predstavlja osnov za deportaciju ukoliko „prostitutka“ nije žrtva trgovine ljudima.

UNMIK je obavljao aktivnosti u oblasti trgovine ljudima do maja 2006. kada je ova nadležnost preneta na KPS; tokom godine, KPS je izvršavao primarnu nadležnost u borbi protiv trgovine ljudima i obavio 120 operacija praćenja osumnjičenih osoba. KPS je zatvorio 45 poslovnih objekata korištenih za trgovinu ljudima. Tokom godine KPS je uhapsilo 43 lica zbog trgovine ljudima, jedno lice zbog svodništva, jedno zbog prostitucije i osam pod optužbom u vezi sa trgovinom ljudima kao što je nezakonito posedovanje oružja i falsifikovanje. Takođe je identifikovao 41 žrtvu trgovine ljudima, od kojih je 28 dobilo potrebnu pomoć, uključujući bezbedan smeštaj, savetovanje i profesionalnu obuku za povratak i socijalnu reintegraciju. Najmanje jedno prihvatilište pružilo je medicinsku negu u skladu sa sporazumom sa nadležnim ustanovama. Tužilaštvo je podnelo 33 tužbe za trgovinu ljudima; još 28 predmeta iz prethodne godine nije okončano. Završeno je 13 predmeta u kojima je izrečeno 13 osuđujućih presuda.

Faktori koji su doprineli malom broju tužbi uključivali su sve veću sofisticiranost organizovanih kriminalnih napora da se izbegnu direktne veze između žrtava i glavnih kriminalaca, nedostatak programa zaštite svedoka (iako su sredstva iskorištena da bi se za vreme svedočenja na suđenju obezbedila anonimnost), nevoljnost žrtava da sarađuju sa vlastima, neodgovarajuća obuka sudskog osoblja i neuspeh policije da se prilagodi novim tehnikama koje upotrebljavaju trgovci ljudima.

Propisi UNMIK-a nalažu da se žrtvama trgovine ljudima obezbedi odbrana po tužbama za prostituciju, ilegalni prelazak granice, boravak i rad na Kosovu. U prošlosti su lokalne sudije ponekad netačno osuđivale žrtve trafikinga na zatvorske kazne ili pogrešno izdavale nalog za deportaciju za žene osuđene zbog prostitucije ili nemanja dokumenata. Za razliku od prethodnih godina, nije bilo izveštaja o ovakvoj praksi tokom ove godine.

IOM i KPS su prijavili da su žrtve trgovine ljudima često imale ugovore za rad koji su im omogućili da uđu na Kosovo i pribave boravišne dozvole. To je otežalo otkrivanje i dokazivanje trgovine ljudima.

UNMIK, KPS, pogranična policija, OEBS, Kancelarija za dobru upravu, tužioci, sudije i ministarstva zdravlja, obrazovanja, javnih službi i rada i socijalne pomoći dele odgovornost u borbi protiv trgovine ljudima. Nevladine organizacije i međunarodne organizacije, posebno IOM, bavili su se zaštitom i preventivnim aktivnostima za borbu protiv trgovine ljudima. U saradnji sa nevladinim organizacijama, međunarodnim organizacijama i stranim vladama, PISG je nastavio da primenjuje Kosovski akcioni plan za borbu protiv trgovine ljudima koji je pokrenut 2005. Aktivnosti su uključivale medijske intervjue s ciljem podizanja svesti o ovom problemu, takmičenje za najbolje izveštavanje o trgovini ljudima i produkciju filma Vrbovanje, čija je premijera izvedena u Prištini i koji je potom televizija emitovala širom Kosova. Međutim, procena akcionog plana objavljenog u septembru, koju je obavio projekat Partnerstvo protiv trgovine ljudima, otkrila je da su samo četiri od planiranih aktivnosti primenjene od kraja juna a da 20 tek treba da počne. Ostatak je u toku. Plan je istekao u decembru a PISG ga nije produžio.

IOM je tokom godine pružio pomoć za 31 žrtvu trgovine ljudima od kojih je 23 bilo sa Kosova. Više od pola žrtava sa Kosova bili su maloletnici (12 slučajeva), a svi su bili žrtve trgovine ljudima unutar tog područja, izuzev jednog lica (koje je prodano u Crnu Goru). Kao i 2006. godine, IOM je pružio pomoć većem broju lokalnih nego stranih žrtava trgovine ljudima. Od žrtava van Kosova kojima je IOM pomogao od 1999, preko 51 procenta bilo je iz Moldavije, 19,5 procenata iz Rumunije, 13 procenata iz Ukrajine, a ostatak iz Bugarske, Albanije, Rusije, Srbije, Crne Gore, Slovačke i Nigerije. Većina ovih žrtava imala je između 18 i 24 godine starosti. Podaci IOM-a ukazali su da je skoro 82 procenta kosovskih žrtava bilo žrtva trgovine ljudima unutar područja, dok je oko 8 procenata odlazilo u Makedoniju, a po 4,5 procenata u Albaniju i Italiju.

