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Sources Cited in
Jefferson's English crisis: commerce, embargo, and the republican revolution

by
Burton Spivak

Table of Contents   |   Index   |  Catalog record and links to related information from the Library of Congress catalog

ESSAY ON THE SOURCES

Manuscript Collections

The microfilm edition of the Jefferson Papers in the Library of Con-
gress was an essential part of my research and the documentary basis
of this study. I used reels 45-70 of this edition. Less complete were
the Jefferson papers at the University of Virginia, Charlottesville,
and the Archives Division, Virginia State Library, Richmond. The
microfilm edition of the Albert Gallatin Papers, New York Univer-
sity, New York City, was invaluable, not only for Gallatin's con-
tributions to and criticisms of policy and his relations with Congress
but also for his almost daily correspondence with Jefferson and the
customs collectors about the embargo, its evasions and enforcement.
I used reels 10-20 of this collection. There is also a small collection
of Gallatin materials at the Library of Congress that yielded some of
his personal memorandums about policy options in 1808. The James
Madison and James Monroe Papers at the Library of Congress were
also invaluable. I used reels 6-10 of the microfilm edition of the
Madison Papers, as well as reels 25-26 of series 2 of this collection,
formerly segregated as the William Rives collection. I used reels 3-4
of the Monroe Papers. There is a smaller collection of Madison Pa-
pers at the University of Virginia that was invaluable because it con-
tains several important letters about the relationship between Jeffer-
sonian commercial goals and the Republican tradition of economic
development. There is also a microfilm edition of all the Monroe
papers housed in Virginia repositories. I used reel 12 of this edition
at the Archives Division, Virginia State Library.

   The other members of Jefferson's cabinet did not leave extensive
paper collections, but many of the letters of Dearborn, Smith, Rod-
ney, and Granger are in the Gallatin, Madison, and Jefferson Papers.
The Robert Smith Papers at the Library of Congress were disap-
pointing. But the Samuel Smith Collection, MS 1790, and the
Robert and William Smith Papers, MS 1423, at the Maryland His-
torical Society, Baltimore, contain useful material about the secretary
of navy. Also helpful in this regard were the Samuel Smith Papers at
the Library of Congress and the University of Virginia. The Rodney
Family Papers, 1771-1824, Library of Congress, revealed more
about the family than the attorney general.

   There are many collections of the political and ideological leaders
of the Republican movement, some very valuable, some less so. I
have used:
   
   Library of Congress: The Nicholas Biddle Papers contained sev-
eral important observations about the Monroe-Pinkney negotiations
and Jefferson's policy during the Chesapeake discussions. The Bar-
nabas Bidwell Papers, the William Burwell Papers, and the George
Washington Campbell Papers, 1793-1844, 1804-1886, Letter-
books, 1803-1811, were less useful. The William Eustis Papers
contained many important letters about public policy and New En-
gland Republicanism. The Phillip Barton Key Papers, Nathaniel
Macon Papers, William Pinkney Papers, and the Levi Lincoln Pa-
pers and Lincoln Family Papers were less useful. The Wilson Cary
Nicholas Papers were invaluable on public policy, congressional
activity, and the Virginia political scene. The Joseph Hopper Nichol-
son Papers yielded many important letters about politics and diplo-
macy; especially valuable was his correspondence with Albert Galla-
tin. The John Randolph-James Garnett Correspondence, the John
Randolph Papers, the John Randolph Letterbooks, 1801-1834 and
undated series, and the Randolph Family Papers, 1773-1833,
1806-1832, all contained useful material. The Samuel Smith Pa-
pers, Letterbooks, and Scrapbooks were less useful, as were the
Richard Stanford Papers. The Joseph Story Papers contained a
wealth of information about New England Republicans and the em-
bargo.

   The Maryland Historical Society: The William Pinkney Letter-
books, MS 661, contained a wealth of information about Jefferson's
English diplomacy. The William Pinkney Papers, MS 1338, were
less useful for my purposes. The Samuel Smith Collections, MSS
1424 and 1790, yielded some important information, as did the
Robert and William Smith Papers, MS 1423, and the Smith Papers,
MS 766.

