CONFERENCE PROCEEDINGS TABLE OF CONTENTS
- ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
- FOREWORD
Elaine L. Chao, Secretary, U.S. Department of Labor
- CONFERENCE SUMMARY
- KEYNOTE SPEAKERS
- Cameron Findlay, Deputy Secretary of Labor
- Elaine L. Chao, U.S. Secretary of Labor
- Andrew Natsios, Administrator, U.S. Agency for International Development
- Olara A. Otunnu, Special Representative for Children and Armed Conflict, United Nations
- Juan Somavia, Director General, International Labor Organization
- Bruce Wilkinson,Vice President of International Programs,World Vision
- Arnold L. Levine, Deputy Under Secretary for International Labor Affairs
- Ambassador Richard S.Williamson, U.S. Alternate Representative to the United Nations
for Special Political Affairs
- Arnold L. Levine, Deputy Under Secretary for International Labor Affairs
- CONVERSATIONS WITH FORMER CHILD SOLDIERS
- Youth Roundtable with Secretary Chao
- Profiles of International Youth Delegates
- PANEL PRESENTATIONS
- Panel A: Prevention
Jo Becker, Children’s Rights Advocacy Director, Human Rights Watch
Mike Wessells, Psychosocial Advisor, Christian Children’s Fund
Guenet Guebre-Christos, Regional Representative, UN High Commissioner for Refugees
Nonoy Fajardo, Project Officer, UNICEF/Philippines
Shirley Gbujama, Minister of Social Welfare, Government of Sierra Leone
- Panel B: Demobilization
Manuel Fontaine, Senior Advisor on Children and Armed Conflict, UNICEF
Kathy Vandergrift, Senior Analyst,World Vision
Lourdes Balanon, Undersecretary, Ministry of Social Welfare and Development,
Government of the Philippines
Adrien Tuyuga, Program Officer, JAMAA/Burundi
- Panel C: Short-Term Data Collection Methodologies
Christophe Gironde and Cheaka Toure, International Labor Organization
- Panel D: Reintegration
Lloyd Feinberg, Director, Displaced Children and Orphans Fund, U.S.Agency for International
Development
Marie de la Soudiere, Director, Children’s Unit, International Rescue Committee
Virginia Brown, Program Officer, International Organization for Migration/Colombia
Dr. Harendra de Silva, Chairman, National Child Protection Authority, Government of Sri Lanka
- CASE STUDY PRESENTATIONS
- Case Study A: World Vision, Uganda
Charles Watmon, Director, Center for Children of War
- Case Study B: Save the Children, Guinea
Mattito Watson, Director, Child Soldiers Program
- Case Study C: International Rescue Committee, Sierra Leone
Marie de la Soudiere, Director, Children’s Unit
- FILMS AND VISUAL DISPLAYS
- APPENDICES
- Final Agenda
- Biographies of Keynotes and Panelists
- List of International Delegates and Honored Guests
- List of Participating Organizations
- USDOL News Release
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The proceedings of Children in the Crossfire: Prevention and Rehabilitation of Child
Soldiers were prepared under the guidance and direction of U.S. Secretary of Labor, Elaine L
. Chao, Deputy Under Secretary for International Labor Affairs,Arnold Levine, and Associate
Deputy Under Secretary for International Labor Affairs, Martha Newton. The proceedings were
edited by Chris Camillo, Meghan Cronin, Marcia Eugenio, Maury Mendenhall, Brianne Musser,
Veronica Puente-Duany, Deepa Ramesh, Jill Szczesny and Ami Thakkar of the Bureau for
International Labor Affairs, U.S. Department of Labor. Contributors to this publication include:
former Deputy Secretary Cam Findlay, Lourdes Balanon, Jo Becker, Virginia Brown, Marie de la
Soudiere, Dr. Harendra de Silva,Nonoy Fajardo, Lloyd Feinberg, Manuel Fontaine, Shirley Gbujama,
Christophe Gironde, Guenet Guebre-Christos, Jane Lowicki, Andrew Natsios, Olara A. Otunnu, Juan
Somavia, Cheaka Toure, Adrien Tuyuga, Kathy Vandergrift, Charles Watmon, Mattito Watson, Mike
Wessells, Bruce Wilkinson, and Ambassador Richard S.Williamson. Special thanks to David Bersch,
Ashley Hoppin, Marty Lueders, Carmel Mulvany, Mary Westring, the International Labor
Organization Division of Communications,World Vision, and Wray & Associates for their invaluable
contributions to the event. The Department would also like to thank all of the participants who
traveled from various countries to share their experiences at the conference, the youth
delegates, staff, and teachers at John F. Kennedy High School in Silver Spring, Maryland who
participated in the Parallel Youth Program, and the facilitators, health and security personnel
who supported the program. Finally, the Department would like to acknowledge countless others
who shared their time, knowledge and experience during the planning and execution of the
conference. The proceedings represent an edited version of the event transcript. The views
expressed by speakers, panel members, or others representing non-federal entities and contained
in these proceedings do not necessarily reflect the official views of the United States
Government or the U.S. Department of Labor.”
This publication is dedicated to the memory of
Thomas B. Moorhead, former Deputy Under Secretary for International Labor Affairs at the U.S.
Department of Labor, whose leadership and dedication to the welfare of the world’s children
served as a catalyst for the event..
FOREWORD BY
UNITED STATES SECRETARY OF LABOR
THE HONORABLE ELAINE L. CHAO
For nearly a decade now, the U.S. Department of Labor has been a leader in the global effort
to eliminate abusive and exploitative child labor in developing countries around the world. In
2003, the Department launched a new initiative on one of the most horrific abuses that exists in
the world today: the use of children as soldiers. Helping these children is so critical that I
went to Africa this past December to formally launch a project to give rescued child soldiers
opportunities to reclaim their lives and build better futures. Boys and girls as young as 7
years old participate in armed conflicts throughout the world, as spies, messengers, sex slaves,
and combatants on the frontline. Caught in the crossfire, they are taken from the safety of
their homes and schools and immersed in the deadly and horrific environment created by war and
civil unrest. If and when these children are demobilized or returned to their homes, they face a
future of uncertainty and fear. What can we do, as civilized nations, to prevent this terrible
crime? And what means exist to help protect these children in the wake of conflict?
The U.S. Department of Labor conference, Children in the Crossfire: Prevention and
Rehabilitation of Child Soldiers, was organized in response to these important questions. The
event brought together hundreds of representatives of foreign governments and the United Nations
, members of nongovernmental organizations, technical experts, academics, and others interested
in the welfare of war-affected children. Over the course of two days, we heard the experiences
and best practices of experts who shared their first-hand knowledge about the most effective
ways to combat this heinous practice. And we were joined by a group of very special young people
from around the world – former child soldiers – who touched us with their stories and their
courage for a better future. They provide hope that with the support of families, communities,
and governments, we can help child soldiers to rebuild their lives.
The conference was a
reminder to all of us that we can and must do more to help the world’s most vulnerable children.
Elaine L. Chao
PART III
CONFERENCE SUMMARY
On May 7-8, 2003, U.S. Secretary of Labor Elaine L. Chao hosted representatives of the world community
as they gathered to participate in a U.S. Department of Labor Conference to heighten the global response
to the exploitation of child soldiers. At the conference, Children in the Crossfire: Prevention and
Rehabilitation of Child Soldiers, Secretary Chao announced a $13 million global initiative to support
programs to counter the problem and to help former child soldiers around the world rebuild their lives.
The panel discussions and case studies also resulted in the sharing of best practices and successful
interventions among the world’s leading child welfare practitioners, government officials, and former child
soldiers themselves.
The use of child soldiers as combatants, sex slaves, guards or spies in conflicts worldwide is well
documented. More than 300,000 children under 18 are fighting in armed conflicts in over 30 countries
worldwide. Of that total, approximately 120,000 can be found in Sub-Saharan Africa. While the majority
of child soldiers are between the ages of 15 and 18, children as young as 7 or 8 years old are known to
participate in armed conflicts. Testimonies by former child soldiers describing their fear, grief, and the violence
of which they have been a part, have led the international community to condemn this practice as
an affront to humanity and a clear violation of international law.
The U.S. Department of Labor’s commitment to address the issue is established under International Labor
Organization Convention No. 182, ratified by the United States in 1999, which identifies the forced or
compulsory recruitment of child soldiers, and other work that is harmful to the health, safety or morals
of children, as worst forms of child labor. Between fiscal years 1995 and 2003, the Department’s Bureau
of International Labor Affairs has committed over $300 million in technical assistance to combat international
child labor, and is currently working in over 60 countries to advance this commitment and assist vulnerable
populations, including child soldiers. Furthermore, in December 2002, the United States ratified the United
Nations Optional Protocol on the Use of Children in Armed Conflict, which raises the minimum compulsory
recruitment age to 18 for service in State Party armed forces.
Using ILO Convention No. 182 as a starting point, the U.S. Department of Labor, led by Secretary Elaine
L. Chao, is taking a leadership role in the global call to action by promoting discussion and analysis of ongoing
efforts in war-torn countries to reintegrate former child soldiers and rebuild their communities. The labor
perspective of the conference focused special attention on prevention and reintegration programs, including
education and job skills training, which contribute to sustainable and equitable economic development,
peace, and stability.
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF LABOR
CHILD SOLDIERS GLOBAL INITIATIVE
The Department allocated $13 million to support programs to prevent the
use of child soldiers and to support the demobilization and reintegration
process for children affected by armed conflict around the world. The global
initiative includes funding for the following projects:
- $3 million grant in support of educational training and services for
former child soldiers in Northern Uganda. Implementing agency:
International Rescue Committee;
- $3 million grant in support of demobilization, rehabilitation, and education
services for former child soldiers in Afghanistan. Implementing
agency: UNICEF;
- $7 million grant for activities to assist former child soldiers in seven
countries, including the Democratic Republic of Congo, the
Republic of Congo (Brazzaville), Burundi, Rwanda, Colombia,
the Philippines, and Sri Lanka. Project activities will focus on the
provision of vocational training and income-generation. Implementing
agency: International Labor Organization/ International Program on the
Elimination of Child Labor (ILO-IPEC).
KEYNOTE SPEAKERS
CAMERON FINDLAY, Deputy Secretary of Labor
Good afternoon. On behalf of Secretary Chao and the U.S.
Department of Labor, I would like to welcome you all to the
Children in the Crossfire Conference. I would, in particular, like
to welcome to Washington, D.C. those of our guests who have
traveled great distances to be here with us today from locations
all over the world.
We have assembled here an incredibly diverse group of
experts and participants for this conference. This group includes
representatives of U.S. Government Agencies and foreign
government officials, international organizations and local NGOs,
members of the local and international media, youth from the
Washington area, and youth from Africa, Asia and Latin America.
The vision for this conference first came from Secretary of
Labor, Elaine L. Chao. It was because of her personal commitment
to putting an end to the plight of children recruited by force for
use in armed conflicts that this event has become a reality.
Secretary Chao has made the issue of child soldiers a priority
on her international agenda. As a former Director of the Peace
Corps and former President of the United Way of America,
Secretary Chao has brought to the Department of Labor a strong
understanding of international affairs and a commitment to
helping people overcome adversity.
It is this dynamic combination that makes her leadership on
this issue so important.
It is with great pleasure that I introduce her to you now.
Please join me in welcoming a voice for the world’s children, my
boss, Secretary of Labor Elaine L. Chao.
ELAINE L. CHAO, U.S. Secretary of Labor
Good afternoon, and thank you all for coming.
I’d like to begin by asking you to do something a little unusual.
Imagine that you are an African boy only 11 years old. A rebel
army captures you and your family and takes you to their camp.
When you arrive, you are greeted by the sight of decomposing
bodies strewn everywhere. The soldiers shoot your father.
Seeing this, another captive tries to escape. She is caught,
assaulted, and brutally murdered. You are taken away and forced
to fight for the people who killed your parents. When you try
to resist, you are mercilessly beaten.
Or imagine that you are an innocent 16-year-old girl abducted
by soldiers on the way home from school. You don’t want to go
with them, but they threaten to take your clothes and shame you
before strangers. You break down in tears, but they are unmoved.
You are taken far away from home. You don’t know if you will
ever see your parents again.
Or imagine that you are a child, forced to fight for a commander
who says – as one commander actually did – “Children make
good fighters because they think it’s all a game, so they’re fearless.”
These are just a few of the terrible stories of the world’s
300,000 child soldiers. These young people are forced to fight
by government-sponsored armed forces or by other armed
groups in more than 30 conflicts around the globe. And we
believe these numbers are conservative estimates.
The plight of child soldiers offends the world’s sense of
decency and the code of conduct of civilized nations. These
children are forced to become soldiers, spies, guards, human
shields, human minesweepers, servants, decoys, and sentries.
Young girls are forced into prostitution. And when violence fails
to intimidate, many children are drugged to make it easier to
force them to perform horrendous acts of violence and cruelty.
Some victims are as young as 7 or 8, and many more are 10 to
15. Children who are orphans, refugees, or victims of poverty
or family alienation are particularly at risk.
But today, by our presence at this conference, we are telling
the world in no uncertain terms that these horrors must end.
The compulsory recruitment of children for use in armed
conflict is a barbaric practice condemned by the community of
civilized nations. No child should have to experience the
atrocities that child soldiers must face every day of their lives.
This conference sends a message of hope to these children.
Over the next day-and-a-half, we will discuss ways to help these
children reclaim their lives through education, rehabilitation and
reintegration. This conference brings together key stakeholders
in the concerned community, which is an important step towards
global action. We have hundreds of representatives with us
from nations and agencies around the world. I want to recognize
the governments, U.N. agencies, non-profit organizations,
researchers, members of the media, and concerned individuals
who have come here to work together. I want to thank each of
you for accepting the invitation of the U.S. Department of Labor
to participate.
The Department of Labor is involved in this issue for two
reasons. First, as you know, the United States is a signatory to
the International Labor Organization Convention No. 182. This
convention names the forced recruitment of children for used in
armed conflict as one of the worst forms of child labor. And second,
President George W. Bush believes – as you do – that children
have human dignity and must be protected from exploitation.
I pledge to you today that the U.S. Department of Labor will
work with our counterparts around the world to help save
children from the brutal life of a child soldier. The United States
strongly believes that all nations should join together to pursue
effective solutions. Many developing nations are showing their
commitment to this cause by attending this conference, and we
appreciate their participation.
There are two faces of the child soldier issue – the face of
despair, and the face of redemption. In the next few moments, I
want to show you both faces. First, in some video footage shot
in Africa. And then, in the faces and voices of some very brave
guests who are with us here today.
First, please join me in watching this video supplied by World
Vision about Uganda. In this video, we visit a child soldier
rehabilitation center. I want to commend the government of
Uganda for its commitment to rehabilitating these children. This
video is particularly interesting because it shows children engaging
in mock battles. This kind of therapy allows them to safely
express their feelings about their experiences. Let’s watch.
[Film segment.]
As I’m sure you can imagine, overcoming such horrors
requires great courage. We are fortunate that nine such courageous
young people – former child soldiers – are with us today.
These remarkable young people have traveled from all around
the globe to present the reality of their experiences as only
they can. They are here to bear witness for the children who
are still in captivity and cannot speak for themselves. But they
can also provide us with a blueprint for change and a message
of hope—by proving that it is possible to rebuild shattered lives.
At this time, I want to introduce each of these brave
youngsters and ask them to stand as I call their names.
Fabrice, from Burundi. Radjabu, from Burundi. Eider, from
Colombia. Berta, from El Salvador. Steven, from Sierra Leone.
Emilia, from Sierra Leone. Mohan, from Sri Lanka. Grace, from
Uganda. And Paul, from Uganda.
I also want to thank the parents, guardians, and representatives
from government and non-profit organizations who accompanied
these children to the conference.
Our young guests are participating in a program with students
from schools in the Washington area. I’m delighted that young
Americans are getting involved in this issue. Exposure to this
information will help them gain new insights about the benefits
of liberty, basic human rights and the rule of law.
We can’t give child soldiers their childhood back, but we can
help them to rebuild their lives. That is why this conference will
examine all of the strategies at the community level.
As Secretary of Labor, I have a particular interest in education
and job training programs to help rehabilitate former child soldiers.
This is the only way to ensure that these brutalized children will
someday have a chance to become productive members of their
societies. And I also have a strong interest in developing special
protections and facilities for young girls, who have particular vulnerabilities
that deserve our attention.
Today, I’m pleased to announce that the U. S. Department of
Labor is launching a new $13-million global initiative to help
educate, rehabilitate and reintegrate former child soldiers.
This initiative includes a $7-million project funded through the
International Labor Organizations’s (ILO) International Program
on the Elimination of Child Labor (IPEC). It will develop
comprehensive strategies to help former child soldiers in Burundi,
the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Republic of Congo,
Rwanda, the Philippines, Sri Lanka and Colombia. This project
builds upon and expands a Department of Labor project in the
four Central African countries.
The initiative also includes a $3-million project to address the
education needs of former child soldiers and children living in
northern Uganda, an area that was featured in the video. Just
this morning, I signed a Memorandum of Understanding with
representatives of the Ugandan Government to launch this
program. The Department of Labor looks forward to our
future collaboration with the Ugandan Ministry of Gender, Labor
and Social Welfare, and the Ministry of Education and Sports.
The third part of the initiative is a $3-million project focusing
on the education needs and reintegration of child soldiers in
Afghanistan. This project will be implemented by UNICEF, an
international organization with a long history of helping children.
Child soldiers suffer in many ways – often in silence.
As one young girl said after witnessing the wanton slaughter
of men and women,“So many times I just cried inside my heart
because I didn’t dare cry out loud.”
Child soldiers cannot cry out – but we can speak up for them,
with clarity, compassion and resolve.That is why we are here
today. As part of our commitment, let us also pledge ourselves
to address the root causes of child soldiers, which is the
absence of basic human rights and fundamental freedoms – a
situation all too prevalent in the world today. I look forward
to working with you to give these children back their future,
and to bring them the hope and opportunity that is every
child’s birthright.
Thank you very much.
ANDREW S. NATSIOS, Administrator, U.S. Agency
for International Development (USAID)
Thank you very much. I want to thank my good friend,
Secretary Elaine Chao, for her leadership in this issue in the
United States Government and worldwide, an issue of great
concern, not only to the Department of Labor and to USAID,
but to the President and the First Lady themselves. They have
had deep, deep concern about the children who have been
victimized during the Afghan campaign and in other civil wars
around the world where children are frequently recruited into
militias that can traumatize them and make it very difficult for
them to be reintegrated back into society.
I've been doing this sort of work, in different positions, for the
last 14 years. I have interviewed many child soldiers around the
world, some 8, 9, 10, or 12 years old, in the middle of civil wars,
sometimes with the crackle of gunfire in the background.
I remember that in Mozambique in 1989, I interviewed a nine
year-old boy who had just escaped from one of the rebel
armies. I attempted to ask him what he had been through and
what he had seen - and this is the first time I had interviewed a
child of this age who had been a soldier. He was clearly
psychologically traumatized.