Ukupan broj slučajeva trgovine ljudima u kojima su žrtve maloletnici porastao je od 2006. Iako je jedna od stranih žrtava trgovine ljudima kojoj je IOM pomogao tokom godine bila maloletna, oko 55 procenata lokalnih žrtava bili su maloletnici. Deca i mlade devojke iz seoskih područja čine preko 50 procenata žrtava trgovine ljudima. Deca i mlade devojke iz sredina gde je veliko siromaštvo, nezaposlenost, porodično zlostavljanje i nepismenost posebno su u opasnosti da postanu žrtve trgovine ljudima. IOM je izvestio da 10 procenata lokalnih žrtava nije upisano u školu; 35 procenata je tek završilo prve razrede osnovne škole (peti razred); 45 procenata je završilo osnovnu školu (deveti razred); 8 procenata je završilo srednju školu, a manje od 1 procenta su studenti.

Postoje nepouzdani dokazi da kompleksne finansijske i porodične veze postoje između političkih lidera i organizovanih kriminalnih mreža koji imaju finansijsku korist od trgovine ljudima.

Tokom godine je obavljen veliki broj hapšenja i policijskih akcija protiv trgovaca ljudima. Na primer, u januaru je KPS uhapsio dvojicu kosovskih Albanaca koji su vodili dva kafea, „Suka“ i „Suka 1“, u Prizrenu, nakon što mu je dostavljena informacija o žrtvi, kosovskoj Albanki, koja je zaposlena kao čistačica a zatim prisiljena na prostituciju. KPS je saslušao ženu i zatekao je u traumatizovanom stanju; odveli su je u prizrensku bolnicu gde su lekari utvrdili da su joj trgovci ljudima uskraćivali hranu i vodu, i davali joj jedino alkohol. Lekari su je hranili intravenozno a kasnije je prebacili u prihvatilište. „Suka“ i „Suka 1“ su zatvoreni.

U martu su petorica kosovskih Albanaca uhapšeni za trgovinu ženama iz privatnog stana u Gnjilanu, a jedna četrdesetpetogodišnja žrtva je spasena. Jedan od trgovaca ljudima, sedamdesetčetvorogodišnjak, umro je u zatvoru. Za šestim muškarcem koji je povezan sa ovom grupom i dalje se tragalo, ali nije uhvaćen.

Dana 22. juna, KPS je sproveo tajnu operaciju u jednom kafeu u Kosovu Polju, iz čega je proisteklo hapšenje jednog Albanca i spasavanje dve Albanke. Osumnjičeni trgovac ljudima poslan je u zatvor na 30 dana, ali je tužilac kasnije zaključio da nema dovoljno dokaza da se protiv njega podigne optužnica za trgovinu ljudima.

Međunarodne i lokalne nevladine organizacije, koje finansiraju strani donatori, bile su glavni izvor pomoći za žrtve trgovine ljudima. Lokalne nevladine organizacije, kao što su Centar za zaštitu žrtava i prevenciju trgovine ljudima i Centar za zaštitu žena i dece, vodili su prihvatilišta koja su pružala medicinsku negu i psihološko savetovanje žrtvama trgovine ljudima u saradnji sa UNMIK-om, OEBS-om i IOM-om. Nevladina organizacija Nada i dom za decu vodila je prihvatilište za decu žrtve trgovine ljudima, a, u saradnji sa UNMIK-om i OEBS-om, Ministarstvo rada i socijalne pomoći vodilo je polunezavisni objekat za smeštaj maloletnika koji su žrtve trgovine ljudima i nasilja u porodici. Neka prihvatilišta za žrtve porodičnog nasilja, kao što je Lirija u Gnjilanu, kratkotrajno je prihvatala niskorizične žrtve i upućivala ih dalje. Privremeni objekat koji vodi Ministarstvo pravde takođe je privremeno prihvatao žrtve dok se odlučivale da li će biti vraćene u svoju zemlju ili svedočiti protiv trgovaca ljudima. Policija je često upućivala lica za koje se sumnjalo da su žrtve trgovine ljudima na IOM preko regionalnih zvaničnika OEBS-a.