   The University of Virginia: The Burwell Family Papers were not
useful for my work. The Joseph C. Cabell Papers, the John Hartwell
Cocke Papers, and the Edgehill-Randolph Collection range across a
wide variety of subjects, political and economic, and all were useful in
my research. The William Branch Giles Papers were less useful. The
Wilson Cary Nicholas Papers were invaluable, as were the John
Randolph Papers and the Randolph Family Papers. The Samuel
Smith Papers contained much useful information about commercial
diplomacy and the Monroe-Pinkney Treaty not found in the Library
of Congress collection. The Creed Taylor Papers were also helpful.

   Virginia State Library: The John Randolph papers contained in
the Archives Division were extremely helpful. They are identifiable
according to many accession numbers, but all the available Randolph
material is indexed in a general calendar of Randolph papers by date
of acquisition.

   The College of William and Mary: The Tucker-Coleman Collec-
tion (available on microfilm at the University of Virginia) contains
useful material about a variety of public figures and issues.

   Massachusetts Historical Society: The microfilm edition of the
Adams Family Papers in the Massachusetts Historical Society was
immensely rewarding. Not only does it contain the letters, diaries,
and jottings of John, John Quincy, and Abigail, but the father's and
especially the son's correspondence with New England Republicans
like Orchard Cook, Ezekiel Bacon, Joseph Story, Nahum Parker,
and many others revealed the timing and motivations of New En-
gland's actions during Jefferson's English crisis.



Unpublished Government Documents

The National Archives is a storehouse of manuscript and microfilm
material on the operations of the State and Treasury departments.
For foreign policy, I used Diplomatic Instructions, All Countries,
vols. 6-7. These bound manuscript volumes contain much material
that is not reproduced in the American State Papers. All the dis-
patches and private letters from James Monroe and William
Pinkney, as well as copies of communications to the American
ministers from British officials, are found in Dispatches, Great Bri-
tain, Monroe, Monroe and Pinkney, Pinkney, vols. 10-17. Their
use was essential.

   The amount of material in the National Archives relating to em-
bargo enforcement and effectiveness is staggering. It is readily avail-
able on microfilm. I used: Letters Sent to Collectors of Customs,
RG 56, M175 (mostly Treasury Department Circulars); Corre-
spondence of the Secretary of the Treasury with the Collectors of
Customs, 1789-1833, RG 56, M178, Alexandria, Norfolk, Peters-
burg, and Richmond, Virginia; Baltimore, Maryland; Boston, Mas-
sachusetts; Beaufort and New Bern, North Carolina; Charleston,
South Carolina; New Orleans; Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; and
Providence, Rhode Island.

   As important as the correspondence of the customs collectors are
the microfilm and manuscript collections of Dispatches from Consu-
lar Officers, RG 59. Some of them were essential in measuring the
impact of the embargo on foreign economies, European and Carib-
bean, because they contain reports on American ships entering the
ports, number of impressments, and the price levels on American
commodities. I used the consular reports for: Alicante, Spain, mi-
crocopy, T357; Amsterdam, Holland, M446; Antwerp, Belgium,
T181; Barcelona, Spain, T121; Bilbao, Spain, T183; Bordeaux,
France, T164; Bremen, Germany, T184; Bristol, England, T185;
Falmouth, England, T202; Genoa, Italy, T164; Guadaloupe,
French West Indies, T208; Hamburg, Germany, T211; Kingston,
Jamaica, T31; La Rochelle, France, T394; Leeds, England, T474;
Le Havre, France, T212; Leghorn, Italy, T214; Liverpool, En-
gland, M141; London, England, T168; Malaga, Spain, T217;
Malta, T218; Marsailles, France, T220; Martinique, T431; Naples,
Italy, T224; Paris, France, T1; Rome, Italy, T231; Saint Croix,
T233; Saint Kitts, T234; Saint Thomas, Virgin Islands, T350;
Antigua, MS; Havana, MS; Saint Thomas, MS; Surinam, MS.