I do not know the exact experience of this one young boy,
but the research that has been done by the international
community, by the Labor Department and by USAID indicates,
particularly in Mozambique, that the abuses were horrendous.
One of the recruitment techniques that was used for children
is they would drag a child out of the village, put the child's
parents in their hut, their home, bar them from leaving with
guns, and then drag the child up with a torch in the child's
hands to torch their home while they watched their parents
burn alive, thinking that they had done it. Of course, they were
dragged in to doing it. The idea was, if you can kill your parents,
even if you're 6 or 7 years old, you can kill anyone.
When they were demobilized out of the movement after the
war was over, many of the children could not speak. They were
so traumatized, they were incapable of speech. My predecessor,
the director of the office of Foreign Disaster Assistance, my
good friend, Julia Taft, brought in Dr. Neil Boothby to begin a
therapy program in Mozambique for these thousands of children
who had killed five or six people, sometimes including their
parents and their brothers and sisters. That program treated
thousands of children so they could at least go back into society
once again in an organized and systematic way.
We know that the legacy of child soldiers, crime, severe
depression, high levels of aggression, extreme introversion,
memory loss, inability to concentrate, and sleep disorders all are
general phenomena across conflicts around the world.
That was 15 years ago. Mozambique has made an extraordinary
recovery from that horrible civil war in which a couple million
people died, either were killed or starved to death, in one of
the fastest-growing economies in Africa. The country has had
several democratic elections now, and they are moving along as
a model, actually, of democratic development.
We could talk, though, about something happening right now,
such as in Uganda with the Lord's Resistance Army, one of the
most brutal rebel movements in the world. They have abducted
some 14,000 children, some as young as 7 years old. These
abductions are brutal, and often accompanied by killings of family
members and destructions of their homes. Young girls are given
to rebel commanders as wives. Children who try to escape are
caught and killed, and other children are forced to do the killing.
Children are forced to beat or trample to death other
abducted children. Children who fall behind during the long
marches, or resist, are also killed. Many others have been killed
in battle or have died from maltreatment, disease, or hunger.
Children are beaten. They are caned. They are forced to beat
other children to death, and they themselves sometimes participate
in the abductions, which causes severe guilt and trauma among
these children.
I could go through a list of the atrocities that have been
committed by the Lord's Resistance Army in northern Uganda,
but it is now reaching the worst stage of that civil war.
Nongovernmental organizations and the Ugandan Government
are reporting some of these terrible events surrounding children
who have been abducted into the army itself.
A third example is the Sri Lankan civil war, which appears, we
hope, we pray, about to end. We thought the rebel movement
and the government were going to reach a peace agreement.
They tentatively had, and then the agreement broke down last
week. We are hoping that the parties involved will be re-energized,
because we are preparing a reconstruction program with other
donors to assist the Sri Lankan Government to implement a
peace accord.
Sixty thousand people have died in that civil war in the last 20
years. Forty percent of the fighting force of the Tamils is under
18 years old. Another suggests this could be as high as 60 percent.
Young Tamil girls are often orphaned, and they have been
systematically recruited into the movement since the mid-'80s.
Many of these girls are called birds of freedom. They are
deliberately chosen as suicide bombers because girl children are
not checked as often for security purposes, so they can get
through lines and security. The movement has used propaganda
to encourage every family to give a child or a daughter to the
cause. I could go on about the atrocities that have been
committed in that civil war.
What we find in many of these conflicts is common patterns
of desensitizing the children wherever the civil war is, anywhere
in the world, to violence by forcing them to beat or kill other
children of their same age, many of them their friends, or other
family members. By doing this, they essentially can do away with
any of the constraints on violent behavior.
Many children we interviewed after the Mozambiquean civil
war had killed six or seven people. These are 8 or 9 year-old
children. And once you've done it that many times, it becomes
very easy to do it in the future. So the question comes, what
do we do? And after the conflict is over, how do we integrate
these children back into society so they can become
productive citizens?
Let me first say that we do know a set of things that the
international community – my friends who are the development
ministers in Europe, in the United Nations, in the International
Committee of the Red Cross, in the nongovernmental community
and the donor aid agencies, like USAID, which has been a leader
in this movement for many years – can do to try to deal with
this terrible problem. We do know what works and what does
not work. Now let me talk about what is essential.
The first is that if we focus our attention exclusively on child
soldiers and ignore the needs of all other children, the other
children are quick to notice, and it can actually cause problems
in the reintegration of the child soldiers back into society. So
we need to deal with all of the children who have been victimized,
whether they are child soldiers or whether they simply have
been the victims of the war itself.
The second thing we need to deal with is a four-point strategy.
We call this DDRR. The first is to demobilize the child soldiers.
The second is to document what they went through, where they
come from, where their families are to try to reunite them --
that's the third step, reunification. The fourth step is reintegration,
where a process is put in place to prescribe the right kind of
training or therapy, if that's necessary, to bring the child out of a
conflict setting, back into family units, back into their village.
The reality is that most demobilized children who were soldiers
do not readily admit they were recruited or dragged into it or
forcibly brought into the movement, because many of them feel
terrible shame and guilt for the acts they were forced to commit,
and we have to sort of go through a process to show them that
they did not commit these atrocities of their own free will.
They were forced into it, and when a child is forced to kill their
parents, it's not because they wanted their parents to die; it's
because of the evil people who forced them to do these acts
of barbarity.
Usually, demobilization benefits are usually too small and
reintegration programs are too short to help the children as
much as they should be, given what they've been through. I
remember interviewing some children during the terrible civil
war in Sierra Leone where one of the rebel movements was
actually amputating ears and noses off people, gouging their eyes
off, cutting their hands off -- they did this of children and of
adults too, simply to terrorize them. When I was in the NGO
community for 5 years, I was with World Vision and we had, I
remember, a program to try to reintegrate the children who
had lost limbs.
These were not -- by the way, these were not accidents during
the war. They simply went in and would take out a bunch of
kids and simply cut off their hands or their arms or their nose
to terrorize the community. So you had to deal with the
psychological damage, but in many cases, these children, if they
lost a foot, let's say, or an arm, their capacity to get married and
their capacity to have a productive trade diminished because of
the atrocity that had been committed against them.
So it was very difficult sometimes to get these children
reintegrated back into the community. I remember we were --
after the Ethiopian civil war, we ran a reintegration program
through USAID, and then I worked on it when I was with World
Vision, and we were having trouble getting the villagers to accept
their sons back into the village who had been child soldiers in a
couple of cases that the government had recruited, because
they know they had killed people and they didn't want them
back because they thought they were dangerous. So our biggest
problem was not the program itself; it was getting their own
families and their own villages to accept them because that war
had been so brutal and so many people had died in it.
The success of any reintegration effort depends on a significant
investment in time and energy and attention to creating a
receptive environment before the children are reunited with
their families. That's one of the lessons we learned in Ethiopia
and Mozambique that we are now applying in Uganda and we
will shortly, I hope, in Sri Lanka, which is that we have to prepare
the villages and the families through training for the reacceptance
of their children, or we can have more serious problems because
these kids then get even more alienated from the community.
We also have to make sure that we incorporate traditional
leaders and religious leaders and civil leaders and make use of
customs and beliefs and ceremonies that confer forgiveness and
contrition because there are rituals that all of our societies have
-- or most societies have -- for people to put what happened
behind them.
I know we ran a program in Rwanda after the horrendous
genocide there where a million Tutsis were killed by the
government in a terrible slaughter over a 4- or 5-month period.
And I interviewed a little boy in one of the camps in Goma, and
he was sent by his mother to go get bread from the market, and
when he came back, his father and mother's bodies were on the
ground bleeding to death, his brothers and sisters had all been
killed -- and the only thing that saved him was an elderly lady,
whose children themselves had been killed next door, took him
and they ran, and that's how he survived. But he was clearly
emotionally distraught, and we had to have a therapy program
within the refugee camps to try to treat some of the symptoms
that we saw there.
Schooling and training, keeping the kids off the streets and
giving the training that can allow a kid to support themselves if
they're orphaned are critical parts of reintegrating children,
particularly child soldiers, but just children generally who are
the victims of civil wars.
In World War I, 1914 to 1919, about 10 percent of the
casualties in that war were civilians and the rest were military.
Every war up until the most recent one, the proportions had
switched, which is to say, instead of most of the casualties in the
20th century being of soldiers, they've been of civilians, people
who are supposed to be protected under international law.
Only in this last war have we seen a reverse -- a beginning to
reverse that, and we hope in the 21st century, if we have any
more wars, it will be combatants who suffer the burden and not
children and other civilians. Maybe there is a trend toward a
different way of approaching warfare. We believe that may well
be the case.
But the point here is that as long as conflicts, particularly civil
wars, take place that last a very long period of time, sometimes
20 years -- the Sudanese civil war which I've worked in now for
14 years has been going on since 1983. I know Dr. Garang, John
Garang, the leader of the SPLA, very well in the south. I've met
many of the children who were orphaned from it, and there's
been an effort by the SPLA to reduce the number of child
soldiers and not recruit any more. They've done actually very
well at that.
But the longer these wars take -- and when they are civil
wars, in particular -- the greater the likelihood there will be child
soldiers and that international conventions will not be followed,
particularly when there are rebel movements and militias and
the governments recruit people by simply dragging them off
the streets.
I remember during the civil war in Ethiopia, Mengistu's army
was fading away, and what he would do is simply drive down the
street with a truck in Addis, and any boy that looked old enough
to carry a weapon, they simply dragged into the truck. The parents
would never even be told where they were, and if they were
killed, they were never given notice of it. They simply were
given 2 weeks' training, boots, a gun, and they would be put on
the front line. We hope that that sort of warfare is behind us,
but who knows.
In the meantime, all of us have to work together in an effective
way, based on what we already know works, to try to avoid --
minimize the damage to children in the future, limit the number
of children who are recruited, and then develop DDRR programs
to take the children out of these militias and reintegrate them
effectively back into society. Thank you very much.
OLARA A.OTUNNU, U.N. Special Representative
for Children and Armed Conflict
Distinguished participants: I am delighted to be here today and
I should like to thank and congratulate the U.S. Secretary of
Labor for hosting this very important conference to heighten
the global response to the issue of child soldiers. This conference
represents an important opportunity for all of us to work
together to stop the use of child soldiers.
I congratulate the U.S. Government for its commitment to
the protection of children affected by armed conflict. This has
been clearly demonstrated by the U.S. ratification in 1999 of
ILO Convention 182 which defines child soldiering as one of
the worst forms of child labor and for its recent ratification in
December 2002 of the Optional Protocol to the Convention on
the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed
conflict which sets an age limit of 18 years for compulsory
recruitment and direct participation in hostilities. I also commend
the U.S. State Department for its decision to systematically
include a section on child soldiers in its Annual Country
Reports on Human Rights – this is a very important development,
which once again demonstrates the U.S. Government’s
commitment to the protection of children in conflict and
post-conflict situations.
I am delighted to see such a distinguished gathering of delegates
from the U.S. and other governments, the United Nations,
non-governmental organizations, academics and think tanks. I
am especially pleased to see the participation of young people
in this conference and I should like to personally welcome all
the young delegates who are here with us today, and in particular
those of you from war-affected countries. Your voices, your
experiences and your participation with us today are vital to help
us understand and address the phenomenon of child soldiers.
The Impact of Conflict on Children
Today, from the Americas to Africa, from Europe to the Middle
East to Asia, children are suffering in the midst of armed conflict
and its aftermath. This suffering bears many faces: children being
killed; children being made orphans; children being maimed; children
being uprooted from their homes; children being raped and
sexually abused; children being deprived of education and health
care; children being exploited as child soldiers; and children
being left with deep emotional scars and trauma.
During the 1990s, more than 2 million children have died as
a result of armed conflicts; over 1 million have been made
orphans; over 6 million have been seriously injured or permanently
disabled; and over 10 million have been left with grave psychological
trauma. A large number of children, especially young
women, have been made the targets of rape and other forms of
sexual violence as a deliberate instrument of war. Today, over
20 million children have been displaced by war within and outside
their countries and approximately 800 children are killed or
maimed by landmines each month.
It is in this context that some 300,000 young persons under
the age of 18 are currently being exploited as child soldiers.
Girls and boys are fighting as child soldiers with government
armed forces and armed opposition groups in more than 30
countries around the world. Most child soldiers are between
the ages of 15 and 18, but children as young as seven have been
used as soldiers. Some children are used to fight in the frontline,
others are used as spies, messengers, servants and sexual slaves.
Children make obedient and cheap soldiers capable of the worst
atrocities, including against their own families and communities.
Children are vulnerable and easy targets. Children are considered
to be dispensable; they are recruited as cannon fodder and are
used to clear landmines. The manufacture and widespread
availability of inexpensive small arms has also contributed to the
problem – it has made it much easier to turn young children
into soldiers. Even a ten-year-old can strip and reassemble these
light and easy-to-use weapons. Adolescent youth are particularly
vulnerable to the lures of combat.Those who survive are often
physically injured and psychologically scarred, having lost years
of schooling and socialization. When a conflict ends, some are
shunned, while others are expected to resume their roles as
students, siblings, parents, community members and workers.
Progress Achieved
What has been done to reverse this trend? What progress
has been made to mitigate the impact of conflict on children?
Whilst there are still a lot of challenges ahead, significant
progress has been made over the past few years to reverse
this trend.
Through its Resolution 1261 (1999), the Security Council has
formally affirmed that the protection and well-being of children
exposed to armed conflict constitutes a fundamental peace-andsecurity
concern, which therefore belongs on its agenda. The
progressive engagement of the Council has yielded significant
gains for children. These include the four resolutions to date
devoted to this issue; an annual review and debate on children
and armed conflict; the incorporation of child protection into
peacekeeping mandates and training; the inclusion of children
and armed conflict concerns in country-specific reports; the
creation of the role and deployment of Child Protection
Advisers (CPAs) in peacekeeping operations; the inclusion of
children’s concerns in peace negotiations and accords; direct
participation of children in the deliberations of the Security
Council; increasing focus on children in post-conflict programs
in situations such as Kosovo, Sierra Leone and Afghanistan; and
commitments for the protection of children in conflict and
post-conflict situations in countries such as Colombia, the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Rwanda, Sierra Leone,
Sri Lanka and the Sudan.
In addition, the Security Council recently took a significant
stand on the exploitation of children as soldiers. In Resolution
1379 (2001), the Council requested the Secretary-General to provide
a list of parties that recruit or use children in situations of
conflict on its agenda. This list breaks new ground – for the
first time, an official report has specifically named and listed
those responsible for brutalizing children in situations of conflict.
In requesting this list, the Security Council has sent a
strong political message that those who violate children’s rights
during conflict cannot do so with impunity and that they will be
held accountable for their actions. This is a bold step forward
in our global efforts to render unacceptable the exploitation
and victimization of children during times of conflict.
Non-governmental organizations and other civil society
organizations are also playing a vital role in the protection of
children affected by armed conflict including, for example, the
Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, the Watchlist on
Children and Armed Conflict, Save the Children, Human Rights
Watch and many others.
Several regional and sub-regional organizations, including the
Group of Eight, the European Union, the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe, the Council of Europe and
the African Union have incorporated the children and armed
conflict agenda as a priority concern into their policies and
programs. The Economic Community of West African States
(ECOWAS) recently established a Child Protection Unit in the
ECOWAS secretariat. The Human Security Network, which is
meeting this week in Graz, has decided to devote particular
attention to the protection of children in armed conflict.And
there has been a significant rise in public and official awareness
concerning the impact of conflict on children.
Parallel to these developments, tremendous progress has also
been made over the last few years to strengthen and codify
international norms and standards for the protection of
children during conflict. These include:
- The Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of
the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict,
which sets an age limit of 18 years for compulsory recruitment
and direct participation in hostilities, and requires State parties to
raise the minimum age for voluntary recruitment to at least 16;
- The Rome Statute creating the International Criminal Court,
which classifies conscription, enlistment or use in hostilities of
children under 15, as well as attacks on schools and hospitals
and grave acts of sexual violence, as war crimes;
- International Labor Organization (ILO) Convention 182, which
classifies child-soldiering as one of the worst forms of child
labor and sets 18 as the minimum age for forced or compulsory
recruitment;
- The African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child,
which prohibits the recruitment or direct participation in
hostilities of persons under the age of 18.
- The progress achieved so far is proof that we can chip away
at the problem – this trend of abomination can be reversed
through serious and concerted measures.
Challenges ahead
We have now reached a critical juncture in the development
of the children and armed conflict agenda. With these gains in
place, what should be the next steps in the development of this
agenda? The most pressing challenge facing us collectively is
how to translate the principles, standards and measures that
have been put in place into facts on the ground, into a protective
regime that can save children in danger. For this, it is imperative
to embark on an “era of application.”
We need a major public awareness campaign on the impact of
armed conflict on children. We need to reach universal public
repudiation of these practices. We must create a political and
social climate which makes the abuse and brutalization of children
entirely unacceptable.
We need to promote and disseminate the norms and standards
which exist to protect children, and to raise awareness about
them on the ground. Similarly, we need to support and
strengthen traditional values and norms which provide for the
protection of children and women in times of war.
We need to put in place strengthened monitoring and reporting
mechanisms to identify the violators and take measures against
them. Information received through monitoring and reporting
must serve as a trigger for action, a trigger for the application of
concerted pressure and targeted measures against violators.
When information is received about grave violations against children
and no action is taken, this betrays the trust of the children.
Dissemination, advocacy, monitoring and reporting are the key
components that an “era of application” must encompass. There
are other measures which are critical to translating the “era of
application” into a meaningful reality. In particular we need to
redouble our efforts to ensure:
- that the concerns of children are included in all peace
negotiations and peace accords;
- that the rehabilitation of children becomes a central component
of any post-conflict programs of rehabilitation and reconstruction,
with focus on the key areas of education, basic
health care, nutrition, rehabilitation of child combatants and
the special needs of girls – investing in children and youth is
the best way to ensure long-term peace;
- the full integration of Children Affected by Armed Conflict
(CAAC) issues in the mandates, training and activities of
peace operations;
- that the deployment of Child Protection Advisers (CPAs)
become a general practice in all peace operations;
- the development and strengthening of the capacity of local
actors, especially civil society networks, for advocacy,
protection and monitoring – this is the best way to ensure
local ownership and sustainability;
- that regional organizations develop and strengthen their
policies, advocacy and programs on CAAC agenda;
- that all reports to the Security Council on country-specific
situations include the protection of children as a specific
aspect of the reports;
- that steps be taken to mitigate the impact on children of
illicit commercial exploitation of natural resources in
conflict zones;
- That governments systematically include violations against
children as part of bilateral monitoring mechanisms;
- We need to reach out to and engage young people, from
countries affected by conflict as well as countries in peace,
as advocates and participants in the movement for
child protection.