Osobe sa umanjenim sposobnostima

Nekoliko propisa UNMIK-a zabranjuje diskriminaciju osoba sa umanjenim sposobnostima pri zapošljavanju, školovanju, zdravstvenoj zaštiti i pružanju drugih državnih usluga; međutim, postojala je znatna diskriminacija u praksi a prava osoba sa umanjenim sposobnostima nisu prioritet PISG-a. Prema podacima lokalne nevladine organizacije za prava osoba sa umanjenim sposobnostima HandiKos, zakoni koje se odnose na osobe sa umanjenim sposobnostima nisu adekvatno sprovođeni. Stoga su deca s umanjenim sposobnostima često bila uskraćena u pogledu mogućnosti obrazovanja, nisu profesionalno evaluirana i nedostajala im je odgovarajuća zdravstvena i socijalna služba. Prema podacima Ministarstva obrazovanja, nauke i tehnologije, na Kosovu postoji 14.000 do 15.000 dece sa umanjenim sposobnostima. Postoji sedam specijalnih rezidencijalnih škola za decu s umanjenim sposbnostima i 50 učionica za decu s posebnim potrebama pri redovnim školama. Ministarstvo je izvestilo da je ukupan broj učenika koji imaju specijalno obrazovanje preko 900 i procenilo da 2,5 procenata učenika u redovnim školama ima umanjene sposobnosti. Između 84 i 90 procenata dece s umanjenim sposobnostima nemaju pristup školovanju; ostali su smešteni u izolovanim specijalnim školama.

Ne postoji nikakva posebna pravna zaštita za decu s umanjenim sposobnostima, jer je Savet za privredu i finansije tvrdio da nema dovoljno sredstava da bi podržao takve programe. Ne postoji zakon kojim se definiše status osoba sa umanjenim sposobnostima niti odredbe za njihovo obučavanje i zapošljavanje. Ne postoje zakoni o starateljstvu i odgovarajući mehanizmi zaštite, a propisi ne priznaju smeštaj lica sa umanjenim mentalnim sposobnostima u institucije kao pravno pitanje odvojeno od pitanja protivvoljnog lečenja. Zakonom je propisan pristup osoba sa umanjenim sposobnostima javnim zgradama ali to nije primenjeno i retko je u praksi.

Prema podacima nevladine organizacije Međunarodna organizacija za prava osoba sa umanjenim mentalnim odnosima (MDRI), pacijenti sa umanjenim mentalnim sposobnostima i dalje su bez pravnog osnova pritvarani u izolovan smeštaj, pošto ne postoji zakon kojim se regulište pitanje prijema lica u psihijatrijske ustanove ili ustanove socijalne pomoći niti se štite prava unutar institucija. Povremeno su lica kojima je neophodno lečenje mentalnog zdravlja osuđivana za izmišljena ili sitna krivična dela i smeštana u zatvore koji nemaju uslove za adekvatan tretman. Prema podacima Svetske zdravstvene organizacije (WHO), bilo je oko 14.000 osoba sa umanjenim mentalnim sposobnostima; MDRI je procenio da oko 50.000 ljudi s umanjenim mentalnim sposobnostima živi van institucija. Prema podacima MDRI-ja, takve osobe žive u izolaciji i sramoti.

U aprilu 2006, premijer je ustanovio Nacionalni savet za osobe sa umanjenim sposobnostima kao savetodavnu organizaciju pri državnim organima i Skupštini Kosova. U maju je savet odredio svoje prioritete, od kojih je glavni priprema nacrta nacionalne platforme za osobe sa umanjenim sposobnostima.

Do kraja godine ni UNMIK ni PISG nisu podneli krivičnu prijavu niti preduzeli nikakvu drugu pravnu radnju u odgovor na izveštaj MDRI-ja iz 2002. godine da su pronađeni obimni dokazi o fizičkom zlostavljanju, seksualnim napadima, zanemarivanju i samovoljnom pritvoru koje vrše osoblje i pacijenti u objektima za negu mentalnog zdravlja u Institutu u Štimlju, prištinskom Staračkom domu i prištinskoj univerzitetskoj bolnici. MDRI je prijavio da je do septembra 2006 Štimlje bilo odvojeno u objekat za ometene u razvoju sa 74 pacijenta i psihijatrijsku kliniku sa 68 pacijenata. Većina pacijenata u Štimlju su Srbi i pripadnici drugih manjina. MDRI je takođe izvestio da se novi pacijenti primaju u objekat i pored politike „neprimanja“ iz 2001. godine.