Published Government Documents

Walter Lowrie and Matthew S. Clarke, eds., American State Papers,
Foreign Relations, vols. 2 and 3 (Washington, D.C., 1832), is a con-
venient collection of much pertinent diplomatic source material,
but it is incomplete. I complemented them with manuscript and
microfilm material deposited in the National Archives. Debates and
Proceedings in the Congress of the United States (Washington, D.C.,
1834-53): I made extensive use of these Annals for the Ninth and
Tenth Congresses.



Published Correspondence

There are three major publications of Jefferson's correspondence.
Julian P. Boyd and others, eds., The Papers of Thomas Jefferson
(Princeton, N.J., 1950-), will one day be the definitive edition of
all of Jefferson's writings and correspondence. To date, its comple-
tion falls almost a decade short of the beginning of Jefferson's presi-
dency, but it is invaluable for the years it does cover. I have also used,
but not as extensively, Paul Leicester Ford, ed., The Works of
Thomas Jefferson (New York, 1905), and Andrew A. Lipscomb and
Albert Ellery Bergh, eds., The Writings of Thomas Jefferson (Wash-
ington, D.C., 1907). James D. Richardson, ed., A Compilation of the
Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 1789-1908 (New York,
1908), contains Jefferson's addresses and messages to the Congress.
Henry Adams, ed., The Writings of Albert Gallatin, vol. 1 (Philadel-
phia, 1879), contains some of Gallatin's important correspondence
with Jefferson and the Congress.



Secondary Literature

Scores of books and articles have given me information, leads, frames
of reference, and pleasant challenges to my own understanding.
Biographies of Jeffersonian leaders are especially good. Nathan
Schachner, Thomas Jefferson, a Biography (New York, 1951), is
careful, lengthy, and detailed. It incorporates some of Jefferson's let-
ters located in the New York Public Library. A more recent one-
volume study that analyzes Jefferson's public life and political
thought in the context of American democracy and nationality is
Merrill D. Peterson, Thomas Jefferson and the New Nation (New
York, 1970). Dumas Malone, Jefferson and His Time (Boston,
1948-), aims toward definitiveness in six volumes. Five are done to
date. His volumes on the presidential years, Jefferson the President,
the First Term (Boston, 1970) and Jefferson the President, the Second
Term (Boston, 1974), are both judicious and helpful. Fawn M.
Brodie, Thomas Jefferson, an Intimate History (Boston, 1974), of-
fers sensitive and sensible insights into Jefferson's temperament, fa-
milial relations, and fascination with growth and decay. Forrest
McDonald's recent Presidency of Thomas Jefferson (Lawrence,
Kans., 1976) brilliantly refines our understanding of Jefferson's re-
publicanism, then faults him for trying to implement his ideas in
action.

   Irving Brant's five volumes on James Madison (1941-61) form
the definitive Madison biography. His James Madison, Secretary of
State, 1800-1809 (Indianapolis, 1953) is a valuable study of Madi-
son's involvement in diplomacy and policy (although I occasionally
view Madison's role and preferences differently), especially on the
months between election and inauguration. Brant's James Madison,
Father of the Constitution (Indianapolis, 1950) is a solid study of
Madison's constitutional nationalism in the 1780s. Ralph Ketcham's
James Madison, a Biography (New York, 1971) ably complements
Brant's focus on nationalism with its own attention to Madison's re-
publicanism.

   Albert Gallatin awaits a comprehensive modern biography. Alex-
ander Balinky's Albert Gallatin: Fiscal Theories and Policies (New
Brunswick, N.J., 1958) is critical of Gallatin's treasuryship, while
Raymond Walter's Albert Gallatin: Jeffersonian Financier and Dip-
lomat (New York, 1957) is generally praiseworthy.