In addition, we need to take specific and concerted measures
to address the exploitation of children as child soldiers. In this
connection, I recommend that priority attention be given to the
following areas:
- We need to ensure the provision of sustained and adequate
resources for the demobilization of child soldiers and their
reintegration and rehabilitation into their communities and
families, with focus on the key areas of education and
vocational training;
- In armed conflicts, girls are often targeted for rape, abduction
and forced recruitment. Yet, their needs are often overlooked
during Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR)
programs. We need to address the special needs of girls
through the provision of explicitly tailored strategies and
adequate resources to ensure that girls receive necessary
assistance;
- It is critical that we address the root causes of children’s
recruitment and participation in conflict, including social,
economic, cultural and political factors;
- We should work to promote sub-regional, cross-border
initiatives to stop the recruitment and abduction of children;
- We need to focus more attention on the link between the
proliferation and widespread use of small arms and light
weapons and the victimization of children both as casualties
and agents in armed conflicts;
- We need to identify best practices and lessons learned on
integrating the specific needs of children in demobilization,
rehabilitation and reintegration programs;
- We need to consolidate and build upon the ‘list’ established
by the Security Council in its Resolution 1379. We need to
expand the list and include all situations where children are
recruited or used as combatants and we need to ensure
that the ‘list’ results in concrete steps for the protection of
children. Where substantial progress has not been made,
we should consider taking targeted measures against parties;
such measures should include the imposition of travel
restrictions on leaders and their exclusion from any
governance structures and amnesty provisions, a ban on the
export or supply of arms, and restriction on the flow of
financial resources to the parties concerned;
- And finally, with the establishment of the International
Criminal Court, we must work to ensure that individuals
responsible for war crimes against children will be among
the first to be prosecuted in the new court.
Children represent the hopes and future of every society –
destroy them and you have destroyed a society. If we do not
address the exploitation of children as soldiers, the cycle of violence
will continue. The gains made so far demonstrate that we can
reverse this trend. I firmly believe that we all have a role to play
in reversing this trend. This conference represents an important
opportunity to help reverse this trend. I call upon each and
every one of you in your respective capacities to do everything
in your power to stop this abomination.
Thank you.
JUAN SOMAVIA,
Director-General, International Labor Organization
Thank you Secretary Chao and Deputy Secretary Findlay for
your commitment and leadership in organizing this conference.
I want to begin with a personal word to you, to the Bureau of
International Labor Affairs staff, and to the entire Department
of Labor team about your colleague and our friend,Tom
Moorhead. Tom was a committed, compassionate public servant.
He was a good friend to me and to the ILO. And he was a
decent, caring advocate for children the world over. We will
miss Tom dearly. But I know his work lives on through all of
you. One need only look around this conference to see his
imprint and feel his spirit.
Let me also thank the UN Special Representative for Children
in Armed Conflict, Olara Otunnu, for his leadership. And I thank
all of the other speakers who have provided such moving testimony
to the dimensions of this challenge – and the urgent need to
solve it.
In particular, I thank the children for raising their voices.
Thank you for sharing your experiences so other children might
never know them. Thank you for enlisting in this new fight we
wage together for the freedom of young people. Your
resilience, your sense of hope, point the way forward for us.
All of our work begins with a vision – a vision of the kinds of
societies that we want for our families and our future.
In 1999, the world gave shape to that vision by going on
record against abusive child labor. Developed countries and
developing countries – employers and workers – joined in the
unanimous adoption of Convention 182 on the Worst Forms of
Child Labor.
The Convention calls on the ILO to play a key role in ending
and preventing children’s participation in armed conflict. In
addition, our Declaration on the Fundamental Principles and
Rights at Work asks us to help Members ratify and implement
the relevant Conventions. In four short years, 137 countries
have ratified Convention 182.
By adopting this Convention, and endorsing the Declaration,
the members of the ILO agreed that poverty is no excuse for
tolerating the worst forms of child labor. Ending abusive child
labor is part of the social floor below which no society
should fall.
Thanks to the strong support of the American people, the
ILO is now working in more than 80 countries around the
world – tackling every form of abusive child labor – from outright
slavery to hazardous work to child domestic labor.
Our mission is clear: parents to work and children to school.
This takes partnership and leadership at all levels. And every
day, we are together upholding our values and giving new hope
to more children and their families.
Perhaps there is no greater challenge or more pressing charge
than freeing the 300,000 children who are caught in the crossfire
of conflict.
They are on the front lines; servants of strife and victims of
brutality; the objects of violence and vengeance learning to kill,
to harm and to destroy. What kind of world is it when children
see hope in horror, dignity in revenge, comfort in cold blood?
Right now we seem to be living in two worlds. For many, the
world we live in is a good world where women and men, and
their children have a good life, a decent life. People prosper and
if not, the hope of a better future is still alive. Children are
nurtured and encouraged at home and in school. Young people
can plan for a future of opportunity and choice.
In different ways and at different standards of living, many
people around the world are realizing simple human aspirations
of having a job, an income, a home, a family, a reasonable
standard of living in a reasonably secure environment.
But there is another world of permanent and fundamental
insecurity – physical, human, social, political. Hope has dried up,
families cannot nurture, communities are under threat, societies
are in peril. A culture of fear, violence and destruction flourishes.
It is a world of no jobs, no safety nets, no schools, no way out.
The two worlds co-exist within and between countries. They
relate to deep imbalances that prevail today. And when armed
conflict is one of the destabilizing forces in an insecure world,
children are easy prey for those who would exploit them.
In a disintegrating world, children take refuge where they find
it – on the streets, in gangs and in armed groups. Girls and
boys can be lured by a promise of dignity, care, and a structured
life. And of course, many are coerced into serving, removed
from their family, their last vestige of security.
I have always believed one key to understanding challenges
and finding solutions is by listening. Today I am proud to release
two new ILO studies that seek to understand the root causes
of this challenge by listening to children themselves. Those in
war. Those who have escaped war. Family members. Local and
national leaders.
These new reports cover children in conflict in the Philippines
and Central Africa. They detail the reasons the growing number
of children have been drawn into battle – including the breakdown
of law and order, poverty, unemployment, the failure of education,
family pressures.
They highlight the changing nature of warfare and sophisticated
light arms used by children. They reveal how children are
increasingly used in front-line roles. And they demonstrate how
girls are especially vulnerable. Subject to sexual abuse, HIV and
other infection – as are boys – they may also end up pregnant
and alone.
And their ordeal does not end when they get away. These
children commonly face rejection if they return to their homes
and communities.
These reports confirm the importance of comprehensive
solutions, integrated approaches. They underscore the need for
building broad partnerships nationally and internationally for an
effective response.
Our studies and years of field experience help guide the way.
As we move forward, I believe we need a three-front global battle
plan to prevent and end the use of children in armed conflict.
First, enforcement. Conventions and laws are not enough.
They have to be known, understood and respected. There are
plenty of tough laws on the books, but there is an enforcement
gap. The goal is not simply having a law, it is living by it.
Awareness raising is key. We are working in nations like
Burundi and Rwanda to help governments translate legislation
against the use of child soldiers into policies and practice.
Second, it takes practical, targeted strategies to help children
overcome their trauma and prepare for a better future. This
means counseling. Quality education. Vocational training.
Assistance to parents to boost incomes and get decent jobs.
We are working in the Democratic Republic of Congo and Sri
Lanka on reintegrating child soldiers back into peacetime life.
Third, it takes a development strategy to get at the root causes.
People are poor. Development is stagnant. Societies are in
chaos. We need to connect work and the dignity of work with
growth and well-being of families. This includes promoting
social and economic reconstruction – poverty eradication,
employment and education policies. Essentially, we are talking
of building or rebuilding communities and societies.
Our work on the ground is testimony to the key role which the
ILO’s decent work agenda must play in this process – it covers the
work that children should not be doing, preparing young people
to find work, promoting opportunities for parents to have work,
and securing dignity for all.
In a larger sense, our work is about making our communities
more stable and our world more secure. It is about building a
place for all of our children to find peace. This is our vision.
We can make it real. Instead of weapons and war, let us arm
our children with opportunity and hope. No girl or boy should
have to surrender their childhood to war. Together, let’s win
it back.
BRUCE WILKINSON,
Senior Vice President of International Programs,World Vision
Thank you. I am the Senior Vice President of World Vision’s
international programs group, and we want to welcome you all
this afternoon. We are very pleased that the Department of
Labor is sponsoring this event and that World Vision is the
sponsor of the luncheon this afternoon. We greatly appreciate
the Secretary's interest and commitment to children around the
world, especially children that are facing armed conflict situations.
So thank you very much for coming, and thanks to the
Department of Labor for putting on this event.
Through World Vision's work overseas in over a hundred
countries, we come in contact with children in very difficult
situations, especially children that are facing armed
conflict situations.
Personally, I lived 17 years in West Africa, and during those 17
years, I experienced child soldiers in very real ways. I have had
experience in Sierra Leone where we were working in the
Kenema and Bo area, which is the diamond-mining area of Sierra
Leone. On one occasion, we were on a small convoy heading
up from the capital city of Freetown, heading into Kenema and
Bo. On this road, we were stopped at frequent intervals by children.
These were child soldiers, actually. They were inspecting
our vehicles. They were children probably the age of my son,
who is 13 years old.
As they inspected our vehicle, they were waving around their
AK-47's. I would venture to say that they had been either
drinking or had some other influence in their system. These are
times when you start to see the eyes of a child carrying a
weapon, feeling powerful and seeing themselves in a different
light than they ever have seen themselves previously in their
own lives. It was really a time when I got to know that these
children didn't have a chance to live out their childhood. They
didn't have a chance to actually be socialized in a normal way
that children would be socialized, and it was very disturbing to
see that.
I was also at one time in the eastern part of Congo, and got
caught in the crossfire between child soldiers who were arguing
over a certain piece of an asset.There were a couple of vehicles
they were arguing over, and a firefight broke out. We were in
the middle of this firefight among children, firing bullets past
us,and these children looked like children who should be in
school. Here are children who should be playing football, and
yet, they are out arguing over assets and fighting for their own
survival, which is very precarious.
In northern Uganda, for example,World Vision has been working
with child soldiers, demobilizing them and actually helping them
in a trauma center. About 5,000 children have gone through
that center in northern Uganda. There has been great progress
– seeing these children get normalized and back in their regular
communities; finding ways in which the community can accept
these children back into their own homes, their own societies;
and making sure these children get reintegrated.
World Vision also is working in Colombia. In Colombia, we
have watched and been part of a children's movement for
peace. There are about a million children that are joining this
peace movement and basically saying that, look, we can have a
peaceful society.
There is a young lady named Maria Sanchez who at the age of
14 began this peace movement. In fact, at the age of 17, she
was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize. She did not receive
the Peace Prize, but she was nominated, which was an incredible
recognition for her as a child, mobilizing almost over a million
children in a peace movement in Colombia. These are beautiful
manifestations of children taking action and being active in
terms of what they see are their issues and then children as
participants, and children actually seeing themselves as part of
the solution.
We are very pleased to be part of a movement that focuses
on these children because they are overlooked. Research suggests
that there are anestimated 300,000 children active in
armed conflict in the world. I think those estimates are conservative,
and we know that these children need our help.
I would like to take a second to talk about the prevention
side, what is happening in the realm of HIV and AIDS.
There are about 14 million children presently orphaned in
this world because of HIV and AIDS. Fourteen million children
who are not going to be socialized in their homes, in their families,
children that are going to be fending for their own interests.
You are seeing child-headed households in many of the African
countries already, children of 13, 14, 15 years old taking care of
their brothers and sisters. I have visited many of these
child-headed households.
When you go into one of these child-headed households, you
begin to see the real fear in these children. “Here I am, 13, 14
years old, trying to take care of my 5-year-old sister who perhaps
is ill or helping my little brother find his way to school, finding
the school fees, making sure he has a uniform to be able to go
to school.”
This whole area of HIV and AIDS, as it overlaps with preventing
the use of child soldiers, is something that we as a community
really need to take seriously. It is not just in Africa. It is
happening in other parts of the world, as well. These children
are in desperate need of attention and care, so that they can be
socialized into a society and make a contribution within that society.
If we miss this opportunity, we are going to be finding that a
lot more of these children are going to be tempted to move
into areas that we have been looking at during this conference,
in terms of taking up arms, and being mobilized by certain
forces within their countries, whether there are rebel factions
or others. These children will be moving ahead in the world
that will create more destruction and destabilization. That will,
in turn, prevent the children in those countries from having a
normal childhood.
I want to implore us today. We need to look at the HIV/AIDS
crisis, the 14 million children that are at risk, of not being able
to be socialized and becoming active contributing citizens to
their countries. I would hope that we get a chance to discuss
this issue during this event.
I have the privilege now of introducing Arnold Levine, who is
the Deputy Under Secretary for International Affairs.
Mr. Levine has a distinguished record, both as a Federal civil
servant and as a transportation and trade consultant during his
22-year career at the U.S. Department of Transportation. Mr. Levine
earned a reputation as one of the agency's most experienced,
knowledgeable, and successful policy-makers. In 1996, Mr. Levine
left the Department to join GKMG Consulting Services, which
is part of PA Consulting Group, and helped build that company
into a respected transportation practice.
In both his public- and private-sector careers, he has been
recognized for his breadth and depth of knowledge of transportation
policy, economics, and finance, and especially for his
management skills, and as I have had the brief opportunity to
know Mr. Levine, his integrity.
Mr. Levine hails from Pittsburgh. He is a native of Pittsburgh,
has spent a long time as a resident of the historic city of
Fredericksburg. He earned his first degree from Carnegie
Mellon, his M.A. in Russian History from the University of
Pittsburgh. He has served in the United States Forces, an Army
Reservist. I would like to welcome Mr. Levine.
ARNOLD LEVINE,
Deputy Under Secretary for International Labor Affairs,
U.S. Department of Labor
Thank you to World Vision for sponsoring today's working lunch
and for the organization’s terrific ongoing work on behalf of
children around the world.
I would like now to introduce our keynote speaker, an advocate
for children around the world and a leading voice for this
administration on international affairs, the United States
Alternate Representative to the United Nations for Special
Political Affairs,Ambassador Richard S.Williamson.
Ambassador Williamson has a long and excellent career in
service in various positions in the U.S. Government. He has
served as U.S.Ambassador to the United Nations office in
Vienna as Assistant Secretary of State for International
Organizations and as a member of the President's General
Advisory Committee on Arms Control.
He also served as a member of President Ronald Reagan's
senior White House staff in the position of Assistant to the
President for Intergovernmental Affairs.
So, without further ado, please join me in giving a warm
welcome to the United States Alternate Representative to the
United Nations for Special Political Affairs,Ambassador
Richard Williamson.
AMBASSADOR WILLIAMSON,
U.S. Alternate Representative to the United Nations for
Special Political Affairs
Thank you very much. It is a pleasure to be with you this afternoon.
I would like to begin by thanking Labor Secretary Elaine
Chao and her Department of Labor for hosting this conference,
along with World Vision for sponsoring our luncheon today.
Let me also just note, in my position there are a number of
nongovernmental organizations that play a vital role. One of
them is World Vision on this issue and others. One of Bruce
Wilkinson's predecessor's,Andrew Natsios who was here
earlier, is a tremendously important leader of the Bush
Administration who, as I said, spent time with World Vision and
has given them a particularly deep and committed appreciation
of the problem not only of child soldiers, but the human rights
tragedies and humanitarian suffering in Sudan, Eastern Congo,
Burundi, and elsewhere.
Also, I would like to note my appreciation at seeing an old
friend, Martha Newton, who is Chief of Staff at the International
Bureau at the Department of Labor.
The topic we are here to address requires as much courage,
faith, and determination as any issue facing the world community
today. That being the case, I am particularly gratified that we are
joined by representatives from several governments who are
prepared to address this issue in their own countries, El Salvador,
the Philippines, Colombia, Burundi, Sierra Leone, Sri Lanka,
and Uganda.
I am particularly heartened that the Government of Burundi
has agreed to be an active participant in this event.
As you know, Burundi was one of the five countries named in
the United Nations Secretary-General's report on children in
armed conflict. To face up to this fact is to take the first difficult
step towards progress. Shame lies in inaction. Shame lies in
indifference, but there is no shame whatsoever in facing a crisis
openly and welcoming assistance and support from others.
The very fact that we must gather to discuss child soldiers
trapped in the toils of war in the early days of the 21st century
should shock the conscience of the world. Our children are
our future. Allowing their exploitation in armed conflicts does
irrevocable harm to them and it diminishes the future for all,
robbing a people of the future leaders they need to reconstruct
their society when the conflict ends, scarring the next generation
that a society needs to reconcile and find justice when the killing
stops, and often irreparably harming the child's opportunity for
a healthy, productive, normal life.
Therefore, we have a special responsibility to make extra
efforts to protect the children caught in this destructive cauldron
of armed conflicts.
Comb through President Bush's speeches and public
statements, and you will find a recurrent sharply worded theme.
It is our duty to make sure that no child is left behind.
The President emphasizes that word "duty," as he should.
There is no better platform upon which to build a just world
than the obligations of adults to serve their children and serve
them well.
So, to stand here today and acknowledge that over 300,000
children are currently being used in armed conflict as soldiers,
messengers, guards, runners, bearers, spies, cooks, and sex slaves
is almost to speak the unspeakable. The problem is most
critical in Africa and Asia, but we know it exists in Latin America,
Europe, and the Middle East. Children as young as 10 years old
have been abducted from their homes and forced into situations
where they witness and sometimes perpetrate violence against
their own families and communities. Once these children have
escaped the toils of war or have been discarded because they
have been so badly wounded physically and mentally that they
can no longer function as tools of tyrants, their situation hardly
improves. Lacking education, guidance, and a sense of how an
orderly world operates, they have few opportunities for hope.
The number of children trafficked or exploited for sexual
purposes has grown dramatically. In recent years, political conflict,
poverty, transitional criminal rings, and this cynical exploitation
of the power of the Internet all play a part in the sordid
destruction of human dignity.
In the Mono River region of West Africa, the use of child soldiers
perpetuates violence across borders. For many children, the
only life known is one of violence and bloodshed. As rebels and
mercenaries prowl for new recruits, child soldiers who cannot
reintegrate into society have hampered efforts for peace in
Sierra Leone, which cannot escape the instability in
neighboring Liberia.
Ongoing conflict in western Côte d'Ivoire has wreaked havoc
on the younger generation, and pulled them into a fight they did
not start. As the New York Times reported just this past
Monday,“ever-growing numbers of youth from Sierra Leone,
Liberia, Guinea, and the Ivory Coast are now schooled in
nothing but the art of destruction."
The international community has taken some important steps
in responding to these abuses, steps the United States has strongly
supported. The first Optional Protocol on the Involvement of
Children in Armed Conflict to the Convention on the Rights of
the Child was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly
on May 25, 2000, and came into force on February 12, 2002.
Over 111 countries have signed, and over 52, including the
United States, have ratified it. Inter alia, the first optional protocol
confirms that the minimum age is 18 years for compulsory
recruitment into the armed forces of a state party or other
armed groups.
In addition, state parties must take all feasible measures to
ensure that members of their armed forces who are under 18
years old do not take a direct part in hostilities, and that armed
groups do not recruit or deploy in hostilities persons under 18.
The second Optional Protocol to the Convention on the
Rights of the Child also ratified by the United States addresses
the sale of children, child pornography, and child prostitution. It
is the first instrument of international law to define these terms
legally, and it is essential to our efforts to combat trafficking for
forced commercial sexual exploitation.