Ministarstva obrazovanja, zdravstvene zaštite, socijalne pomoći i javnih službi odgovorna su za zaštitu prava osoba sa umanjenim sposobnostima.

MDRI je 2004. godine pripremo izveštaj u kojem se navodi da su osobe sa smanjenim mentalnim sposobnostima pod institucionalizovanom negom izložene izolaciji, proizvoljnom pritvaranju i fizičkom nasilju i seksualnom zlostavljanju. PISG je 2005. proširio mogućnosti za nezavistan život takvih osoba i potrošio između 175.000 i 292.000 dolara (120.000 do 200.000 evra) na 14 integracionih domova koje je odobrio MDRI. MDRI je prijavio da je, premda je namera da ovakvi domovi budu tranzitni, većina rezidenata u njima provela više godina s malom mogućnošću povratka u zajednicu. Prema izveštaju WHO-a iz 2006, nije bilo dovoljno objekata za negu osoba sa umanjenim mentalnim sposobnostima, a mogućnosti za zapošljavanje takvih osoba ograničene su. CDHRF je izvestio da su zatvorenici sa umanjenim mentalnim sposobnostima često smešteni u zatvorske objekte u nedostatku lečenja mentalnog zdravlja.

Nacionalne/Rasne/Etničke manjine

Zvanična i društvena diskriminacija etničkih Srba, Roma, Aškalija i Egipćana i dalje postoji u pogledu zapošljavanja, socijalnih službi, upotrebe jezika, slobode kretanja, prava na povratak i drugih osnovnih prava, mada su izveštaji o takvoj diskriminaciji smanjeni u odnosu na 2006. Pripadnici kosovske bošnjačke i goranske zajednice takođe su se žalili na diskriminaciju. Tokom godine nasilje i druga krivična dela protiv manjina i njihove imovine umanjena su ali su i dalje problem. Zapošljavanje manjina u PISG-u i dalje je na niskom nivou i generalno ograničeno na niži stepen nadležnosti; pripadnici manjina čine 10,4 procenata zaposlenih u državnim organima iako je cilj PISG-a više od 16 procenata.

Dana 20. jula, ombudsman za ljudska prava objavio je izveštaj u kojem se iznosi da je etnička diskriminacija rasprostranjen i stalan problem, pogotovo u oblasti zdravstvene zaštite i zapošljavanja. Izveštaj takođe navodi da se manjinske grupe i dalje suočavaju sa neprestanim pretnjama.

Do kraja septembra UNMIK-ova policija je prijavila 457 slučajeva međuetničkog kriminala; u 342 slučaja Srbi su ili žrtve ili osumnjičeni. Prema podacima UNMIK-a, incidenti upereni protiv manjina generalno su retko prijavljivani zbog nepoverenja prema KPS-u i pravnom sistemu, koje uveliko potiče iz malog broja uspešnih krivičnih istraga, tužbi i osuđujućih presuda.

Tokom godine je bilo brojnih izveštaja o napadima na kosovske Srbe, koje obično vodi međunarodna policijska jedinica, jedinica sastavljena od pripadnika međunarodne policije UN-a u okviru KPS-a koja odgovara direktno policijskom komesaru, a on takođe pripada međunarodnom osoblju.

Dana 2. februara, kosovska Srpkinja nađena je iza jednog kafea u Mitrovici sa ubodnom ranom na stomaku. Policija je saslušala jednog kosovskog Albanca i dvojicu kosovskih Bošnjaka. Istraga do kraja godine nije završena.

Dana 12. juna, kosovski Albanac, tinejdžer, napao je stariju kosovsku Srpkinju u hodniku zgrade u Prištini. Tinejdžer je uhapšen i osuđen za napad; žalba mu je odbijena a kazna na osam meseci zatvora potvrđena.

Dana 4. septembra, tri albanska tinejdžera bacali su kamenje na stariju Srpkinju, Vukicu Mikić, u njenoj kući u Klini. Njen sused je incident prijavio policiji; Vukica Mikić je odbila da podnese krivičnu prijavu, ali je tražila dodatne policijske patrole u tom području.

Bilo je pomaka u ranije prijavljenim slučajevima napada na kosovske Srbe.