   One other biography, more accurately an essay or an appreciation,
bears mention. Albert Jay Nock, Jefferson (Clinton, Mass., 1960),
has little to say about the embargo other than it was "the most arbi-
trary, inquisitorial, and confiscatory measure formulated in American
legislation up the period of the Civil War." Nock's observation says
more about his principled dissatisfaction with Jefferson's assault on
property and liberty than it does about the policy in the twin contexts
of foreign relations and republican belief. Yet Nock has a fine sense of
Jefferson, especially evident in his awareness that Jefferson's under-
standing of political issues, particularly the differences between Re-
publicanism and Federalism, turned on moral differences among
men. Leonard W. Levy, Jefferson and Civil Liberties: The Darker
Side (Cambridge, Mass., 1963), measures Jefferson's embargo
against the requirements of individual liberty. My own thought is
that the embargo brought to the surface an agonizing tension, if not a
contradiction, buried deep in the ideology of republicanism itself, a
tension between freedom and obligation, and that Jefferson's en-
forcement policies must be measured against the eighteenth-century
meaning of republicanism. Very important in this regard are Gordon
S. Wood, The Creation of the American Republic (Chapel Hill, N.C.,
1969), Yehoshua Arieli, Individualism and Nationalism in American
Ideology (Baltimore, 1966), and Fred Somkin, Unquiet Eagle: Mem-
ory and Desire in the Idea of American Freedom (Ithaca, N.Y., 1967).
A basic theme of this study is that Jefferson's ideas on American
character, republicanism, Great Britain, and toryism-Federalism
were formed during the Revolutionary struggle against England and
"anglomen." My understanding of Jefferson's eighteenth-century in-
heritance owes much to Bernard Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of
the American Revolution (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), and Pamphlets
of the American Revolution (Cambridge, Mass., 1965); Caroline
Robbins, The Eighteenth-Century Commonwealthman (New York,
1968); H. Trevor Colbourn, The Lamp of Experience: Whig History
and the Intellectual Origins of the American Revolution (Chapel Hill,
N.C., 1965); and Pauline Maier, From Resistance to Revolution: Co-
lonial Radicals and the Development of American Opposition to Britain,
1766-1776 (New York, 1972).

   For Jefferson, the party battles of the 1790s embraced a continua-
tion of the struggle between England and America, nationality and
foreign domination, and health and sickness in the American political
and social order. Excellent treatments of 1790s are Paul Goodman,
"The First American Party System," in William Nisbet Chambers
and William Dean Durnam, eds., The American Party Systems:
Stages of Development (New York, 1967); John R. Howe, Jr., "Re-
publican Thought and Political Violence in the 1790s," American
Quarterly 19 (Summer, 1967); Marshall Smelser, "The Jacobin
Phrenzy: The Menace of Monarchy, Plutocracy, and Anglophilia,
1789-1798," Review of Politics 21 (1959); Richard Hofstadter, The
Idea of a Party System: The Rise of Legitimate Opposition in the United
States, 1780-1840 (Berkeley, Calif., 1969).