The protocol requires state parties to protect children up to
the age of 18 by treating the actions of exploitation as a criminal
act that merits serious punishment.
In the global arena, the optional protocol promotes international
law enforcement cooperation. These two protocols are
important commitments and emblems of an emerging international
consensus. The United States also supports the working
group on child protection training for peace personnel, and the
principle that child protection should be an explicit feature of all
peace-keeping mandates.
The United States has welcomed the report of the Secretary-
General on Children in Armed Conflict published in November
2002 that I mentioned earlier.
As mandated by the Security Council Resolution 1379 of
2001, this report includes an annex that lists parties to armed
conflict that recruit or use children in violation of relevant
international obligations.
As a consequence, the report cites 23 parties, including
governments and/or rebel groups in Afghanistan, Burundi, the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Liberia, and Somalia that
recruit and use child soldiers in violation of international
obligations applicable to them.
This list has focused world attention on situations that need
immediate attention, and it sends a clear political signal to the
implicated states of their need to comply with the international
obligations.
Such public exposure could be a powerful tool. By exposing
violators, it helps hold them to account and hopefully it helps
better protect children exposed to armed conflict.
To keep up the pressure, Security Council Resolution 1460
calls for the submission of a follow-on report in 2003 on the
status of children in armed conflict in the states listed in the
2002 report. The United States would also like to see the
Secretary-General go further than this and submit a list of the
worst abusers of children in armed conflict not limited to the
countries currently on the Security Council agenda.
Some of the worst violators of children in armed conflict do
not appear on the list, countries such as Burma, Uganda, and
Colombia, even though they are mentioned in the report.
The United States also would like to see active monitoring of
those who have already been named. In this case, more is better,
much better.
The obnoxious use of children in armed conflict cannot stand
the light of scrutiny. The perpetuators of the abuse of children
in armed conflict want to remain in the shadows, hidden from
scrutiny, protected from accountability. We need to know, the
world needs to know what is happening to our children.
I am pleased to report that significant positive progress has
been made in Afghanistan since the inception of the Bonn
process just over one year ago. As the Secretary-General report
notes, the Afghan national army will not recruit underaged soldiers.
Despite the use of child soldiers by factions, the lives of Afghan
children have improved markedly.
Since October 2001,America's fund for Afghan children has
raised $11.5 million, including more than $1 million in the past
few months. Further, the United States Government has donated
more than $185 million since September 2001 to assist in general
resettlement efforts in Afghanistan, especially efforts affecting
refugees and internally displaced children.
Although Burundi has not received the same attention as
Afghanistan, the situation there is extremely volatile, and the
international community must be vigilant in preventing a
catastrophe on the scale witnessed by Burundi's neighbor in the
recent past. There have been encouraging developments, but
circumstances in Burundi are still such that children continue to
be exploited as combatants. The United States’ support for the
Burundian transition government is consistent with our calls to
prohibit the use of children in armed conflict.
In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, we have witnessed
the sad exploitation of children in war over the past few years.
Human Rights Watch reports that the government has called on
children between 12 and 20 years old to enlist.
Meanwhile, rebel groups have habitually recruited children to
aid their causes. Hereto, in progress toward a transitional
government,we are working with the Security Council to eliminate
the use of child soldiers, but the recent increased violence in
the Eastern Congo is the cause of intense concern.
The government of Liberia's flagrant failure to adhere to
international law is a major contributing factor to the ongoing
instability in West Africa. The armed forces of Charles Taylor,
the President of Liberia, and the militia he has backed have a
record of recruiting underage children.
As long as Taylor's government continues to support civil
strife in West Africa, the threat to the region's children is real, the
damage is great. Reform of the Liberian government electoral
and judicial systems with respect to human rights continues to be
a principal goal of United States policy in Western Africa.
Sadly, the situation is just as grave in Somalia. Reports have
indicated that boys as young as 14 and 15 years old have participated
in militia attacks, while faction leaders recruit young boys
to serve as personal bodyguards. If the international community
does not make extra efforts to protect these children, the
situation could and probably will get worse.
Some recent estimates suggest that there are at least 175,000
internally displaced children in Somalia. In light of these ongoing
tragedies, we recognize the contributions and dogged efforts of
the United Nations' Secretary-General, the Security Council, the
Secretary-General Special Representative on Children in Armed
Conflict, the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), the
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees,
the International Committee of the Red Cross, and the important
work of non-governmental organizations such as World Vision.
Working with governments and armed groups in the field,
they have demobilized children and provided them with access
to education, social services, and alternative employment to
facilitate their reintegration into society, but the magnitude of
the problem that confronts these children is such that the
United States cannot act alone. Responsible governments must
use the United Nations as a tool to eliminate children in armed
conflict and must supplement that effort as elsewhere.
Therefore, the United States supports programs to assist in the
rehabilitation of child soldiers through grants and cooperative
agreements, including the Displaced Children and Orphans Fund
and the Patrick J. Leahy War of Victims Fund.
The Displaced Children and Orphans Fund focuses on
developing and supporting programs that relate to children
affected by war. It also supports children orphaned by AIDS,
street children, and children with disabilities.
Since 1989, the Displaced Children and Orphans Fund has
contributed more than $74 million to programs in 28 countries.
Administered by USAID and carried out by nongovernmental
organizations, the fund has programs in Angola, Brazil, the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Croatia, Eritrea, Ethiopia,
Indonesia, Kenya, Kosovo, Liberia, Mali, Peru, Rwanda, Sierra
Leone, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Uganda,Vietnam, and Zambia.
Also in place since 1989, the Patrick J. Leahy War Victims Fund
works in war-effected countries to provide a dedicated source
of financial and technical assistance for civilian victims of war.
The Leahy War Victims Fund supports programs that provide
prosthetic services and programs that follow up such services
with patient monitoring. The fund has provided over $60
million in more than 16 countries.
Exploited and scarred by war or the sex trade, hundreds of
thousands of children around the world virtually define the
word "victim." They have been maimed, and through them, we
are all being maimed, the spoil of our future, and subject to the
worst kind of cynical brutality.
In Washington, in the United Nations and national capitals
around the globe, and in gatherings like this one of public officials
and private citizens, the time has come to turn back the flood
tide of barbarity.
We the civilized world face many tests, terrorism, the
HIV/AIDS crisis, the scourge of drugs, to name only a few, but
no test is more threatening to our moral integrity than the
enslavement and exploitation of children.
How can we create a better world if we do not first insist on
keeping our children safe? The answer to this question is obvious.
The term child soldier must be banished from the vocabulary of
mankind. We can no longer permit or tolerate the reality to
which it refers.
Once again, let me say how much I appreciate your dedicated
efforts. Thank you.
ARNOLD L. LEVINE
Deputy Under Secretary for International Labor Affairs,
U.S. Department of Labor
Closing Remarks
Over the course of the past day and a half, we have all been
moved by the heart-wrenching stories of child soldiers. We
have had the benefit of hearing from experts around the globe
who have shared their firsthand knowledge about the best ways
to confront this heinous practice, but for me and I am sure for
many of you, the most compelling of all the testimonies were
those of our young guests, former child soldiers who brought
home the magnitude of this tragedy.
At this time, I would like to take just a moment to recognize
each of these brave young people and ask them to stand for us
one last time.
Fabrice from Burundi. Radjabu from Burundi. Eider from
Colombia. Berta from El Salvador. Steven from Sierra Leone.
Emilia from Sierra Leone. Mohan from Sri Lanka. Paul from
Uganda. And Grace from Uganda.
I would also take a moment to make a special note of recognition
from the brave young girl from the Philippines, Jelyn, who
could not make it with us today, unfortunately. Thank you all.
These brave young people showed us that the lives of children
scarred by war can be turned around and positive change can
occur, and we can help renew the lives of thousands of children
forced to act against their natures for the benefit of those
without morals and without mercy.
From the engaging keynote addresses and panel discussions
we have heard over the last day and a half, there are many
valuable lessons that we can take away. I am not going to try to
summarize all of them, but we have a short list that I would like
to cover for you.
That a holistic approach to combating the problem of child
soldiers, one that incorporates strategies of demobilization,
rehabilitation, and reintegration offers children the greatest
chance to rebuild their lives.
That demobilization and assistance for children should not be
conditioned to a peace process or broader demobilization. We
should not ask children removed from war to wait and endure
more suffering. We should act with urgency on their behalf.
That the collection and dissemination of information is a
crucial instrument in preventing the use of child soldiers and in
developing effective strategies to address the problem, as
evidenced by the Wounded Childhood report recently released
by the International Labor Organization.
That girls who were child soldiers have very special needs, as
do boys, and these must be taken into consideration in the
process of rehabilitation and reintegration.
That there is inherent value in a child-centered approach, a
full respect for their dignity.
That children can be important agents of change themselves
and renewal in their own lives.
That we should develop community-based systems of child
protection and make families and communities central to the
process of healing.
That children in armed conflict need to be understood as
being the victims and not the perpetrators of crimes.
That for children to become productive citizens, they need
the full and unmitigated acceptance and support of their
communities and families.
That we must confront issues such as poverty and the
growing crisis of HIV/AIDS orphans if we are to avoid conflicts
that employ children as weapons of war.
That the political will must exist to enforce international standards
and national laws that prohibit the use of child soldiers.
That prevention should be our ultimate goal, so that not even
one child is harmed or exploited as a result of being caught in
the crossfire.
I would like to express my appreciation to all of our speakers
and panelists today and yesterday and to our colleagues at the
Department of State and the U.S.Agency for International
Development for their support and valuable contributions, and
to Bruce Wilkinson and World Vision for sponsoring today's lunch.
My particular thanks go to USAID Administrator Andrew
Natsios,Ambassador Williamson, ILO Director-General Juan
Somavia, and UN Special Representative Olara Otunnu, for taking
time out of their busy schedules to attend this conference.
I want to give, again, special thanks to the courageous young
people, the former child soldiers, who shared so much of
themselves with us. By speaking out on this issue, they have
contributed in a very real way to the campaign to end this
terrible crime against the world's children.
Their voices, their words, and their songs amplified by the
work of this conference will become a powerful force against
those who seek to exploit children in this most brutal and
immoral manner.
I would also like to thank their parents, guardians, and
government and NGO officials who accompanied them here today.
As many of you know, and they have been quite vocal over
the course of the past couple of days, there is another group of
young people from Washington area's John F. Kennedy High
School who participated in a parallel program alongside this
conference, and I want to thank you and commend you for your
interest and for the most part for your exemplary behavior.
And let's not forget there are parents and teachers and school
administrators who have organized this wonderful program.
Importantly, I want to thank my own new staff. If it hasn't
been painfully aware to you already, I started in my job on
Monday at the Department of Labor, coming out of one week
of retirement into this very noble and honorable position, and I
want to thank the staff at the Department of Labor for their
dedication and professionalism in making this conference a reality.
They have done a terrific job, and I think we should recognize
them all.
I basically got a free ride this week, having to do nothing
more than make a few introductions and read a few remarks.
The real work, as anybody who has tried to organize a conference
knows, is done by the career staff and others who worked so
hard to make it a reality.
I also want to recognize, of course,Tom Moorhead, the former
Deputy Under Secretary of International Labor Affairs at the
Department of Labor, who was totally committed to the global
campaign to end the worst forms of child labor. His leadership
will be sorely missed.
Finally, I would like to thank all of you for your interest and
attendance at this important conference. I have been involved
in many conferences over my career, and they are all plagued to
one extent or another by flagging interest and by what we will
call participant leakage over the course of the program. I think
our record here over the last day and a half has been terrific. I
am delighted that you have all stuck with us and you have been
so active and vocal in your participation.
The time has come for the community of civilized nations to
come together and say, once and for all, no more child soldiers.
As Secretary Chao said at the beginning of this conference,
we cannot give child soldiers back their childhood. That is a
fact, but we can help them rebuild their lives. Working together,
we can, we must, and we will make a difference for the
world's children.
Thank you very much for participating.
CONVERSATIONS WITH FORMER CHILD SOLDIERS
YOUTH ROUNDTABLE WITH SECRETARY CHAO
ELAINE L. CHAO
U.S. Secretary of Labor
JANE LOWICKI
Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children
BERTA
International Youth Delegate, El Salvador
STEVEN
International Youth Delegate, Sierra Leone
EMILIA
International Youth Delegate, Sierra Leone
MS. LOWICKI:
Good morning, everyone. I’m Jane Lowicki with the Women’s
Commission for Refugee Women and Children. We have a very
special moment now together.
We’ve heard the words “child soldiers.” Who are the real
people that we’re labeling as child soldiers? What does that
label mean? What are the assumptions each one of us has
about those young people? Each of us has our own different
experience. Some of us come from countries where they’re
from, but most of us in this room do not.
We have an opportunity now, this morning, with these
wonderful young people, to hear more. We’ve heard some of
the facts: there are 300,000 child soldiers, conservatively, in the
world; that they are boys and girls; that they come from different
countries. But the truth is, there is so much more diversity and
complexity to their lives and to that scenario.
What was their life like before they became a child soldier?
Why did they become a child soldier? How did it happen? Did
they choose, for some reason, to enter a fighting force? Were
they forced? Are our assumptions that everyone was forced?
What was it like in that force? Was it a constant state of victimization
or were there other things happening? Were they
making decisions and choices throughout that process? How
did they get out? How did they leave? What was life like
afterwards, when they tried to go home or when they tried to
go somewhere else? Then, immediately or years down the line,
what are their lives like now? What do they think about
their experiences?
So many of these questions we each have our individual
answer to, and our experts this morning are representatives of
the young people that you met earlier today. They represent,
however, thousands more. So they’re speaking on their own
behalf, but they’re also speaking from the experiences of all
these young people.
Directly to my right we have Steven from Sierra Leone, and
we have Emilia, also from Sierra Leone further to the right. In
the corner, we have Berta from El Salvador. We’re also honored
to have Secretary Chao among us, who is also going to ask
some questions as we go along.
Now, I’ve told them all that, as diverse as child soldiers’ issues
are around the world, that the audience is equally diverse, and I
want to have a quick show of hands as to how many of you
have ever met someone who had been part of a fighting force
when they were a child. Can you raise your hands?
Okay. Well, that’s a good number, but it’s a lot of people in
the front row, too, so we really have a mixed group. They know
that for many of you, if not most, this is the first time you’re
hearing something from them directly. So in getting to know
them, we hope you feel free, as the conference goes on, to
speak to them directly.
We have a very informal format today where we’re really
going to have some one-on-one conversation, and I’m going to
move even closer as I talk to them. I want you to feel also like
you’re the next chair in this circle, as much as you can. And as
much as you can, think about the places that they’re talking
about, thinking about being there yourselves.
As I mentioned to you earlier, Steven, Emilia and Berta, we’re
going to start by talking a little bit about your specific countries
and some of the experiences young people have there and how
they get involved in fighting forces, and I’ll ask you that individually
and hear more about that, but then we’ll have some more open
discussion, and the Secretary will also jump in with more questions.
So I’m going to start directly to my right with you, Steven, and
ask you to tell me where you’re from.
STEVEN: Okay. Before I start, I would like to greet everybody
and I would like to thank the Secretary, Mrs. Chao, for
giving us the opportunity to be here. My name is Steven
Swankay. I’m from Sierra Leone. I’m here to participate in this
conference. I was a former child soldier, but now I’m no longer.
MS. LOWICKI: What town were you from in Sierra Leone?
STEVEN: I’m from the eastern province of Sierra Leone.
MS. LOWICKI: Okay. Great.
Emilia, how about you? Where are you from in Sierra Leone?
EMILIA: I’m from the southern part of Sierra Leone, Liange.
We are into mining.
MS. LOWICKI: What type of mining?
EMILIA: Bauxite.
MS. LOWICKI: Sierra Leone is rich with natural resources, so
she’s from one of the areas where bauxite is. And Kono, you
may know, where Steven is from, is where many of the diamond
resources come from.What about you, Berta? Where are you
from in El Salvador?
[All comments by Berta are through interpreter.]
BERTA: I was born in Santiago.
MS. LOWICKI: And where are you living now?
BERTA: I now live in the capital, San Salvador.
MS. LOWICKI: I think I’ll start with you, coming back. Can
you say a little bit about the conflict in El Salvador in the ‘80s
and something about young people’s involvement, including your
own, in the conflict.
BERTA: I will start with the general ideas of how armed conflict
came about in my country.
At the end of the ‘70s decade, we had differences in classes,
as well as discrimination. So many people decided to organize
and fight to build a better society and a better democracy. And
that is how armed conflict began at the end of the ‘70s. Conflict
continued until the peace treaties were signed January 16th of 1992.
MS. LOWICKI: And how old were you back then, back in the
‘80s, at the time when the conflict was beginning?
BERTA: I was born in 1976. In the ‘80s, many children were
forced to join, and others decided themselves that they were
going to start fighting, maybe because they had seen their parents
shot and killed by the military, such was the massacre of El Mozote
and many other massacres that occurred in my country.
MS. LOWICKI: So what was daily life like at that time? Did
you have enough food? Were you able to go to school?
BERTA: I was born and raised in a coffee-growing area in the
Department of Usulutan. In that time, all of us, from the
moment that we were 5 years old on, would help our parents
working with the coffee.
At that time, we worked for low wages, gathering coffee.
They would pay us 14 colones for a sack. And the guerillas
were surrounding the areas where we used to work, and they
would force the owners to raise our salaries, saying that we
weren’t getting paid enough. At the same time, they were
letting us know that they were fighting a war for us, that they
were trying to help the working class, and they wanted us to
join them in this fight.
MS. LOWICKI: So what were the specific pressures, in your
case, that had you enter the fighting force at that time?
BERTA: Well, at that time, they started asking us to cooperate,
basically forcing us to cooperate. They would use the children
to make us go to the store to get stuff for them. Also, they
would use us to take the food that our parents had been forced
to cook for them. In 1990, I decided to join, to help build a true
democracy. I wanted life to be different in my country. I wanted
life to be different for my children. So in the ‘90s I joined,
and I was there for one year, until September of 1991, when I
was shot in the back and ended up in a wheelchair.
MS. LOWICKI: When you made that initial choice, were you
doing that also with other young people or was it very much an
individual choice for you?
BERTA: It was something I decided. Although the guerilla that
surrounded us had lots of kids I knew in it, there were also children
from different departments that had come. I was part of
the special forces, as were many children. They used us to be
the special forces. The special forces were in charge of protecting
the base. The base is where all the commanders were. Then,
when the military would come and try to fight the commanders,
we were the ones fighting in order to protect the base.
However, during that time, I was the radar operator, which
means I communicated with other squadrons of our group so
that we wouldn’t shoot ourselves. I never really shot.
MS. LOWICKI: Berta, thank you. I’m going to come back to
you and ask you some more detail about that experience, but
first we’re going to talk to Emilia and Steven, and then we’ll talk
more in detail about those experiences, and the Secretary also
at that time, too, can throw in some more questions as well.
Who wants to go first? Emilia, how about you? Do you want
to say something about Sierra Leone and the conflict there?