Dana 25. juna, predsedavajući sudija za maloletnike naložio je psihološku evaluaciju šesnaestogodišnjeg kosovskog Albanca A.D. koji je u avgustu 2006. navodno bacio eksplozivnu napravu na ulaz kafea u severnoj Mitrovici i tom prilikom povredio sedam kosovskih Srba, jednog Bošnjaka i jednog britanskog državljanina. A.D. je uhapšen, optužen i privremeno pušten zbog zdravstvenog stanja. Međunarodni tužilac je podigao optužnicu u decembru 2006. a A.D. je čekao suđenje u kućnom pritvoru. Sudski postupak je suspendovan do dobijanja izveštaja o psihijatrijskoj evaluaciji. Dana 4. decembra, Okružni sud u Mitrovici je ustanovio da A.D. ima trajni mentalni poremećaj te da je stoga nesposoban za suđenje. Shodno tome, optužba je odbačena.

Dana 7. juna, međunarodni sudija je počeo razmatranje optužnice protiv Sabrija Hazirija, optuženog da je aprila 2003. pomagao u postavljanju bombe na železnički most koji povezuje većinske albanske i srpske oblasti u blizini sela Ložište u Zvečanu.

Tokom godine nije bilo pomaka u sledećim slučajevima iz 2006. godine: mladog kosovskog Srbina su u martu noževima izbola dvojica kosovskih albanskih mladića nedaleko od glavnog mosta u severnom delu Mitrovice; u junu su nepoznata lica pucala na domove kosovskih Srba povratnika u selu Lug u Istoku; u decembru se dogodila eksplozija na železničkoj pruzi koju često koriste pripadnici srpske manjine u opštini Vučitrn.

Nije bilo pomaka u sledećim slučajevima iz 2005. godine: na službeno vozilo lidera kosovskih Srba Olivera Ivanovića bačena je bomba; incident u kojem je nepoznato lice u Zubinom potoku bacilo ručnu granatu na kancelarije Srpske demokratske stranke za Kosovo i Metohiju Slaviše Petkovića, jedinu srpsku stranku s Kosova koja učestvuje u radu kosovskih institucija; incident u kojem je na četiri srpska mladića pucano (dvojice su nakon toga preminuli) dok su se vozili kroz Štrpce.

Tokom godine redovno je izveštavano o slučajevima u kojima su kosovski Albanci uništavali privatnu imovinu kosovskih Srba; nekoliko slučajeva nasilja nad Srbima možda su bili pokušaji da se nateraju da prodaju imovinu. Propis UNMIK-a sprečava otkup na veliko u mnogim zajednicama kosovskih Srba kako bi se u određenim područjima sprečilo zastrašivanje vlasnika koji pripadaju manjinama; međutim, taj propis je retko bio primenjivan. Bilo je izveštaja da kosovski Srbi imaju otežan pristup svojim imanjima koje ponekad zaposedaju ili koriste kosovski Albanci. Na primer, nekoliko Srba, u čiju korist je Kosovska agencija za imovinu donela odluku, nisu mogli da pristupe svojoj imovini bez pomoći međunarodne zajednice i političkog pritiska visokih političara PISG-a.

U nekim slučajevima, imovinu kosovskih Srba navodno su prodala lica koja se lažno predstavljaju kao njihovi advokati i podnose falsifikovana dokumenta u sudovima; u situacijama gde pravi vlasnici ne žive na Kosovu, takve prevare su mesecima ostajale neotkrivene.

Severne opštine Zvečan, Mitrovica, Zubin Potok i Leposavić jednoglasno odlučile da suspenduju odnose sa PISG-om u junu 2006 u znak odgovora na nekoliko nerešenih zločina nad kosovskim Srbima. I pored potonjih dokaza, hapšenja i jasnih izjava zvaničnika UNMIK-a i KPS-a da ovi zločini nisu etnički motivisani, tri severne opštine nisu do kraja godine obnovile odnose sa PISG-om.

Tokom godine bilo je mnogobrojnih izveštaja o kamenovanju vozila u kojima su se nalazili Srbi. KPS je od UNMIK-a preuzeo odgovornost za pratnju srpskih vozila.

Bilo je pomaka u predmetima nekoliko osoba pritvorenih pod sumnjom da su organizovali ili predvodili nemire 2004. Dana 20. februara, međunarodni tužilac je pred Okružnim sudom u Prištini podigao optužnicu protiv petorice kosovskih Albanaca, Skendera Islamija, Mustafe Islamija, Ramadana Islamija, Omerija Sulejmanija i Gazmenda Morine jer su navodno učestvovali u spaljivanju nekoliko zgrada u Kosovu Polju. Oni su optuženi da su spalili bolnicu, školu i veliki broj srpskih kuća i vozila. Dana 5. jula, međunarodni sudija je potvrdio optužnice protiv Skendera Islamija, Mustafe Islamija i Ramadana Islamija, koji su ostali u pritvoru. Postupak protiv preostale dvojice optuženih odložen je pošto se čeka potvrda o njihovom starosnom dobu u vreme kada je zločin počinjen.