   The movement for a constitutional and governmental reform in
the 1780s and the falling out between northern and southern na-
tionalists in the 1790s have been ably treated. On the ideological
and class dimension of the 1780s debate see Wood, The Creation of
the American Republic. On the fiscal thought of 1780s nationalists,
see E. James Ferguson, The Power of the Purse (Chapel Hill, N.C.,
1961). On the importance of foreign trade and foreign markets to the
nationalism of the 1780s and the falling out of the nationalists in the
1790s, see Frederick Marks III, Independence on Trial: Foreign Af-
fairs and the Making of the Constitution (Baton Rouge, La., 1973);
Charles Beard, Economic Origins of Jeffersonian Democracy (New
York, 1915); Paul Varg, Foreign Policies of the Founding Fathers
(East Lansing, Mich., 1963); Jerald A. Combs, The Jay Treaty: Po-
litical Battleground of the Founding Fathers (Berkeley, Calif., 1970);
and Joseph Charles, The Origins of the American Party System
(Williamsburg, Va., 1956). Jackson Turner Main, The Anti-
Federalists, Critics of the Constitution, 1781-1788 (Chicago, 1964),
locates 1780s political Antifederalism in economic considerations
and marketplace realities. His Antifederalist is generally eco-
nomically provincial, concerned with subsistence, and dwelling be-
yond the arc of commercial enterprise. Cecelia M. Kenyon, "Men of
Little Faith: The Antifederalists on the Nature of Representative
Government," William and Mary Quarterly, 3d ser., 12 (1955), finds
that frightened and uncompromising views on the dangers of politi-
cal power and national consolidation characterized most An-
tifederalists. Forrest McDonald, The Formation of the American
Republic, 1776-1790 (Baltimore, 1965), likewise attaches Anti-
federalist opposition to the Constitution to fears of political consolida-
tion, albeit in his idiosyncratic fashion.

   Antifederalists, however, did not lead the opposition to Federalist
executive policy in the 1790s; Republican leaders had largely sup-
ported and actively created the constitutional settlement of 1788.
Although Jefferson did not have a loud voice in the American debate
on the Constitution, he favored reform because he understood the
relationship between domestic political consolidation and the im-
provement of America's trading relationship worldwide. Merrill D.
Peterson, "Thomas Jefferson and Commercial Policy, 1783-1793,"
William and Mary Quarterly, 3d ser., 22 (1965), addresses Thomas
Jefferson's involvement in and attitude toward America's commercial
failure abroad in the 1780s. Richard E. Ellis, "The Political
Economy of Thomas Jefferson," in Lally Weymouth, ed., Thomas
Jefferson: The Man, His World, His Influence (New York, 1973),
stresses the importance of agricultural productivity, foreign pur-
chasing power, and tranquil oceans in Jefferson's economic vision.
He also inverts the traditional wisdom by crediting Jefferson with
foreign policy realism and Hamilton with visionary idealism. Also
helpful are William D. Grampp, "A Re-examination of Jefferson's
Economics," Southern Economic Journal 12 (1946), and Joseph
Spengler, "The Political Economy of Jefferson, Madison, and
Adams," in Donald Kelly Jackson, ed., American Studies in Honor of
William Kenneth Boyd (Durham, N.C., 1940). Although he does not
comment on the conflict between land and water in Jefferson's politi-
cal economy, Julian P. Boyd, "Thomas Jefferson's 'Empire of Lib-
erty,"' Virginia Quarterly Review 24 (1958), catches the crucial im-
portance of orderly expansion across the continent to Jefferson's
political and economic definition of the Union. See also Drew R.
McCoy, "The Republican Revolution: Political Economy in Jeffer-
sonian America, 1776-1817" (Ph.D. diss., University of Virginia,
1976), which focuses "on the ideological origins and influence of a
Jeffersonian conception of republican political economy, which em-
phasized expansion across space-the American continent-as an
alternative to development through time, with its attendant corrup-
tion and decay." In a less complimentary way, Robert McColley,
Slavery in Jeffersonian Virginia (Urbana, Ill., 1964), locates Jeffer-
son's interest in territorial expansion in the needs of the South's slave
economy.