EMILIA: Let Steven go.
MS. LOWICKI: Okay. Steven, you start first, then.
STEVEN: Before the war in Sierra Leone, Sierra Leone was
one of the most peaceful countries, but in 1991, the war started
in Liberia. Later, the war entered into Sierra Leone. When the
war entered into Sierra Leone, it started from the eastern part,
which is where I’m from.
So I was there living with my parents in one of the communities.
We had fighting nearby, so we decided to leave the place and go
to one of our villages. When we went there, I was with my parents,
staying there with them. We heard that the town had been
captured by the rebels.
So after that, we left the village, we went to another village.
So after some time, the rebels were again close to the village
that we were from. After two or three days, we heard that the
rebels were now in the village, they had come to collect food
because in those times if there was a shortage of food, you
found some place to get food. So they went to our village.
MS. LOWICKI: Hang on one second. So the war started
in the east. I want to make sure the audience is following along.
And because they were coming, you fled your village with your
family. And then you heard that they had taken over your village
— they were looting for food. What happened next?
STEVEN: We went to the bushland.When they came to the
village, they didn’t meet anybody, so they too decided to go into
My mom said that we didn’t have anything. We were staying
in the bush, we didn’t have anything. And they said that, if you
don’t produce anything, we are going to kill you.
My mother refused to do anything that they ordered. So I
was there with them for, let me say for 30 minutes, and they
said, we have to move because you don’t have anything. But
before they left us, they are going to take me along with them.
So they took me to the town that I’m from, which is Koidu
town. I was there for, let me say one month, and then they
took me to Kundiu, one of our big towns in the Kono district.
MS. LOWICKI: When you were going, what were the rebels
who took you like? Were they young people like yourself?
STEVEN: No, they were not young people like myself. They
were all 18 years old.
MS. LOWICKI: And when they took you, were they taking
many other children at the same time?
STEVEN: On my way, I met three of my friends. They, too,
had been captured.
MS. LOWICKI: And how old were all of you at that time?
STEVEN: By then, I was 9 years old. And my friends that they
had captured, I cannot tell their age.
MS. LOWICKI: What were you thinking at that time?
Obviously you were running and afraid. But what did it feel like
when they first got you and they were taking you there?
STEVEN: When I was captured, because we knew that these
are people that had come to kill us, I thought that they were
going to kill me.
MS. LOWICKI: So then you ended up in Koidu – was it
Koidu they took you to ultimately?
STEVEN: Actually, Koidu was my town.They said that we
should not stay there because if we stayed there, we would have
the chance to escape from them. So they had to take us to a
place that we’ve never been to.
MS. LOWICKI: Stop there for now, and I’ll come back and
we’ll talk more about the experience after that.
But, Emilia, I know in the last — I don’t know how many
days, you’ve been asked the same questions the whole time
about your experience and your life, and I know that’s exhausting.
So can you tell us something about the girls in your community,
other friends of yours, kids, what they experienced in
the area you came from when the rebels came.
EMILIA: I was 9 years old when I was captured. The rebels
attacked my village where we are staying in 1994 when I was 9
years old. They shot my brother on the spot, and they asked
me, with six people, to go and bury him. But we couldn’t bury
him, and we were brought back to town.
Because they hadn’t got a hold of everybody in the town, we
tried to run up and find a place to hide ourselves. We got into
the bush. We were there for about six months, but we couldn’t
stay without food. People were dying of hunger. There was no
support there. There was nothing for us to live on. By then, my
mom was sick. We broke sticks and leaves, and laid on them in
a space at night. She couldn’t bear this kind of hardship. She
got sick.
So me and some other people, we were asked to go out to
find food. We thought we could find bush food to sustain ourselves.
On our way, we met these rebels. They asked us where
we were about to go, and we told them that we were going to
look for food. They said, oh, ourselves, we are looking for food,
and you are going to join us. We didn’t want to go, but they
forced us. They asked us to decide on one thing, either they kill
us or we go together.
I did not answer because I was afraid, because they looked so
fearful, the way they dressed and everything they did. So they
took us along with them. We were treated like slaves. They
beat us like any other animal. In fact, some were killed. So they
did anything to us that we didn’t like. They forced us to do
their own wishes.
I was lucky to meet with one woman who was the commander’s
wife. I cried to her. I said, they have killed my dad, they
have killed my brother and my mother is sick. I don’t know
whether she has been killed. I don’t know. I said, so please,
ma’am, I take you to be my mother. Help me so that these people
will not get onto me. Because sometimes you wouldn’t do
anything, they would look at you and say, you are going to be
killed, and they would kill you. So it was not easy with us.
So I was with that lady, doing domestic work, traveling for
quite some long distance.We used to carry loads for them.
Sometimes we walked and walked and got tired. Sometimes
our feet got swelled up because of walking on the route. We
couldn’t sleep in bush, so this hardship was all over, so we got
fed up with it.
At one time, the elders of the commanders were saying that
we were heading to the capital city of Sierra Leone, which is
Freetown. In 1997, they said we are going to attack the government
and overthrow the government.
So some of us, we were not happy because we thought it was
dangerous because there were also government troops, but they
forced us also to go there. We went with them. They allowed
us in the town to scatter all about to do propaganda for them,
to be spies for them, to find out where the enemy’s location
was at. That was the work we were doing in Freetown when
we got there.
I used to walk by myself, although we usually walked in groups
of people when we came to town. But I happened to find a
family friend. I met her and I was happy because I was fed up of
living with these kinds of people. So I met with her and cried
to her. I said, please, as you are seeing me now, I don’t want to
go back to the bush. I showed her my body, some marks on my
body. I explained the details of my experience to her. I said,
please help me because you are a family friend. You all know
what happens to us.
She accommodated me and she kept me quiet until the
government troops and the other rebels left the city.
MS. LOWICKI: So there were government troops, the rebels,
and yet another force at that time.
EMILIA: Yes. So after they were chased out of the city, I was
there with this woman. I kept hiding, hiding, hiding because I
was a target, and so was whosoever was in that kind of situation
with me. That is, if you were captured by the government
troops at that time, you would be killed. And if you were being
captured with the rebels that came with you, and you decided
not to go with them, you would be killed also.
MS. LOWICKI: You were afraid of being caught by the government
and also by the rebels?
EMILIA: Yes. So later, in 1999, January 6th, we somehow
found courage. Myself, I started feeling courage.
The rebels came into the city again. By then, I happened to
be seen by one of the commanders who captured me before.
He said he couldn’t leave me because they had killed his wife, so
he couldn’t leave me again in town. I wanted to escape from
him, but I couldn’t because they took all of us.You couldn’t set
eyes on other people. So they took me away with them. We
continued to the jungle. We went from town to town, place to
place. They had to train me, and I had to face many, many difficulties
that I couldn’t bear, and it was very, very — really too
hard for me. I decided better to die than to live in this kind
of situation.
The Lord, I know he was caring for me, although we were in
this kind of situation. He cares for us – even when we were in
the bush – because when I was with my family, we did go to
church, we are Christians. So I used to pray. When I was facing
difficulties, I called on God to help me.
MS. LOWICKI: Thank you, Emilia. There’s so much in everyone’s
story that everyone wants to hear, and it’s wonderful that
you’re sharing with us. I’m going to ask you to hold there for
just a minute, and I’m going to ask Steven and Berta just to say a
little bit more about some specific things in their experience.
Emilia, you mentioned you had so many different tasks to do,
hard labor, domestic labor, carrying loads, traveling with the
troops, doing spy work, et cetera. What are some of things that
both of you did in your experience, and did you get training to
do those things?
Let’s ask Steven and then come back to Berta again. When
you were taken and you were there, were you trained and then
asked to do specific tasks?
STEVEN: Yes. When I was captured, they took me to Kundiu,
so I didn’t have a chance to escape from them and get to my village.
Then I was small, so I decided to stay with them. So after
three months, they trained me as a fighter. But in this training
— in the morning — when the commanders woke up, they
woke us up to run for two miles. They trained us just the way
they had been doing with the government soldiers. We ran in
the morning for two miles. After the two miles, when we came
back, they gave us water. By then, there was no food.
In fact, even the commanders, there was no food for them.
So every child combatant that was staying with them, we didn’t
think that we would be having food. So every morning, we ran
two miles. In the training, we also learned how to use the
weapon. And in case in fighting, if the weapons got stopped,
we were taught how to cope with it or how to scatter them.
MS. LOWICKI: Did they tell you why they wanted you to do
these things, why they had taken you?
STEVEN: Yeah. In fact, they were giving us some ideologies
by saying that in the system of Sierra Leone, it was already
unbearable because the government was not providing free education
for the people. People were suffering because they could
not send their children to school because they didn’t have
money. So they wanted to kick that system off. These are the
kind of ideologies that were given to us, and we were encouraged
to fight with them.
MS. LOWICKI: Let’s hear also a little bit more from Berta.
What about you, Berta? When you went, it sounds like the
troops were very organized. What did they ask you to do and
how did they prepare you?
SECRETARY CHAO: I think Berta told us originally you protected
the base, you were part of the children who protected
the base. Isn’t that correct?
BERTA: Yes. When I joined at first, we did protect the base
and, as part of the other children, I formed part of the special
forces. The training that we got was just the same training as
the adults got. We would have to jump from very high places,
and we didn’t receive any special treatment. We were being
trained to fight the army, just as the adults.
MS. LOWICKI: What were some of the differences between
the boys’ and the girls’ experiences in all of your situations?
Were girls given specific tasks to do? What do you think some
of the differences for girls and boys were?
STEVEN: For the girls, when we were captured, the commanders
forced them to be their wives. Some of them were
raped. After raping them, maybe they would just leave them to
die. Some of them, they captured them, they took them along
with them. So the girls, mainly they are forced to be their
wives. For us, we are trained to be fighters.
MS. LOWICKI: And what about in your experience, Berta?
Were you treated differently than the boys in your group?
BERTA: They treated us equally because their ideology was to
have a true democracy, equality for all. So they didn’t have any
discrimination against women. They treated all of us equally.
MS. LOWICKI: Madame Secretary, do you have questions?
SECRETARY CHAO: Yes, if I could. Berta had a very difficult
circumstance, but Steven and Emilia had much, much different
experiences. So I think it would help for a lot of people who
are listening in, if conditions are so bad, why could you not
leave? Maybe that’s helpful for us to understand, and that would
help us to find solutions to this as well.
MS. LOWICKI: What was hard about leaving? Berta, you
also said you were wounded, but why did you end up leaving
and how did you leave, and also what was hard for you, two,
about leaving the force?
SECRETARY CHAO: Did you want to leave?
EMILIA: Yes.
SECRETARY CHAO: Emilia, you start. Why couldn’t you leave?
EMILIA: They could not allow us to leave by ourselves. In fact,
even if we were walking on the road, there would be bodyguards
around us. We would be in the middle. So even to go
and fetch water, it was not easy for us. They would be shouting
at us, treating us like slaves, go and get this water and come
back. So it was not easy.
We wanted to escape – because we were fighting so hard. It
was not easy for us. I don’t even know how to describe how
we used to feel at that time, so it was not easy for us. And we
were always thinking of escaping, thinking of the day when we’d
be out of this kind of bondage.
STEVEN: Let me help her to explain more. You know, one of
the things that actually made us not have the chance to escape
is that, like what I was saying, they captured me from the east
and they took me to the north. So I didn’t think I would have
the chance to escape – or even to know the areas. Also, the
rebels, they had a lot of camps, not only one, so if you escaped
from this camp and you got to another, if you are captured -
EMILIA: - they will kill you.
STEVEN: And if the commanders knew that you escaped and
you were captured in another place, they have to kill you. There
is no alternative. So that is why some of us decided to stay
with them.
MS. LOWICKI: I’ll take you to the next question — and
we’ll get back to Berta also — but in the end, how did you end
up leaving? How did you end up leaving the force? How did
you get away?
STEVEN: Actually, when I was with them, I was fortunate.
When it came time, they said we have to go to Freetown. That
was in the year 1999 because it was decided we should go to
Freetown. So they took some of us, like the group I was staying
with, and they took us to Makani, one of the big towns in the
northern province. I was not fortunate enough to go to
Freetown. Some of my friends, they were fortunate, so they took
them along. Instead, I was staying with my commander’s wife.
So later, when they went to Freetown, unfortunately for them,
they were defeated. So they pulled out from Freetown. So
some of them decided to stay in one of the villages. They
opened another camp there. They called the camp west side.
They said that we were the west side boys.
I was staying in Makani with my commander, so from there,
we were told that the United Nations were now in Freetown,
so everybody and the commanders – those who were having
the children – they had to leave there. But I was lucky. My
commander decided to release me.
MS. LOWICKI: So Steven actually was able to go, at the time
of the peace agreement, when the rebels agreed to put their
weapons down.
What about you, Berta?
BERTA: In my case, it was a little different because, since I was
wounded or shot, the International Red Cross took me out.
They took me to a hospital, and then five months later, the
peace treaties were signed.
MS. LOWICKI: And how did you all feel at those moments
when you left? We didn’t hear at the last minute when you
were finally free, Emilia. How did you feel?
EMILIA: I got free from them when the commander that I
was staying with was killed. That was the time I got to escape
from them.
MS. LOWICKI: Were you still feeling fear at that moment,
like you thought someone was behind you, coming after you?
Or were you feeling like, I’m finally really free?
EMILIA: That was during the attack. It’s like everybody fighting
for his life, his or her life. And I was standing behind him. He
got shot, and I also had the fragments on my feet, so it was not
easy for me. I thought I was shot. So I was not thinking of
being alive. I was thinking of maybe being killed, maybe I had
been. Maybe they caught me already, but I decided to run
elsewhere – to maybe get myself out.
MS. LOWICKI: So for all of you, what was the first thing you
were hoping for when you had finally gotten away, when you
finally thought, I’m free? What was the first thing you
wanted to do? Was it to go home? To find friends? What
was the immediate thing you needed at that time?
STEVEN: Actually, it was to hear if our parents were alive –
waiting to see them to let them know that nothing was wrong
with us – that we were back.
MS. LOWICKI: Were you worried about whether they would
have questions about your activity during the war? Were you
worried about seeing them again, whether you would accept
each other or get along, anything like that? Were you concerned
about getting together with your family again for
the first time?
SECRETARY CHAO: About being accepted?
STEVEN: Yes. Some families do accept their children, but
some, when the children do return, they don’t accept them
because some of them, when they have been in this situation,
been rebels, when they entered to their village, they kill a lot of
people. In fact, some children do destroy their parents because
they have been changed totally. So when they came back, some
parents refused to accept them, even the elders in the community.
But I, I was lucky; my parents accepted me. But when I was
released, I didn’t get a chance to see my parents quickly. For
some time, about nine months, I waited before I got a chance
to see them.
MS. LOWICKI: I’m going to ask you about those nine
months. Just quickly also for Berta and Emilia, what was the
first thing – I know you were able to get free in the middle of a
battle, so you needed immediate safety, but after you got out of
that, what was the first thing you hoped for?
Emilia: As for me, I already knew that my father was killed.
The first time when I escaped and stayed with one woman –
with a family friend when we came back to Freetown – I was
told that my mother was killed, my mother was dead. So I was
thinking, I am the only daughter in my family and my small
brother also has been carried away by the rebels. So I had
nowhere to stay, nobody to care for me, nobody to stay with,
and I had nowhere to go.
So I just decided to meet people. In fact, at that time, if
you said you were a rebel, nobody would help you. Or if you
explained your situation directly, nobody would help you. In
fact, it would lead you to danger because somebody would go
and make a report and then you would be killed.
So I just kept myself quiet and tried to talk to friends. I tried
to be nice to people, although it was not easy with me because
I couldn’t see my family again. But I was meeting with people
and explaining to them some details of my life so they would
help me. So that is why I was not hoping of going to family
because I already knew I had nobody behind me.
MS. LOWICKI: Thank you. Berta, in terms of your situation,
you were disabled in the war itself, and then peace came. What
was the situation with your family and your health, and maybe
some of the other young people who were in the fighting force,
when they finally got out? What were your first hopes?
BERTA: To receive support from my family and from my
neighbors and for there to be a therapy program to help me
walk again. But it was difficult. September of 1992 was when I
started receiving aid from a program from the Pan-American
Health Organization so that I could walk again. And in 1993, I
had a prosthesis here so that I could walk, and I was walking in
sort of like a swing.
MS. LOWICKI: Can I ask all of you, what was the main thing
that helped you after you left the fighting forces? Clearly, the
health support you got, Berta, was really important, but beyond
health support, many of the young people I work with, with the
Women’s Commission, talk about security and talk about education.
What are some of the main things you think young people need?
EMILIA: I believe young people need education and support.
That is the first important thing. And they need caring. They
need protection. They need caring, protection and most youths
need job facilities and medical facilities. All the needs that are
necessary are the needs of youths and children. The most
important are protection and caring.
MS. LOWICKI: In both cases we have a peace agreement, but
in Sierra Leone there was a specific demobilization program. In
Salvador, there was not.There was something different. We have
very little time now before we have to stop our conversation, but
what were some of the things about that demobilization program
that you think needed to be improved for young people?
STEVEN: Actually, when we were released by the rebels,
when we came back to Freetown, we arranged one program,
which is DDR -
MS. LOWICKI: That’s disarmament, demobilization
and reintegration.
STEVEN: Yes. The program started. When the program was
started, they started rehabilitating us, after the demobilization.
Some of us – like some of our elders who are above 18 years –
they sent them to vocational institutes, skills training centers.
Some of them started doing that. And some of us, they sent us
to school.
But, actually, I don’t know why every program does not
include financial supports. They are trying, actually. We were
hoping the government would help us. They didn’t satisfy most
of us because some of our friends – it didn’t provide schools or
a skills center for some of our friends, so they could do something
in the future. So some of them are unhappy.
When they brought me to one of the centers, I was there for
six months. By then, the disarmament was taking place in my
own hometown, and they told me that I would have to go to
my parents. So I was thinking that it’s better for me to stay
there at the center instead of coming to my hometown because
my friend he came to the town and they didn’t do anything for him.
I stayed at the center attending school. By then, I was in class
five. I moved on to class six. I received my national primary
school examination. By then, it was two months for me to seek
my examination. And they said they would take me to my parents
– without finding my parents. I was furious about that.
Actually, they did try, but they didn’t please most of us. Some
of my colleagues were sent away by these centers, but the staff
didn’t check on them. Some of them just scattered. Some of
them are in Freetown and some of them have returned to their
villages. They are grumbling.
So these are the kind of things they should improve on. They
should improve on that DDR program. If any other rebel program
started, most of the former child soldiers would try to join. In
Sierra Leone, people are very poor. Because of the situation,
people are just giving birth to children. People in that place do
not have a job to do, but they have about 15 children. He or
she alone will not be able to take care of them. So these are
the kind of things that happened.
MS. LOWICKI: Many young people say they wanted
education and help coming back together, but the programs
were very under-funded and many girls especially, because at
first they didn’t have a gun to turn in, could not participate.
I know we have to wrap up. I know Berta wanted to say
something else especially about education in El Salvador as
part of reintegration.