Dana 15. juna, mešovito veće prizrenskog Okružnog suda, sastavljeno od dvojice međunarodnih i jednog lokalnog sudije, donelo je osuđujuću presudu protiv Esmina Hamze i jednog maloletnog optuženika po jednoj tački optužnice zbog podsticanja nacionalne, rasne, verske i etničke mržnje, razdora i netolerancije, po dve tačke optužnice zbog izazivanja opšte opasnosti što je dovelo do znatne materijalne štete, i po jednoj tački optužnice zbog toga što su bili u masi koja je počinila krivično delo. Hamza je osuđen na četiri godine zatvora, dok je maloletni optuženik pritvoren u vaspitno-popravnu instituciju na dve godine. Dana 14. februara, u ovom slučaju je svedočila žena čija je kuća marta 2004. napadnuta a zatim spaljena, i šteta procenjena na 248.000 dolara (170.000 evra). Njen rođak koji je odbio da napusti kući pretučen je.

U decembru 2006. uhapšena je Zlihaje Avdulahu zbog krivičnih dela počinjenih u Kosovu Polju u martu 2004. Avdulahu je navodno bila u nasilnoj grupi kosovskih Albanaca koja je obila, opljačkala i zapalila domove kosovskih Srba i napala kosovske Srbe. Dana 14. avgusta, međunarodni pretpretresni sudija joj je produžio alternativnu meru pritvora za još mesec dana koja je istekla 14. septembra. Krajem godine u ovom predmetu se čekalo na suđenje.

Dana 21. avgusta, suđenje vezano za mart 2004 počelo je u prištinskom Okružnom sudu pred većem sastavljenim od tri međunarodne sudije. Optuženi Mirsad Kurteši i Kadri Sulejmani izjavili su da nisu krivi po optužnici koja navodi da su navodno predvodili veliku grupu učesnika nemira u opštini Obilić 2004.

Tokom godine je bilo izveštaja o politički motivisanom nasilju protiv nesrpskih manjina.

Dana 8. januara, dvojica kosovskih Albanaca napali su jednog kosovskog Egipćanina u Peći; žrtva je zbog teških povreda hospitalizovana. KPS do kraja godine nije završio istragu.

Dana 15. maja, jedan kosovski Bošnjak je prijavio da ga je u Prizrenu napao kosovski Albanac. Bošnjak je zbog teških povreda hospitalizovan a policija je osumnjičenog uhapsila. KPS do kraja godine nije okončao istragu.

Nije bilo novih saznanja u sledećim slučajevima iz 2006. godine: u avgustu je grupa kosovskih Albanaca napala je kosovskog Crnogorca, interno raseljeno lice, Vuka Danilovića; u oktobru je bačena bomba na kuću goranskog predstavnika beogradskog Koordinacionog centra za Kosovo i Metohiju. Istrage KPS-a krajem godine bile su u toku.

Romi su bili predmet sveopšte društvene i ekonomske diskriminacije, često im osnovni higijenski uslovi, medicinska nega i obrazovanje nisu bili dostupni a za njihovo preživljavanje je od znatnog značaja humanitarna pomoć. Mada je bilo nekoliko uspešnih pokušaja da se Romi, Aškalije i Egipćani presele u kuće u kojima su živeli pre sukoba 1999. u Vučitrnu, bezbednosni problemi još postoje.

Lideri kosovskih Bošnjaka se žale da su hiljade pripadnika njihove zajednice napustile Kosovo zbog diskriminacije i nemogućnosti privređivanja.

Dana 21. maja, vlada je najavila formiranje Komisije za jezike, sastavljene od predstavnika vladinih ministarstava i Skupštine Kosova, kako bi nadzirala primenu zakona o jeziku po kojem je srpski drugi zvanični jezik na Kosovu i koji određuje prag od 5 procenata da bi jezik etničke manjine postao zvaničan u opštini. Po zakonu je turski i dalje treći oficijelni jezik u Prizrenu bez obzira na procenat koji turska populacija predstavlja u opštini.

Druge društvene zloupotrebe i diskriminacija
Zakon zabranjuje diskriminaciju na osnovu seksualne orijentacije; međutim, bilo je izveštaja o nasilju i diskriminaciji uperenoj protiv homoseksualaca i lezbijki.