   Studies of Jefferson's presidency are as thoughtful and informative
as studies of Jefferson's life and thought. The standard and the model
is Henry Adams, History of the United States during the Administra-
tions of Jefferson and Madison (New York, 1891-93). Although he
said much more, one of Adams's crucial observations was that Jeffer-
son in power was far different from Jefferson in opposition. Recent
historians have refined this to mean that Jefferson effected political
and regional conciliation with Federalism and New England,
thereby sparing the nation a continuation of the party rage of the
1790s, and secured to the nation both the tradition of peaceful trans-
fer of governing power from one political party to another and the
blessings of what Henry May calls "the Didactic Enlightenment."
The previously mentioned works of Hofstadter, Malone, and Peter-
son are important in this regard. See also Morton Borden, "Thomas
Jefferson," in Morton Borden, ed., America's Ten Greatest Presidents
(Chicago, 1961), and Richard E. Ellis, The Jeffersonian Crisis,
Courts and Politics in the Young Republic (New York, 1971). Basic to
all these studies is the sincerity of Jefferson's inaugural words, "we
are all republicans, we are all federalists." Although the Republican
movement captured New England in the first decade of the
nineteenth century-in this regard see William Robinson, Jefferso-
nian Democracy in New England (New Haven, 1916), and Paul
Goodman, The Democratic-Republicans of Massachusetts: Politics in a
Young Republic (Cambridge, Mass., 1964)-my own feeling is that
Jefferson's rapprochement with Federalism in the first term was
made possible by foreign factors and obscured his consistently fearful
attitude toward the organized Federalist party. Carl Prince, "The
Passing of the Aristocracy: Jefferson's Removal of the Federalists,
1801-1805," Journal of American History 57 (Dec. 1970), asks for a
modification of Jefferson's policy toward political opposition in light
of his first-term patronage and removal policies. Other works on Jef-
ferson's presidency have proved valuable. Noble Cunningham, The
Jeffersonian Republicans in Power, 1801-1809 (Chapel Hill, N.C.,
1963), clarifies the organization of the party and the relationship
between the various state parties and the national administrations. It
has also been helpful in determining the political affiliations of several
congressmen. Sanford Higgenbotham, Keystone in the Democratic
Arch: Pennsylvania Politics, 1800-1816 (Harrisburg, Pa., 1952),
and Carl E. Prince, New Jersey's Jeffersonian Republicans (Chapel
Hill, N.C., 1967), are two fine state studies of the Republican
movement. Leonard White, The Jeffersonians: A Study in Adminis-
trative History (New York, 1951), charts the day-to-day administra-
tion of government. C. Peter Magrath, Yazoo: Law and Politics in the
New Republic (Providence, 1966), deals with the legal and political
implications of the Yazoo lands issue. Frank A. Cassell, Merchant
Congressman in the Young Republic: Samuel Smith of Maryland,
1752-1839 (Madison, Wis., 1972), deals very critically with Jeffer-
son's handling of the English threat to American commerce in
1806-9.

   Several recent studies extend our knowledge of Federalism and,
interestingly, relate its animus to the Jeffersonian movement to its
own understanding of the American Revolution and the principles of
republican government and society. Linda K. Kerber, Federalists in
Dissent: Imagery and Ideology in Jeffersonian America (Ithaca, N.Y.,
1970), brilliantly uses politics, literature, theories of education, and
science to chart the Jeffersonian threat to the Federalist world view.
James T. Banner, To the Hartford Convention: The Federalists and the
Origins of Party Politics in Massachusetts, 1789-1815 (New York,
1970), deals with the social, intellectual, and economic foundations
of Federalism in one state and its organizational response to the Re-
publican ascendancy. David Hackett Fischer, The Revolution of
American Conservatism: The Federalist Party in the Era of Jefferso-
nian Democracy (New York, 1967), relates Federalist inability to or-
ganize effectively in response to the Jeffersonian threat to old-school
attitudes, dating to the pre-Revolutionary colonial past, about the
relationship between rulers and citizens in a stable republic. John
Howe, The Changing Political Thought of John Adams (Princeton,
N.J., 1966), details in admirable fashion Adams's rather pessimistic
republicanism. In this regard, see also Peter Shaw, The Character of
John Adams (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1975). Manning Dauer, The Adams
Federalists (Baltimore, 1953), is an older study that clarifies the split
between the Adams and Hamiltonian Federalists. Gerald Stourzh
has put Hamilton back into the republican movement and in the
process expands our understanding of eighteenth-century repub-
licanism in his brilliant book, Alexander Hamilton and the Idea of
Republican Government (Stanford, Calif., 1970). Richard H. Kohn,
Eagle and Sword: The Beginnings of the Military Establishment in
America (New York, 1975), captures the Federalist mood on the
issues of liberty and authority in a self-governing society through a
careful and gracefully written analysis of Federalist military policy
and civil-military relations. Richard Buel, Securing the Revolution:
Ideology and American Politics, 1789-1815 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1972),
differentiates Jeffersonian and Federalist republicanism on the cen-
tral issue of the binding power of public opinion on political leader-
ship. Henry May, The Enlightenment in America (New York, 1976),
makes much the same point (although his important book does much
more) through his association of Adams with the Moderate En-
lightenment, Jefferson with the Revolutionary Enlightenment, and
the post-1800 compromise with the Didactic Enlightenment. Mer-
rill D. Peterson, Adams and Jefferson: A Revolutionary Dialogue
(Athens, Ga., 1976), sees the disagreement between Adams and
Jefferson on the meaning of the American Revolution, of repub-
licanism, as one between traditionalism and modernity.