BERTA: I’d like to comment definitely about my country, but
first about all countries in general. I think that there should be
programs for children who have been victims of this war. There
should be psychological programs and educational programs
that cover all sections and all areas of life so that they can be
accepted back again into society, and also so that they can be
reincorporated into the work force so that these youngsters
can form a productive part of their country.
MS. LOWICKI: All of you have shown tremendous courage
by making it so far to this stage from your own homes, being
surrounded by conflict and many other problems, and having
survived the actual conflict itself. There is so much strength in
that, and everyone in this room, I know, is extremely proud of
you and extremely honored to be here with you. We thank
you so much.
But I want to ask just very quickly, in one sentence, for each
of you to close. What do you think young people, especially
those who have been in your situation, want to contribute right
now to change and prevent other children from having to be
part of fighting forces?
STEVEN: Okay. I’m really happy for being here. It’s a good
start by bringing us here, at least to put our opinions and ideas
together, to put an end to the involvement of children in war.
So the only thing you can do is, as you have started, you have to
work with the United Nations first, and the ministries that really
work for children in each country or any country. After that,
you have to campaign the youth or the politicians that do
involve children in war.
Number one is the United Nations. You have to work with
them because they are the people who helped us to be alive
today, because they are the ones who brought peace to Sierra
Leone and told the leaders to leave us. You have to work with
them. We have to at least give financial support to African
countries, because if people have a chance to go to school and
get educated, it is less likely they will be influenced to become a
rebel, to fight other people, to destroy a country.
You have to do a lot. You have to work with the government, as
I’ve said. You have to make sure that you provide free education
for children in any country of Africa or all over the world. I
think that is one of the things you have to do because it is one
of the things that makes me happy now. My parents were really
poor after the war. The war really destroyed them. So they
didn’t have a chance to help me to attend school. So for now,
I get help from somebody, and that person is great. She is the
regional director for Search for Common Ground in Sierra
Leone. She is the one assisting me.
So these are the kinds of things. You have to make sure that
you support the government of any country. At least be able to
support the children, provide free education. If you do that, I
don’t think anybody will rebel against these practices. That is
my own contribution. I know my friends have more.
EMILIA: My own contribution is that you really have to pay
attention to these African countries to see their needs because
it’s lack of education that causes all these problems in the
African countries, and the lack of jobs and job facilities. There
are no improvements in our countries that will help us to be
educated or to be better.
And really, girls – I want to emphasize this – girls have been
involved in this war. Some are sleeping in the marketplaces in
African countries. They have nowhere to go. Like me. I was
forced to be a wife of that commander, and I have a son now.
My son is going to be three years old on June 16th, next month.
I have my brother. I have great responsibility. I have nobody to
help me.
So I find it difficult – and I want to be educated. I am forcing
my way so that I will get educated, at least to take care of my
family in the future. But it’s not easy for me. I’m really finding it
too hard because I have no support. I have no one to help me.
So it’s not easy. I just meet people individually and talk to them.
And it’s not easy with me, so I really need support for
educational issues.
Like my child needs to go to school, my brother also needs to
go to school or receive skills training, in order to help him in
the future. And all the people are in the same situation as myself
and my family. So you really have to pay attention to
African countries.
SECRETARY CHAO: Let me ask Berta to give us some final
words, and then I will say some final words as well. I want to
thank everyone so much for the opportunity to hear their stories.
As Jane mentioned, these are very brave individuals who
have seen such hardship, such horrors, and yet they have the
courage to share with us, and we have others in front of us
here, too, who have the courage to share with us the reality of
what they’ve gone through. And hopefully, again, we as an
international community of responsible and civilized nations
will do something about it.
So, Berta, why don’t you wrap up and then I will say a
few words.
BERTA: I’d like to tell other presidents of their respective
countries to enforce the children’s rights laws that already exist,
to actually punish the people who force children to become
soldiers, and to aid the children who are victims of this by
educating them or giving them money for a career. In my case,
I wanted to go back to school in 2000, and I knew that there
were scholarships available, especially at the National University,
which I attend. But when I requested the scholarship, it was
denied. I know that there are funds out there to help us, and I
was denied. I don’t want this to happen to any other children.
I would like them to be able to get their education. Thank you
very much for having us here.
SECRETARY CHAO: Berta, there are a lot of scholarship
opportunities available, so we hope that through your appearance
today, others will see you and new doors will open as well.
Thank you, Jane. And I’d like to thank our panelists, Steven,
Emilia, and Berta, for their really moving and thought-provoking
words. I think listening to what you’ve endured and how far
you’ve come really gives us hope that we can build and rebuild
shattered lives. So thank you so much for sharing your experience
with us.
I want to recognize another important part of our program
that has been taking place at the same time as our discussions
here. And that’s the Parallel Youth Program that began this past
Monday. In addition to the remarkable young people that we’ve
heard from today, former child soldiers from countries in Africa,
Asia, Latin America and the Pacific have been sharing their
experiences with children from John F. Kennedy High School in
Silver Spring, Maryland. I would like to show you a short film
about the wonderful exchange that has taken place between
these two groups of young people. Let’s take a look.
[“Youth Parallel Program” film shown]
As you can see from this film, these young people have been
extremely busy, and their participation has been so important.
It brought, for me, the anguish of child soldiers out into the
open for the world to see. And you can see them on stage and
in the front of the room, so please join me in recognizing and
thanking all of them.
I would like to take a moment now to thank some other
people. I would like to thank Marcia Eugenio and everyone
from the Bureau for International Labor Affairs who worked so
hard on this conference. And also, I would like to recognize
another major force behind the conference who we lost
unexpectedly less than two weeks ago – Tom Moorhead, the
former Deputy Under Secretary for International Labor Affairs.
Tom was a strong advocate of this Administration’s international
labor agenda and personally championed the campaign to eliminate
the worst forms of child labor. In his travels,Tom was relentless
in negotiating bilateral agreements aimed at removing children
from abusive work and providing them with real educational
opportunities. I would like to share with you a short photo
montage of Tom’s work at the Labor Department, put together
with great love by his colleagues.
[Slide show]
PROFLIES OF INTERNATIONALS
YOUTH DELEGATES
BURUNDI:
Fabrice (age 18) — Following the death of his father, Fabrice’s
family lost their main source of income, and Fabrice enrolled in
the government military in order to support his family. At the
time, he was in primary school and misrepresented his age in
order to be accepted into military service. As a soldier, he
participated in field combat. After accidentally wounding a
fellow soldier, Fabrice was sent to military jail for six months
and then dismissed from the military. Since that time, he has
returned to his family and continues to serve as their primary
provider. Fabrice hopes to learn French and English and to operate
a computer. He is a member of the JAMAA program (meaning
“Friends” in Swahili), which brings together youth from different
ethnic and geographical backgrounds to create more
peaceful relations between warring groups.
Radjabu (age 23) — After a rebel attack on his village, Radjabu
feared that he would not be protected by the government army
and sought refuge in a rebel camp. He was forced to enroll as a soldier
in 1996, when he was just 16 years old. He also participated
in the war as a combatant. Radjabu managed to escape from
the rebel group and return to his family in 1999. He looks forward
to working in his community to prevent other young people from
becoming child soldiers and wants to be a truck driver. Like
Fabrice, Radjabu is a member of JAMAA.
COLOMBIA:
Eider (age 17) — Eider was forced to serve as a member of the
National Liberation Army (ELN), a Colombian guerrilla group,
when he was 15 years old.As a member of the ELN, he worked
as a cook and combatant. Eider eventually escaped and turned
himself in to the police. He was transferred to the Specialized
Attention Center for ex-combatants in Cali where he is currently
studying carpentry and attending primary school. He hopes to
one day finish high school and earn enough money to buy a home.
EL SALVADOR:
Berta (age 26) — Berta grew up in the coffee growing area in
the Department of Usulutan where she came into contact with
rebel forces during the 1980s. Berta and her family provided
food for the guerrillas, and she eventually joined the movement
in 1990. Berta served in the Special Forces assigned to protect
the base and the commanders of the unit. In the field, her primary
role was that of a radio operator. In 1991, she received a spinal
injury, and was rescued by the International Red Cross. Berta
was forced to use a wheelchair for two years. In 1993, Berta
learned to walk again with crutches. She is currently studying
law at the national university.
SIERRA LEONE:
Steven (age 13) — Steven was captured by the Revolutionary
United Front (RUF) and recruited as a fighter in the Small Boys
Unit when he was 9 years old. He managed to escape from the
RUF, but later joined the Armed Forces Revolutionary Council
and served as a soldier. Steven was demobilized following the
signing of the 1999 Lomé peace agreement and found support
at an Interim Care Center for separated children on the
outskirts of Freetown. He then joined the Search for Common
Ground/Talking Drum Studio’s Golden Kids Network as a
journalist. The Golden Kids Network is a children’s news program
that is reported and produced by kids. Steven receives educational
and support services through the organization. He was
featured in the UN Works “What’s Going On?” film series.
Emilia (age 17) — Emilia was also captured by a rebel group
when she was 9 years old, and spent the next five years performing
various tasks for her military commanders, including
scavenging for food, laying ambushes, and learning to use
firearms. She was forced to become the wife of one of her
commanders but escaped following his death in battle.After
escaping, she found that she had become pregnant with his
child. At 14 years old, Emilia became the primary caregiver for
both her newborn son and her younger brother. She received
assistance from a missionary group, and has since returned to
school. She is currently at the senior secondary level and also
works as a journalist for the Search for Common Ground/Talking
Drum Studio’s Golden Kids Network.
SRI LANKA:
Mohan (age 24) — Mohan was coerced into joining the armed
group Liberation Tigers of Tamil Ealam (L.T.T.E.) when he was
15 years old and was trained in combat and arms.When Mohan
finally escaped, he turned himself into the army. He was released
but then rearrested following a rebel attack. He spent 7 months
in jails until the government army intervened and sent Mohan to
a rehabilitation center.
UGANDA:
Grace (age 21) — Grace was abducted by the Lord’s Resstance
Army in 1996 and forced to work as a soldier until 2001. After
leaving the armed group, Grace passed through the World Vision
Gulu center, where she received immediate care and services.
With the encouragement of the World Vision staff, Grace returned
to school and is currently in year two of Secondary school.
Grace enjoys singing and wants her life to be an example for
other girl soldiers, showing them that that success is possible
after abduction. Grace has participated in several conferences
including a national advocacy conference.
Paul (age 18) — Paul was abducted by the Lord’s Resistance
Army at the age of 12 and spent five years in captivity as a soldier.
He escaped from their camp in the Sudan and was assisted to
return to Uganda by UNICEF. Paul is now a student at Universal
Standard College in Gulu. He participated in a documentary
film featuring abduction stories and testimonies of children, which
was sent to Sudan to persuade abducted children to return
home. He has also attended several peace conferences.
PANEL PRESENTATIONS
PREVENTION WORKSHOP
JO BECKER Children’s Rights Advocacy Director, Human Rights Watch
Good morning. I want to welcome you all to this morning’s
panel on prevention issues, and I want to thank the Department
of Labor for including this very important issue in this conference.
When children are recruited into armies and armed groups,
the cost to the child and to society are enormous. These
include injury, death, psychological trauma, lack of educational
opportunities, and, of course, loss of childhood itself.
But oftentimes the discussion around the issue of child soldiers
immediately shifts to what happens after the fact; in other
words, the challenges of rehabilitation and what is needed to
help integrate former child soldiers into society.
What is often overlooked in our discussions is the element of
prevention. What are the strategies that can keep children from
being recruited in the first place? How can we get at the root
causes of child soldiering and prevent this abuse from happening
at all, rather than spend so much of our energy trying to pick
up the pieces after the fact? What actions can we take at the
community level, at the national level, at the international level
to protect children from recruitment?
Very few families want their children to become child soldiers.
In the work that I have done, I have seen families and communities
go to extreme lengths to try and keep their children from
becoming recruited.
In February, I was in northern Uganda with Human Rights
Watch conducting an investigation in the huge upsurge of
abductions that have happened there in the last year, and if you
go to northern Uganda, you will see an astounding phenomenon.
In the evenings in the major towns, hundreds and even
thousands of children will come flowing into the centers to
sleep at night. They go to hospitals, to churches. They find shop
verandas and they sleep there and go back home in the morning.
Their parents send them to protect them from abduction.
We have seen similarly extreme measures in other countries.
In the Democratic Republic of Congo, when schools were being
targeted for recruitment by rebel groups, some families in the
communities went to the length of shutting schools down to
protect their children.
In some countries in the Middle East, parts of Iraq and Lebanon,
families have fled their homes, moving to other regions and even
other countries to protect their children from recruitment.
These are very poor solutions because they replace one
problem with another. Children should not have to forego an
education or leave their homes to avoid military recruitment, so
these examples underline the importance of our challenge
today, which is to identify positive prevention strategies that will
help protect children without putting their other rights at risk.
We have an excellent panel this morning to explore some of
these strategies with us. We have representatives from government,
from the United Nations, from nongovernmental organizations.
It is my privilege to introduce our panel this morning. Our
first speaker will be Mike Wessells. Mike is Professor of
Psychology at Randolph Macon College. He is also a psychosocial
adviser for the Christian Children’s Fund. He has helped to
develop programs to assist children, families, and communities
affected by armed conflict in countries, such as Angola, Sierra
Leone, East Timor, Kosovo, and Afghanistan. UN agencies, donors,
NGOs, and governments alike all rely on Mike’s extensive
expertise and his thoughtful analysis.
Our second speaker will be Guenet Guebre-Christos. She is
the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)
regional representative to the United States and the Caribbean.
She has spent over 20 years with UNHCR, dealing primarily with
African refugees. She has spent most of her career in the field,
serving in Rwanda, Benin, Nigeria, Kenya, and the Democratic
Republic of Congo. Refugee children are at particular risk of
recruitment, and we are pleased to have you and UNHCR’s
expertise here this morning.
Our third speaker is Nonoy Fajardo, who is currently a project
officer with UNICEF in the Philippines. He manages the national
project for rescue, recovery, and reintegration of children in
need of special protection. Previously, he spent eight years with
the national project on children in situations of armed conflict,
and has also worked on a peace program in the Office of the
Filipino President.
Finally, our last speaker will be Minister Shirley Gbujama. She
is the Minister of Social Welfare, Gender, and Children’s Affairs
for the Government of Sierra Leone. As we know from yesterday’s
session, Sierra Leone is one of the countries that has
unfortunately had extensive experience with the use of child
soldiers. Minister Gbujama’s ministry is responsible for demobilization,
rehabilitation, and reintegration in conjunction with
NGOs and UNICEF, and previously, she was also Sierra Leone’s
representative to the United Nations.
MIKE WESSELLS Psychosocial Advisor, Christian Children’s Fund
It is a great honor and pleasure to be here with you this morning.
I think Jo is exactly right; we have to put a focus on prevention.
It is not enough to wait for the damage to be done and try to
pick the pieces up afterwards.The question is how do we do
this? What we need is a holistic system analysis and approach.
In the past, we have not always engaged in this kind of systemic
approach. Gender has been silent too often. Girls have
remained invisible. This is as true in prevention programs as in
reintegration programs, and we have to correct this problem.
To think systemically, we need to take a look at what happens to
the protection systems at multiple levels.The protection systems
are systematically destroyed by war, and systems such as family,
school, and community that ought to protect children and
ensure their well-being, in fact, become transformed into
sources of risk and damage for children.
We see at the family level, for example, that poverty, family
violence, and separation from family are enormous risk factors
for child soldiering. If we look at the school level, too often
schools themselves become abduction points for young children.
The lack of quality education oftentimes leads young people to
seek skills and develop enough competencies, and the construction
of hope and meaning through violence and soldiering.
At the community level, oftentimes there is crime.We are
dealing with divided communities saturated with poverty,
oppression, with very deep hatreds, with desires for revenge
and peer pressures that draw people into the use of violence as
an instrument for meeting basic needs and for finding meaning
in struggles for liberations.
These factors have to change. That is what we are up against,
and that means that there is no silver bullet. It means that we
have to think about protective steps at multiple levels. Efforts
only at the national policy level will not work, and efforts only
at the family level will not work. Interacting, comprehensive
systems of protection are needed.
If we take a look at the prevention steps needed at the family
level, first of all, documentation, tracing, and reunification are
crucial, but also keeping family together in times of flight is crucial.
We need to think about positive parenting, about developing
values, norms, and skills of nonviolence within the family.
At the school level, we have to find a way to keep schools
open, to provide quality education, and to help teachers understand
how the war affected children that they are working with
have been affected by armed conflict. We need to think, not just
about formal education, but non formal education, literacy programs,
and life skills development for older youth.
Then, at the community level, we need to be thinking about
birth registration, about the reduction of discrimination, supporting
youth civic groups, and constructing positive roles and
life skills for young people, so that they are not driven into soldiering.
If we come up to the next highest level, the national level,
there have to be much stronger standards against child recruitment,
and stiff penalties for offenders. We have to find ways to
stop the flow of lightweight weapons which make young people
soldiers and effective combatants.
If we come up to the international level, we need to think
about stronger standards and improve protections.We need to
think about universal endorsement of the Convention on the
Rights of the Child, ratification and implementation of the
optional protocol on child soldiers, effective prosecution of
recruiters of children by a body such as the International
Criminal Court, and shaming of violators of child recruitment as
has been done by Olara Otunnu’s office.
Within this very broad framework, I want to now turn to two
cross-cutting issues. The first is identity. Children who form military
identities have a harder time finding their way back to civilian
life. They often report that afterwards they experienced a
loss of meaning, and they are not sure how to fit in and to reintegrate
back into civilian society.
Those who glamorize violence and soldiering to begin with
oftentimes see soldiering as a venue for becoming a powerful
person and developing a positive social role. I would like to suggest
that we know quite well how to strengthen non-military
identities. It is through the development of appropriate values
through provision of positive role models, through reducing
media images that glorify violence, through developing systems
that support nonviolent conflict resolution and pro-social values,
and above all, giving young people a positive role and the
life skills that they need to meet their basic needs.
A second cross-cutting issue has to do with the construction
of community-ased systems of child protection. Oftentimes,
importantly, we work very much at the national and international
level to develop policies and standards.That is terribly important,
but at the end of the day, we have to ask what is the reality of
children’s lives, and are those rights actually becoming a reality
on the ground.
Too often, I would argue, there is a community protection gap,
so we need to think a little bit about how to fill that community
protection gap. In that context, I would like to describe very
briefly a program that is being implemented by Child Fund
Afghanistan, a branch of Christian Children’s Fund, in conjunction
with UNICEF and USAID’s Displaced Children and
Orphan’s Fund, in northern Afghanistan where the warlord system
remains quite strong and young people remain under the
control of their commanders.
In this situation, we tried to mobilize villages, so that they
could develop their own systems of child protection, which then
become a platform for preventing recruitment and for guiding
Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) programs.
The process is child led. It begins by having groups of girls or
boys draw a risk map of their village. They can do this on the
ground or on a sheet of paper. They draw a picture of the village,
and then they are asked to identify the places that are dangerous
and where accidents happen.