Zbog straha od tradicionalnih društvenih stavova prema homoseksualnosti, većina lezbijki i gej osoba kriju svoju seksualnu orijentaciju. Lezbijke i gej osobe se uopšte uzev osećaju nesigurno, a mnogi od njih su prijavili da im je lična sigurnost ugrožena. Povremeno su štampani mediji potvrđivali ovakve stavove objavljivanjem, bez povlačenja, negativnih tekstova o homoseksualnosti koji su okarakterisali lezbijke i gej osobe kao mentalno obolele i sklone seksualnom zlostavljanju dece. Pojedini homoseksualci su takođe izvestili o diskriminaciji na radnom mestu. Najmanje jedna politička stranka, proislamska Stranka pravde, u svojoj političkoj platformi osuđuje homoseksualnost.

Dana 18. maja, posle proslave Međunarodnog dana protiv homofobije izvan Prištine, policija je zaustavila automobil kojim su se kući vozila četiri muškarca, trojica odeveni u haljine, i prisilila ih da izađu iz kola. Policija ih je odvela u obližnju policijsku stanicu gde su im policajci, nateravši ih da pokažu lična dokumenta, upućivali pogrdne i diskriminatorne komentare. KPS nije otvorio predmet o ovom slučaju, a žrtve su odbile da daju iskaze u strahu od buduće diskriminacije.

Centar za socijalnu emancipaciju, lokalna nevladina organizacija koja zastupa prava lezbijki, gej, biseksualnih i transgender osoba, saopštio je da je tokom godine postojao veliki broj drugih slučajeva diskriminacije homoseksualaca ali da žrtve ne dozvoljavaju da se njihovi slučajevi javno iznesu u strahu od buduće diskriminacije.

Nije bilo novih saznanja o slučaju iz marta 2006. kada su nepoznata lica teško pretukla dva muškarca kad su primetili da su se upustili u seksualni odnos. Jedan od muškaraca je kasnije preminuo od zadobijenih povreda.

Nije bilo izveštaja o slučajevima diskriminacije lica zaraženih virusom HIV-a, odnosno obolelih od side.

Odeljak 6 Prava radnika

a. Pravo na udruživanje

Propisi UNMIK-a dozvoljavaju radnicima da se po svom izboru učlanjuju i osnivaju sindikate bez prethodnog ovlašćenja ili preteranih zahteva, ali je ostvarivanje ovog prava povremeno sprečavano.

Jedini značajni sindikati bili su Udruženje nezavisnih sindikata Kosova (BSPK) i Konfederacija slobodnih sindikata (CFU). Propisi UNMIK-a zabranjuju diskriminaciju sindikata; međutim, u praksi su neki sindikalni zvaničnici prijavili slučajeve diskriminacije. BSPK je izvestio da samo mali broj preduzeća poštuje propis o zabrani diskriminacije sindikata i tvrdio da se radnička prava krše u svim sektorima, uključujući međunarodne organizacije, gde zaposleni nemaju socijalno osiguranje ni penzije.

b. Pravo na organizovanje i kolektivno pregovaranje

Propisi UNMIK-a dozvoljavaju sindikatima da svoje aktivnosti sprovode neometano i UNMIK je ovo pravo štitio u praksi. Propisi UNMIK-a takođe predviđaju pravo na organizovanje i kolektivno pregovaranje bez ometanja, a vlada nije ograničavala ovo pravo u praksi; međutim, tokom godine nije bilo kolektivnog pregovaranja. Propisi UNMIK-a ne priznaju pravo na štrajk; međutim, štrajkovi u praksi nisu zabranjeni i bilo ih je tokom godine.

Ne postoje izvozne zone.

c. Zabrana prinudnog i obaveznog rada

Propisi UNMIK-a zabranjuju prinudni i obavezni rad, uključujući i rad dece; međutim, bilo je izveštaja da su žene i deca bili žrtve trgovine ljudima u cilju seksualne eksploatacije, ropskog rada po kućama i prisilnog rada u barovima i restoranima.

d. Zabrana rada dece i donja starosna granica za zapošljavanje

Propisi i procedure UNMIK-a zabranjuju iskorištavanje dece na radnom mestu, u šta spada zabrana prinudnog i obaveznog rada; međutim, izuzev kad je reč o trgovini ljudima, UNMIK i PISG su retko reagovali kada bi se ovakve aktivnosti ustanovile. Trgovina decom, prvenstveno u cilju seksualne eksploatacije, bila je ozbiljan problem.