   The major problems of Jefferson's second term were English im-
pressments and maritime power, European war, and American eco-
nomic aspirations and the harsh antagonisms that resulted. Vernon
G. Setser, The Commercial Reciprocity Policy of the United States,
1774-1839 (Philadelphia, 1937), studies America's attempt to
achieve equitable reciprocity with the trading nations of Europe.
James F. Zimmerman, Impressment of American Seamen (New York,
1925), is a basic study of the impressment dilemma. The carrying
trade both embarrassed Republican ideology and confounded Re-
publican foreign policy. Douglass C. North, The Economic Growth of
the United States, 1790-1860 (New York, 1968), and John H.
Coatsworth, "American Trade with European Colonies in the Carib-
bean and South America, 1790-1812," William and Mary Quar-
terly, 3d ser., 24 (1967), document its profitability. Bradford Per-
kins, Prologue to War: England and the United States, 1805-1812
(Berkeley, Calif., 1968), is exhaustively researched and provides the
definitive treatment of English policy and belief during the years be-
fore the War of 1812. His The First Rapprochement: England and the
United States, 1795-1805 (Philadelphia, 1955) is a valuable treat-
ment of a quieter time in Anglo-American affairs. An unduly critical
treatment of Jefferson's conduct in the Monroe-Pinkney negotiations
is Anthony Steel, "Impressment in the Monroe-Pinkney Treaty,
1806-1807," American Historical Review, 57 (1952). Harry
Ammon, James Monroe and the Quest for National Identity (New
York, 1971), deals with the negotiations from Monroe's vantage
point.

   Several studies deal with Jefferson's embargo. Walter Wilson Jen-
nings, The American Embargo, 1807-1809 (Iowa City, 1921), deals
with its domestic impact. Louis Sears, Jefferson and the Embargo
(Durham, N.C., 1927), locates the policy in Jefferson's pacifism.
Wolford L. Thorp, "Democratic-Republican Reaction in Mas-
sachusetts to the Embargo of 1807," New England Quarterly 15
(1942), follows its political career in one state. G. W. Daniels,
"American Cotton Trade with Liverpool under the Embargo and
Non-Intercourse Acts," American Historical Review 21, no. 2
(1915-16), assesses the impact of the embargo on the English cotton
economy. Lawrence S. Kaplan, Jefferson and France (New Haven,
1967), calls the embargo a concession to France and an acquiesence
in Napoleon's Continental System motivated, in part, by Jefferson's
desire to secure French cooperation in the American desire for the
Floridas. Richard James Mannix, "The Embargo: Its Administra-
tion, Impact, and Enforcement" (Ph.D. diss., New York University,
1975), discounts the embargo's importance to either Jefferson or
American foreign policy and studies it purely as an administrative
chore falling in Gallatin's orbit in Treasury. More than most histo-
rians, Bradford Perkins and Dumas Malone recognize the shifting
purpose of the embargo and stress the importance of defensive pre-
caution in Jefferson's early formulation of the policy.
			

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