Typically they identify things like open wells that children fall
down, or they might identify a bridge that is out, leaving young
people to try to construct a very flimsy bridge, which then
results in a disaster, or, of course, in northern Afghanistan, land
mines. After they do that they then prioritize their two key
issues, and they present these to the community in the form of
a role play.
As they do that, the village members get quite excited about
how to address those risk factors. They then form a child wellbeing
committee that consists of both adults and children, and
they engage in the process of collecting planning and action.
They actually go out and cover up wells. They create totally
new systems for protection. This child protection well-being
committee then serves as a base for monitoring human rights,
providing a platform for preventing recruitment, and linking with
government and international agencies.
I would like to suggest that even though it is not a panacea,
that this kind of community mobilization and activation around
child protection and making children’s rights a reality is
absolutely crucial.
Thank you very much.
GUENET GUEBRE-CHRISTOS Regional Representative,
UN High Commissioner for Refugees
Thank you for inviting me here to speak with you today.The
vulnerability of refugee children to military recruitment is an
issue of major concern to UNHCR. I welcome this opportunity
to discuss with you UNHCR’s perspective on the factors causing
recruitment of child soldiers, the necessary measures to prevent
recruitment, and the challenges UNHCR and its international
partners face in implementing such measures. Let me begin
with an overview of UNHCR’s role globally.
UNHCR was created to protect and assist refugees and find
lasting solutions to their plight. The people we help have fled across
an international border to escape persecution or war, to save
their own lives and their families, and to preserve their freedom.
Our responsibilities towards these families, men,women, children
and elderly people are three-fold. First and foremost, we seek
to protect them, to ensure that they can cross that border to
safety, that they are well-treated in their country of asylum, and
that they are never forced back against their will to a country
where they would be harmed or even killed. Second, we assist
them through basic survival needs like food, blankets, shelter,
medical care and in the best cases, education for the children
and training and help for adults to be self-sufficient. Third, we
try to find solutions to their situations. Often, this is through
voluntary return to their own homes when circumstances permit.
This is the option most desired by the refugees themselves, who
often vote with their feet and return to their lands sometimes
even before it is completely safe at home. If return in safety
and dignity is not feasible, we try to find a way for refugees to
restart their lives in a new country, either where they have first
sought safety or sometimes in yet another country that would
offer them permanent resettlement.
Currently, there are just under 20 million people worldwide
of concern to UNHCR. Out of this total, UNHCR and its
partners assist an estimated 7.7 million children and adolescents
under the age of 18.
Let me turn now to the issue of preventing military recruitment
of refugee children. Refugee children, especially those who
remain in camps for long periods of time, are at particular risk
of recruitment. For them, joining an armed group might appear
attractive and a way to validate oneself, given inadequacies in
social services and lack of hope in the future. The armed group
might appear a disagreeable but known entity as opposed to the
unknown, feared alternative of displacement and homelessness.
Breakdown of the family unit is another primary factor in child
recruitment. Separated children are at particular risk for
recruitment. Many of the youngest to join are children who have
lost both parents and have no one else to take care of them.
Others who join are not only without their parents but have
become the head of their household, a tremendous responsibility.
As discussed yesterday in the plenary session, the first step to
preventing recruitment of children is to persuade those governments,
which have not already done so, to introduce laws setting
the minimum age for compulsory conscription and/or voluntary
recruitment at 18. Governments must also regulate recruitment
by other armed groups that may be non-State actors. UNHCR
advocates against the use of child soldiers in all circumstances
and encourages States that have not yet done so to accede to
the Optional Protocol to the CRC on Involvement of Children
in Armed Conflicts. Of course, as discussed in the plenary session
yesterday, laws alone will not prevent under-age recruitment. The
laws must be strongly and effectively enforced.
In addition, the international community has a collective
responsibility to address the underlying root causes that
increase the susceptibility of refugee children to abuse and
exploitation. UNHCR, in collaboration with Save the Children
Alliance, has initiated the Action for the Rights of Children
(ARC) training and capacity building program for UNHCR staff,
government and NGO partners. The ARC training program is
being implemented in the field with the objective of establishing
regional resource teams which address critical children’s issues,
measures that I am presenting this morning are discussed in
more detail in the ARC training materials, which are available on
UNHCR’s website, www.unhcr.ch.
UNHCR has created specific tools to protect children from
recruitment in four critical areas: basic needs, family, education
and increased economic opportunities. It is important to meet
children’s basic needs such as food, housing and security, so they
are not pressured to meet these needs by seeking out armed
forces or armed groups.
In some circumstances children are deliberately sought. It is
therefore valuable to do risk mapping to develop appropriate
prevention programs. Risk mapping would include identifying
which children are most likely to be recruited in a particular
situation, where fighting might be concentrated, the availability
of small arms, the age and type of children being militarized and
the main agents of militarization. For example, armed elements
often cross borders and enter camps in order to recruit refugee
children. UNHCR has found that it is virtually impossible to
prevent recruitment, forced or voluntary, of refugee children if
there are armed elements in camps and that it is essential to
keep the camps civilian in nature. UNHCR asks host governments
to help prevent the infiltration of armed elements into
camps and to provide physical protection to refugees in the
camps. UNHCR tries to locate camps as far from conflicts as
possible and provide special accommodations for high-risk
individuals, such as crisis rooms and “zones of peace.” We also
promote global birth registration and seek to provide birth
registration or age documentation for children to institutionalize
the recognition of their status as a minor and their ineligibility
for recruitment.
With regard to family unity, it is crucial to keep children and
adolescents with families or other caregivers. If, however, they
are separated, it is important that family tracing activities are
underway as quickly as possible.
In addition to these efforts, it is vital to provide alternatives
to joining an armed group, such as, education, vocational training,
employment, sports and recreation. Access to education is
one of the most important issues facing refugee children today.
Education provides a positive alternative to drugs, to crime, to
military recruitment and to other forms of exploitation and
abuse. UNHCR currently attempts to provide primary
education for all refugee children but sometimes is unable to
meet this goal due to recourse constraints. Ensuring that
refugee children have access to post-primary education and
skills training for adolescents is also high on UNHCR’s priority
list. An important development in this area was the establishment
two years ago of an independent Refugee Education Trust, which
is supported by UNHCR. The aim of the program is to address
the funding gap for education at the post-primary level. The
Refugee Education Trust provides secondary education for an
estimated 1.5 million teenagers. Classes initially use country of
origin curriculum, are instructed in the mother-tongue, and utilize
refugee instructors when possible. Teachers incorporate conflictresolution
and peace-building in the curriculum, and vocational
training kits have also been used, especially so that former child
soldiers can secure a livelihood and better reintegrate
when demobilized.
UNHCR has entered into several innovative partnerships
recently with respect to educating refugee children to promote
peace and to providing refugee children access to positive
developmental activities. First, UNHCR has partnered with
UNICEF’s Peace Education strategy for victims of violence in
the DRC, Guinea, Kenya, Liberia and Uganda with plans to
extend the program.This strategy specifically promotes and
complements traditional problem-solving approaches by teaching
peace promotion behavior, skills, values, and attitudes.
The second partnership is with Olympic Aid and the four-time
Olympic gold medalist Johan Koss. Under this partnership,
sports projects are now being implemented in some thirty camps
and refugee-populated areas in countries on all five continents.
These projects provide opportunities for children to make
friends, to overcome the idleness that is often part of life in a
refugee camp, and to build tolerance and understanding. The
third involves one of the Secretary-General’s Messengers of
Peace, Jane Goodall, who is working with UNHCR to extend
her Institute’s “Roots and Shoots” program to refugee settings.
The aim of this program is to provide young refugees with the
chance to participate in taking care of the community and the
environment, and to link them up with more privileged children
in similar “Roots and Shoots” groups.
Despite all of these efforts, there is still much that needs to
be done by the international community to prevent recruitment
of refugee children. In particular, there is an acute need for
greater resources for primary and post-primary education and
developmental activities for refugee children. In recent years,
the international community has tended to place less importance
on education than the refugees themselves. With humanitarian
needs growing in many parts of the world, the funding available
for refugee education programs has decreased. In general, public
interest and funding have declined to the point that UNHCR is
now a “chronically underfunded agency.” We must raise our
funding through voluntary contributions starting from zero each
year. Our High Commissioner, Ruud Lubbers has said, In keeping
with the importance of the issue of refugee youth to UNHCR,
this year’s World Refugee Day program focuses on youth. There
will be a series of activities in various venues on June 20th and
21st. You can find the schedule as it is finalized on
wwww.usaforunhcr.org.
“We cannot allow these trends to continue.” To increase the
funding for such programs, there must be an increased political
will and commitment to ending forced recruitment. In conclusion,
a final objective seems to be quite clear for the new millennium:
we must be committed to mobilizing more resources, if we are
to actually help children and set the foundation for global peace.
Ladies and gentlemen, thank you once again for including UNHCR
in your agenda. I also want to take this opportunity to invite all
of you to participate in this year’s World Refugee Day activities.
NONOY FAJARDO Project Officer, UNICEF/Philippines
Good morning. In the Philippines, children volunteer to be
members of armed groups, and unlike in other countries, it is
rare that children are forcibly conscripted or coerced to join
armed groups. However, lest I be accused of condoning the
practice, let me stress that this voluntary participation needs to
be qualified in the light of the children’s objective experiences
and subjective understanding of their realities.The children’s
decision to join armed groups is mainly shaped by their social
milieu and family values.
An encompassing reality in the Philippines is the widespread
poverty and abysmal disparity in wealth and income.
Conservative government estimates place the number of
Filipinos living below the poverty line at more than one-third of
the total population. This literally translates to some 26 million
Filipinos who are barely surviving.The government has not
made a significant dent to this long-standing malaise and is in
some ways seen as a tool for perpetuating this inequity.
We all know that economic injustice breeds social unrest.
The situation has spawned armed opposition groups, sowing
revolution or secession as a cure to oppression. The backbone
of these armed groups’ membership is the poor, oppressed, and
marginalized sector.
The family is the basic social unit in the Philippines.Among the
poor and marginalized in the countryside, economic activities
are family affairs where every member contributes to the
production and where even children have roles to play. In a
way, membership in some armed groups can be seen more as a
collective action of the family rather than an individual decision
of its members.
Simply put, children follow the ideologies of their parents.
Sometimes their parents themselves would even volunteer their
children to be conscripted on the belief that this would make
the children’s lives more meaningful and useful.
The decision of children to join armed groups is also shaped
by how their consciousness was nurtured by the community
and their social environment. The Moro Islamic Liberation
Front (MILF), for instance, asserts that alleged systematic
oppression and persecution of the Muslim people necessitate
the declaration of the jihad or holy war against the government,
and it is supposedly a sacred duty of all Muslims to defend their
faith and community. Entire communities adhere to the validity
of this cause and accept the involvement of children in the jihad
as a collective obligation or a duty binding the community as
a whole.
To many families living in abject poverty, participation of children
in armed groups is a viable alternative given the lack of services
and opportunities provided by the State. To some parents, the
choice has been limited to either their children ending as
degenerates or fighting for a cause worth dying for.
Beneath the armies of the MILF and the NPA are social support
networks that have provided services from literacy to health to
agricultural production, mostly in areas hardly reached by
government social services. In situations like these, it is not
surprising that children would look up to and aspire to be
members of these armed opposition groups. They have been
the role models by default and by deed.
Others also perceive the involvement of children in armed
groups as an economic opportunity that would augment family
income and an indication of upward mobility of their social
status. Members of the government paramilitary,Civilian Armed
Force Geographical Unit (CAFGU) are entitled to monthly
stipends, which are precious augmentation to a poor family.
In similar vein, some young recruits of the Abu Sayyaf were
also been motivated to join armed groups on the promise of
substantial cash rewards and arms. Money and gun instantly
conjure to a child the prestige and status of adulthood.
Government, civil society groups, international organizations,
and even armed opposition groups in the Philippines have
employed various strategies to curb the practice of recruitment
of children. Among the major thrusts has been to address the
roots of the conflict and expand social services. Expanding the
scope of social services and poverty alleviation programs in the
poorest and remote villages has been the response of government
in addressing the root causes of the conflict inasmuch as
structural change is a formidable task. The comprehensive and
integrated delivery of social services aims to provide livelihood
support and ensure the delivery of basic services in
conflict areas.
The peace talks with MILF and the NPA, which straddled
several administrations, have gained significant headway in terms
of defining the framework for the negotiations. It is unfortunate,
however, that the parties to the conflict have decided to suspend
the talks indefinitely for various reasons. This is tragic since
continued negotiations can make possible the cessation of
hostilities in the long run or agreements that would protect
children from the ravages of war in the short run.
For instance, based on the Comprehensive Agreement on
Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law,
the Philippine Government and the National Democratic Front
(NDF) agreed to provide for the special attention to women
and children, to ensure their physical and moral integrity, and to
disallow children to take part in hostilities. The agreement,
which was supposed to serve as one of the frameworks for the
talks with the NDF was signed by the former president, but was
not acknowledged by the present government.
The campaign to ratify international instruments for the
protection of children has had a string of successful runs in the
Philippines. The Government has promptly ratified these
treaties owing to strong lobby of civil society groups as well as
the progressive and pro-children inclination of some segments
and personalities in Government.These international instruments
remain potent weapons in the protection of children.
Armed opposition groups vying for international legitimacy
and who present themselves as better alternatives to the
existing system could not afford to disregard these international
agreements at the pain of losing support both locally
and abroad.
These treaties also serve as basis for local legislations, policies,
and programs to further protect children. From these treaties
emerged Republic Act 7610 or the Special Protection for
Children Act, which, among others, declared children as zones of
peace and outlaw the recruitment of children under 18 by
armed groups for combat and noncombat duties.
Parallel to the formal peace talks with the government,
non-governmental organizations and civil society groups have
engaged non-State entities in constructive and confidence-building
activities. Despite the political risks involved, civil society
groups in the Philippines have acted as intermediaries, monitors,
and facilitators in the peace process. These opened lines of
communication and created opportunities for advocacy with
non-State armed groups. In 1997, for instance, UNICEF held a
series of dialogues and consultations with MNLF and the MILF.
These, among others, resulted in the support of these armed
groups for the national mass immunization campaign held
that year.
UNICEF has initiated, together with government and nongovernment
partners, a child-friendly movement that seeks to
put children first in all the social and political agendas that
support the other strategies previously stated. This child-friendly
movement involves interaction and cooperation among the
different sectors of this holistic, integrated, and sustainable
strategy to promote child rights. It places the Filipino child at
the center of the development agenda and at all social levels
from the family to the country level.
A relevant strategy being employed in the child-friendly
movement is the organization of the Barangay or village council
for the protection of children. This is a grass-roots level
organization composed of village leaders and service providers
that looks after the welfare of children in the community.
MINISTER SHIRLEY GBUJAMA Minister of Social Welfare,
Government of Sierra Leone
Thank you very much. Let me say that Children in the Crossfire
has been a reality in my country, Sierra Leone. We have seen
here, we have heard from our children, and we know what it
has been like. We definitely did not want this to happen. Like
one of the children said, Sierra Leone used to be a very
peaceful country.
We thank God that peace has returned, and now we can even
talk about prevention. I would say there is no simple answer for
one country, but together we can achieve the impossible. War
is what we must all together avoid, because it is war that leads
to these things. If there is no war, then, children cannot get
caught in crossfire.
I believe that the avoidance of war is where we stand. We
must have a world free of war. That was the reason, in fact, for
the United Nations, at the end of World War II. It has succeeded
to prevent a third world war, but for internal wars we need to
look someplace else, at our individual countries, with UN help.
But how does it come about that we enter into wars in the
first place? Bad governance sometimes, so maybe our second
thought should be good governance. We must do everything
we can as governments to put forward the kind of government
that our people can use and benefit from instead of those that
will exploit them, especially the poor.
We must have our priorities right for development as governments,
and in order to do that, our friends and those who are
helping us in developing countries should bring us technology
for production of food, for equipment, for vehicles, education,
adequate help, assistance, and media facilities so that people all
over the country can see what war has caused for their children
and by their children and it can be avoided.
We must have that kind of technology sent out. We see the
kind of assistance we need for that, rather than having weapons.
We would prefer that weapons of war do not become priorities
for assisting countries like ours.
Poverty, of course, contributes in no small measure to a lack
of education. As governments, we must work with civil society
so that it is not just the government that is there in a selfish
way looking at itself and carrying on, but trying to hear from the
people through their civil society representatives to hear what
are they saying, what they want, what is happening, how we can
reach out. I believe that these efforts will help to bring the kind
of understanding that will be needed so that wars can be avoided.
We must, of course, raise awareness about the results of war.
The results of war on our children must be shown all around, in
order to promote proper politics and policies. For example, we
have now in our government accepted and signed the protocol
that prevents children who are below 18 from recruitment as
soldiers in any kind of war situation.
Those children who are below 18, if they are used in war, it
should be punishable by the laws of the country.We believe that
perpetrators must not go unpunished. Let people see that
because someone started a war, he has not gone free for that.
We very much welcome the special courts in Sierra Leone.
We must intensify counseling services for parents on the
rights of children. While some of the children in war participate
voluntarily, there are others who were forced by their parents
to be with so they would not be separated. These parents
encouraged the children, especially the boy children, to go
with them into war situations.
Laws against children used as soldiers can be an effective
measure for prevention of wars. They can prevent children
from being caught in crossfire, amputated, punished, or killed
by a land mine.
Indeed, for us, and African children, like any other children in
the world, we must do everything we can to introduce and be
firm on the provision of the United Nations CRC so that we
can all participate and make our children useful.
I was happy when somebody spoke something about the family
level, that is where it starts. Let us all be together in encouraging
the children to have values at the family level and such values,
not like ours, because I tell you some adults have values that
their children cannot afford to copy or be in trouble. So, we
must have values that are really good for them according to
international standards and practice.
JO BECKER Children’s Rights Advocacy Director, Human Rights Watch
All of our speakers have shown us that there are no simple
strategies for preventing the recruitment of children, and that, in
fact, we need multiple strategies at multiple levels — the family,
the school, the community, the nation, and the world. Let me
highlight a couple of the points that have been made by our
speakers. One that was just addressed by Minister Gbujama is
the importance of addressing the issue of impunity. It seems
that recruitment of children is going to continue as long as
there are no consequences for those that are responsible, and
this underlines the need for very vigorous enforcement of national
and international standards and clear penalties for violators,
whether they are individual recruiters or governments.
Second, the need for alternatives, and this issue came through
to me very clearly last year when I was doing research on the
use of child soldiers in Burma. I met with a general with an
opposition army. He was very frank, very open. He said,“Yes, I
have children in my forces, but I would rather these children
would be in school. The problem is there are no schools here
for these kids.”
He was appealing to the international community for help, and
clearly, if he had other options, he would be willing and even
eager to exclude children from his forces.
QUESTION AND ANSWER
Question: What sort of incentives are NGOs and the world
community able to give to paramilitary organizations, in terms of
releasing child soldiers and getting them to engage in a dialogue?
Question: My question is for Mike Wessells. One of the first
lines of your presentation was about the invisibility of girl soldiers.