Po propisima UNMIK-a, donja starosna granica za zapošljavanje jeste šesnaest godina, odnosno osamnaest kod poslova gde postoji verovatnoća da su štetni po zdravlje, sigurnost i moral mlade osobe, ali se rad dozvoljava deci koja imaju petnaest godina pod uslovom da nije štetan ili da ne ometa redovno pohađanje nastave.

U selima i poljoprivrednim sredinama, mlađa deca obično u poslu pomažu porodici. Gradska deca su često obavljala razne neprijavljene sitne poslove, kao što je prodaja novina, cigareta ili telefonskih kartica na ulici. Broj takve dece relativno se povećavao do 2006. iako o tome ni UNMIK ni PISG nemaju statističkih podataka. Prema Ministarstvu za rad i socijalnu pomoć, PISG i dalje nema plan za rešavanje ovog uobičajenog oblika nezvaničnog rada dece. Neka deca takođe obavljaju fizički posao kao što je prevoz robe. Međunarodne nevladine organizacije koje su aktivne na Kosovu izvestile su da su tokom godine primećena ozbiljna kršenja radnih propisa uključujući i rad dece.

U saradnji sa UNMIK-om, Ministarstvo za rad i socijalnu pomoć koordinisalo je politiku zaštite dece, a odeljenje Ministarstva za socijalnu pomoć imalo je zadatak da obezbedi zaštitu dece; međutim, Ministarstvo je imalo više savetodavnu ulogu a nije sprovodilo zakon, a tokom godine je obavilo mali broj inspekcija.

e. Prihvatljivi uslovi za rad

Iako propisi UNMIK-a predviđaju minimalnu zaradu, ona još nije usvojena. Mada mnoge međunarodne agencije i nevladine
organizacije isplaćaju odgovarajuće zarade, prosečna mesečna plata stalno zaposlenog radnika u javnom sektoru u iznosu od 355 dolara (243 evra) i prosečna mesečna plata u privatnom sektoru u iznosu od 444 dolara (304 evra) nedovoljne su da bi se obezbedio pristojan životni standard radnika i njegove porodice. Plate u javnom sektoru i dalje su zamrznute po nalog MMF-a i nisu povećavane od 2003. godine.

Propisi UNMIK-a predviđaju standardnu četrdesetočasovnu radnu nedelju, pauze za odmor, ograničavaju redovno radno vreme na dvanaest časovo dnevno, prekovremeni rad na dvadeset časova nedeljno, odnosno četrdeset časova mesečno, propisuju plaćanje nadoknade za prekovremeni rad i zabranjuju prekomerni obavezan prekovremeni rad. Poslodavci često nisu primenjivali ove propise zbog male zaposlenosti i velike stope nezaposlenosti.

BSPK je izvestio da su tokom godine primećena ozbiljna kršenja radnih propisa, uključujući i nedostatak standardne radne nedlje i obavezan i neplaćen prekovremeni rad; zaposleni nisu prijavljivali takve nepravilnosti iz straha od odmazde. Prema podacima BSPK-a, mnogi radnici u privatnom sektoru radili su prekovremeno kao proizvoljno zaposleni bez ugovora o radu, redovne plate i plaćenih penzijskih doprinosa. Zaposleni su prijavljivali da su otpuštani bez razloga i protiv postojećih zakona, kao i da su im uskraćivani praznici. CDHRF i CFU su izvestili da se seksualno zlostavljanje događalo na radnom mestu ali nije prijavljeno iz straha od gubitka posla i/ili fizičke osvete. Prema rečima zvaničnika sindikata, zaposleni u javnom sektoru uglavnom su doživljavali slična iskustva, uključujući gubitak posla zbog pripadnosti određenoj političkoj stranci.

Inspektorat rada Ministarstva za rad i socijalna pitanja odgovoran je za sprovođenje radnih standarda. Međutim, inspektorat je poslodavce prvenstveno savetovao, i mada je tokom godine zbog kršenja radnih standarda izrečeno 511 novčanih kazni, nisu plaćene i čekaju se parnice. Inspektorat rada je odgovoran za sprovođenje zdravstvenih i sigurnosnih standarda ali nema obučeno osoblje tako da se ovo ne obavlja efikasno. Zakon ne dozvoljava zaposlenima da u slučaju opasnosti napuste radno mesto a da pri tome ne rizikuju da će biti otpušteni.

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*Izveštaj za Srbiju podeljen je na dva dela; prvi se bavi stanjem ljudskih prava u Srbiji a drugi situacijom na Kosovu. Za potrebe ovog izveštaja, stanovništvo Kosova, 2.2. miliona, nije predstavljeno kao deo stanovništva Srbije.

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