Could you elaborate a little bit more about that, why are they
invisible and what can be done about that?
Question: Special Representative Olara Otunnu mentioned
cross-border child soldiering. I am originally from Liberia. I am
so happy that we have a lot of Sierra Leoneans here because a
considerable amount of effort has been put into the DDR
process in Sierra Leone, which has been very effective.
My concern and question is why Liberia was taken to a certain
level and then abandoned, and now we see we have Liberian
children who were abandoned, now possibly fighting and possibly
destabilizing the entire sub-region. What can be done about
that, so that we prevent the conflict from spreading into more
West African countries?
Question: My question is about the wars in Sierra Leone.
I was wondering how much of that was due to the diamond
trade and I would like to hear more about that.
Answers:
Mr.Wessells: Regarding the question about invisibility of girls, I
think the programs that are set up oftentimes reflect the same
patterns of discrimination and patriarchy that are prevalent
throughout the international community. There is nothing terribly
unique about the discrimination of women, sadly and
objectionably, and that needs to be corrected.
In addition, there are huge taboos associated with having
women mistreated in this way, so it produces a lot of shame.
In addition, a lot of commanders want to just simply hide this,
so that the exploitation can continue. I mean let’s face it,
it’s convenient.
Then, too often DDR processes privilege combatants, so, for
example, in Sierra Leone, to actually participate in the National
Commission on DDR and receive full benefits, you actually had
to turn in an AK-47. If you had a shotgun, it did not work, and if
you were a girl who had been a spy or a porter of sex slave, it
did not work.
I also wanted to comment briefly on NGO incentives to paramilitaries.
Reporting and shaming is absolutely crucial. This is a
negative incentive. This is the sort of stick approach that I think
is really vital. In addition, I think it is vital to address the root
causes.
Many rebel groups understand very well that the basic human
needs of their people are not being met, so if you can work to end
discrimination, poverty, and inequities, I think that is hugely helpful.
Ms. Guebre-Christos: On the cross border of child soldiers, the
case of Liberia, I think the triangle of Liberia, Guinea, Sierra
Leone has been affected because there has not been any coeur
de voir or comprehensive approach to the resolution of the
problem. Also, Liberia has suffered from sanctions, which have
not affected President Taylor, but have affected the population
and the region.
Mr. Fajardo: I will just comment on the engagement with non-State
entities. This strategy, of course, cannot be applied holistically to
all armed groups. I would not advise engaging the Abu Sayyaf, for
instance, but I would advise engaging dialogue with more politically
sophisticated armed groups like the Moro Islamic Liberation
Front and the National Democratic Front.
As I have said, it is quite politically risky, but engaging them
without any strings attached would be both productive in terms
of advocacy and influencing their own policies within the group.
Minister Gbujama: I believe that the responsibility for children
taken across the borders actually lies with the government of
the country from where these children come. We should guard
our borders, and we can do this in most cases, especially in
peacetime, if we are not ourselves, as governments, involved in
the crossborder.
For example, recently when there was a skirmish on our borders,
we tried very hard to ensure that children or adults did not
cross over to participate in any war that was going on in the
other country.
We believe that we really have taken some responsibility for
children, but what about street children? This is more complex.
If we can take care of the street children and find a place for
them, and if they can be in a position to have basic necessities,
then they will not be there for recruitment.
Now, as for diamonds, yes, you are right. Diamonds became
the reason for some of the wars. There were people ready to
exchange diamonds for arms.
So, is it the diamonds or is the arms? We have to look at the
two situations. I have diamonds, you have arms, so do I need
your arms or do you need my diamonds? Diamonds do not
cause war, but arms do, so we must not encourage the bringing-in
of arms for diamonds. Let’s use diamonds for something else.
Question: I wanted to ask a question that I think has not
been yet addressed by the panel, and it is a bit unfair, but I think
it’s the crux of some of this problem of prevention.
What do the panelists believe with regards to the issue that is
in so many conflicts? Child soldiers are seen as the best soldiers,
so that from a military perspective, when you advocate, for
example, with a government, quite often the government’s
response is you are taking away our competitive advantage and we
are in the middle of a war, and when you do that, you can upset
and undermine that government with regards to the actual military
strategy and tactics of winning that particular civil conflict.
It is a difficult question, but the people who are using children
in warfare know that they are good, and it isn’t just that there are
so many and they are so desperate, they are very good fighters, at
least that is the view in so many conflicts around the world.
Question: You were speaking earlier about working with the
guerilla groups and the governments trying to compromise and
come to solutions without war. How is that possible and how
is it being done? In what ways can we speak with those groups?
Question: Mr.Wessells talked about the small percentage of
these children making personal decisions. So when can a child
make a personal decision to join rebel activity? I know that the
majority of the children who joined rebel activities in the Great
Lakes region were abducted. Girls have been used as sex slaves.
This is a new phenomenon.
I also want to know about the politics that actually provoke
the wars that we are talking about. Can we build what we have
now in the Horn of Africa – the conflict early warning signs –
before real conflict begins? Also, can we build regional neutral
armies that can assist in areas where we have war, instead of
having to go to the United Nations and wait for their soldiers
for six months to a year, while children are being abducted and
people are suffering?
And finally, birth registration is a very crucial program. If we
can have birth registration, it goes with a lot of other programs,
not just registering a child and giving him a card. In fact, that
registration is the child’s identity from the beginning, and that’s
how you know their age.
People can’t deal with these problems just as communities,
nor can they deal with them as countries or regions alone.
Question: This question is for Mr.Wessells. In your presentation
you alluded to some of the child participation activities that
you have been doing. I was wondering if you could talk a little
about the importance of including children as participants, the
mechanisms for making that happen, and some of the successes
you have had incorporating children into your activities.
Question: We find that justifications for recruitment are used
by rebel soldiers, whether it is because of a lack of education or
lack of food. But on the other hand, the international community
tends to accept these justifications and compromise with rebel
groups. As a result of that, in Sri Lanka, what we have seen is
everyone saying do not talk about child soldiers because it is
sensitive to the peace process. And meanwhile, more children
are abducted. When we’ve developed certain educational programs
to prevent the use of child soldiers, the governments and the
international community tend to obstruct this.
Answers:
Mr.Wessells: The way we build child participation is to move
youth and children from a position of invisibility to a position of
centrality. We map the local youth groups, we find who local
children respect and who would be interested in working on
these issues, and we engage them as actors – not as beneficiaries
– but as agents of their own protection and development. But
we utilize local structures.
On the issue of governments getting advantage out of child
soldiers, I think it’s a poignant question. It is also the case
though that it is non-state actors primarily who are recruiting
very heavily and who commit some of the worst abuses.
And regarding the advantages of children as soldiers perceived
by governments and factions, it is also that case that large numbers
of people perceive themselves as having an obligation to be
good parents and protect their children. So I think it is sometimes
the case that you can awaken that impulse within the constituencies
that are abusing children and apply internal pressures.
Ms. Guebre-Christos: UNHCR and Save the Children alone have
established what we call Action for the Right of the Child, and it
is a very comprehensive program that provides training both for
the service providers and the children. I am talking now within
the context of refugees. If you need more detail on that, you
can visit our web site www.unhcr.ch.
Minister Gbujama: As far as children being the best soldiers, I
must say that what we want to do is to avoid the war altogether
in which the children can be recruited, and this is where I think
our main thrust should be — ensuring in our situation that
there are no wars. We should do everything we can to maintain
peace at all costs.
I also agree that there are early warning signs. This is why I
am saying that it is necessary to work with civil society. I believe
if governments are working very closely with civil society, you
can, in a number of situations, detect some early warning signs
from the way they are responding to the government. I believe
that these are things that we need to examine. I thank you.
CHILDREN IN COMBAT AND
DEMOBILIZATION WORKSHOP
MANUEL FONTAINE Senior Advisor on Children and Armed
Conflict, UNICEF
Good morning, everyone. Welcome to our second panel of the
day. We will now be talking about demobilization and what it
means. Demobilization is a crucial phase of the return of children
from their position in armed groups to their integration into
communities and families. That is a relatively short phase, but it
is a phase that is extremely crucial in making sure that the
reintegration happens the way it should.
The first presentation will address the policy framework and
the general advocacy being done for demobilization. Then we
will have the occasion to reflect on two specific examples in
order to have a feel from the field of how these principles are
being applied in practice.
There are some key principles that we will hear about during
this session on demobilization. First of all, there is the importance
and unconditionality of demobilization. Child demobilization is
an unconditional process. That means that we do not have to
wait for the peace process or a peace settlement to start
demobilization. Some of the examples we will hear today are
proving that this is the case.
The simple fact that children are enrolled in armed groups is
a violation of their rights, and that needs to be corrected without
delay, and in absolute priority.
Secondly, demobilization needs to be an inclusive process.
Clearly we are not in the same situation as when we demobilize
adults. In those cases we tend to link demobilization to a disarmament
process where adults are being asked to come with a
weapon, hand over their weapon, and then can participate in
some demobilization process.
We have a much broader definition of child soldiers and the
need to be fully inclusive and particularly to include girls.
A third principle is the importance of the phase of demobilization.
It needs to be done with special care and attention, as
it is the phase that basically links the child with the civilian life
again, that links the child from the military life or the armed
conflict life into the civilian life.
It is important to realize that it is the phase that is often very
worrying and very difficult for a child. It is not as easy as we
think. It is not just simply coming to freedom and having access
back to civilian life. Sometimes there are a lot of expectations,
there is a lot of anguish, and it is quite important to realize that
it needs to be handled with a lot of care and attention for children.
The first presentation will come with Kathy Vandergrift, who
is working for World Vision. Kathy will be talking to us about
the advocacy for demobilization and the policy framework that
she is trying to implement and advocate for. Second, we will
see how some of the demobilization principles are being applied
in practice. For this, I will ask Lourdes Balanon, who is the
Under Secretary of the Department of Social Welfare and
Development, from the Government of the Philippines, to tell us
about the experience in the Philippines compared to the
experience of today. Finally, we have another example of the
work being done on the ground, and specifically with the
participation of young people, which is a crucial element to
again demobilization and reintegration. For this, I will call
Adrien Tuyuga, who is the representative of JAMAA (meaning
“Friends” in Swahili), an organization working in Burundi on
these issues.
KATHY VANDERGRIFT Senior Analyst,World Vision Lourdes
Balanon, Undersecretary, Ministry of Social Welfare and Development,
Government of the Philippines
It is indeed a privilege to be here and pursue these important
topics again. Demobilization is the first step in the transition
from military to community life; it is a step that is very important
for child soldiers.
Interviews with former child soldiers reveal that it is a step
full of promise and full of fear: the promise of seeing family
again, and the fear of rejection. It involves identification, but that
can mean a loss of anonymity and group identity. Health issues
come to the surface; they could be ignored on the run. It means
breaking ties with the commander, who may have been abusive,
but it also means facing the unknown. It may mean giving up a
gun that provides security, power, and importance. How all of
this is handled can make the difference between successful
re-entry into society or return to another armed group, street
gang, or despair.
Too many times demobilization just happens without planning
and without attention to the particular needs of young people.
I want to focus on the core elements of a policy framework
that does take into account the importance of young people.
I want to highlight the importance of advocating for this at all
levels and stages in a conflict.
First of all, it may seem obvious that children have different
needs than adults in demobilization, but that is often not recognized.
In some cases, it may be recognized, but then ignored,
because military commanders do not want to admit they have
children in the troops. The children may either be sent away
quietly or retained as personal servants.
The solution begins long before the day of demobilization. It
begins with naming and analyzing the situation of child soldiers
in all reports on specific conflicts. Regular reporting prevents
denial or dismissal of the problem.
Detailed analysis of the situation of children in specific conflicts
is essential. Every study on children and armed conflict has called
for improved monitoring, reporting, and follow-up. Child advocates
are persistent in advocating for attention to children in every
conflict report going to the Security Council. In four resolutions
the Security Council has made strong commitments to stop the
use of child soldiers and to consider this problem in
specific situations.
Yet, last year, the Watch List on Children in Armed Conflict, a
nongovernmental coalition, found that out of 80 resolutions on
specific situations, only 10 considered children, in three countries,
Sierra Leone, Congo, and Angola. The situations where children
should be considered, but were not, include the Middle East,
Liberia, Somalia, and others. International diplomacy for children
is a new art. It is one that we need to encourage.
Secondly, the role of child soldiers needs to be explicitly considered
in the peace process. The good news is that sometimes
it now is, like Sri Lanka. As the use of child soldiers becomes
stigmatized, forces want to hide the fact they are using children.
There is a tension between calling for an end to impunity, and
getting forces to admit the presence of child soldiers so they
can receive appropriate assistance. These issues need to be
worked out in the peace process.
Third, early demobilization of child soldiers should be encouraged,
before the conflict ends, as was already stated. We have
made some progress. Colombia is a good example. Right now,
for Sudan, where there is a peace process in early stages, child
advocates are pushing for consideration of early demobilization
of child soldiers used by both sides in that conflict. It could be
a confidence-building measure.
It is important to emphasize the point that transition programs
are a good investment for sustainable peace. Many times children
are just dismissed. Research has been done in Liberia, in northern
Uganda, and elsewhere to compare the results when children
receive assistance and when they do not; that research shows
that transition programs can play an important role in
successful reintegration.
At the same time, we know that some youth, particularly girls,
will simply not come forward in a public way. Alternative ways
are needed to include them in accessing assistance.
Fifth, while eligibility criteria should be inclusive, separate
strategies for girls and boys will involve distinctive programming
for each. Girls are often ignored in demobilization processes,
with disastrous results.Without assistance, girls may be forced to
stay with abusers or turn to child prostitution in order to survive.
Sometimes girls are reluctant to leave commanders when
they have children because the children then have no father, and
they may face social rejection. These are complex issues. Girls
need assistance early in the demobilization process to understand
their choices and to begin the process of living in community again.
At the same time, adolescent boys face different challenges in
switching from a culture where self-esteem is gained by military
prowess to a community where they may be marginalized or
forced to submit to authorities they do not respect.
If the first steps are not done well, former combatants may
choose to return to violent methods of survival. Turning in a gun
should not be a criteria for inclusion in formal demobilization or
receipt of benefits. Some children are not allowed to keep their
gun, often girls, even though they have been involved in the
fighting.We know that discrimination between children, based
on the criteria of gun possession, can, in fact, create new conflicts
among young people.
Sixth, the involvement of young people themselves in the
disarmament process can be an effective way to encourage child
soldiers to give up weapons. Disarmament remains a challenge,
but there are good practice models emerging.
Seventh, formal documentation, recognition of the transition
through formal documents, including identity papers, is also
important. Former child soldiers have voiced to us resentment
when their contribution to a war effort is ignored; without
papers, they are often not eligible for some of the benefits that
adult soldiers may receive.
Eighth, the roles and responsibilities of the different players
must be clear. Military-civilian cooperation is required to help
young people make the break from military structures and
loyalty to commanders to civilian society.
Good organization of demobilization is more than just a
management issue. It increases the confidence of young people
to make that transition, which is often a major deterrent to rerecruitment.
Re-recruitment at this stage is an important issue.
Ninth, it helps to involve other youth, youth-oriented organizations,
and community groups as early as possible. Sadly, there
have been situations where community groups were interested
in helping, but they were turned away because demobilization
was seen as a military activity.
Transition centers can play a role, but stays there should be
short. Making other social links early is important to break the
link with the military command.
Tenth, careful consideration of the components of any
emobilization benefit package can prevent unintended negative
impacts. In some cases, young people have received less than
adults, even when they were equals in the conflict and were
forced into more dangerous tasks. If young people in armed
groups are treated better than young people in the community,
it creates new problems.We need to really work through how
that benefit package is going to happen. It is important that
youth go home with some provisions, because they may be
returning to families that simply cannot afford to care for more
children. Creative approaches are being developed, such as using
the education component to benefit the whole community, to
rebuild linkages between the young people rather than building
divisions between those who were child soldiers and those who
were not. Benefit packages need careful attention to contribute
to building peace.
Finally, funding and time frame. Adequate funding and time
frames are essential. In most cases, it has been difficult to attract
enough resources to do a good job. National governments,
donor countries, and international agencies would do well to
consider the true costs of the impacts of rushed or poorly
managed demobilization. It is a good investment to start on
post-conflict reconstruction by paying particular attention to
the demobilization of child soldiers.
Thank you.
LOURDES BALANON Undersecretary, Ministry of Social Welfare
and Development, Government of the Philippines
Today, we take another important step in the continuing quest
for lasting peace as we share our experience in the demobilization
of child soldiers worldwide. The Philippines is privileged to be
part of this international conference.
The early morning papers of March 9, 1999 were splashed with
the photo of a 17 year old girl who was wounded, lost and
pleading beside a dead comrade. She is Jelyn, an NPA guerilla
who was taken under the custody of the Philippine Army after
an encounter in one of the remote areas in Southern Philippines
on February 16,1999. A soldier shot this scene seconds after
his unit ambushed 19 NPA rebels, where nine members were
killed; nine escaped and one was wounded. Jelyn survived with
a bullet wound in the pelvic bone.
This photo raised the awareness of the public on the issue of
child soldiers. In view of the lack of information on children in
the armed groups, child soldiers only come to the attention of
the public when they voluntarily surrender to the authorities, or
are rescued/captured (involuntarily) during military operations.
Throughout the more than three decades of internal conflicts
between the government armed forces (AFP) and the revolutionary
army of the Communist Party of the Philippines, the National
People’s Army and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF)
and its breakaway group, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front
(MILF), the use of children in combat was never discussed nor
the issue included in peace negotiations.
DEMOBILIZATION PROCESS
In the Philippine experience, demobilization starts when the child
is rescued or surrenders since there are no peace agreements
arrived at to date. The processes involved are based on the
Special Protection of Children’s Act, the Comprehensive Program
for Children in Armed Conflict and the Memorandum of
Agreement among agencies handling child soldiers.
1. Reporting of a child soldier –Government forces are to
report within 24 hours of a child who is rescued or surrendered
to their custody to the Department of Social Welfare and
Development (DSWD). A social worker immediately visits the
child to establish his/her identity and family background, know
more about his/her current situation and prepare him/her for
the transfer to the protective custody of the DSWD.
While under military custody, the child must be a) informed
of his/her rights; b) provided immediate physical and medical
treatment when wounded including psychological/psychiatric
treatment when necessary; c) must be given adequate food,
appropriate clothing and other basic needs; d) protect the child
from further exploitation and trauma and that no tactical
interrogation or any similar form of investigation or use in
military operations.
2.Turn-over and transfer of the child – The transfer of the
child from the military or police to the DSWD should be made
within 24 hours from the time of rescue or surrender.
However, when the situation does not warrant such turn-over,
the child should be turned over within 72 hours.
3. Family tracing and assessment – Based on the
information gathered, the social worker visits the child’s family
to inform them of his/her situation and give them opportunity
to visit the child. Tracing the family and relatives is sometimes
difficult particularly when there have been no contacts between
them or they reside in remote areas.
An assessment is conducted on the family’s socio-economic
situation, their strengths and capabilities to care and support
the child’s rehabilitation and reintegration. Of special concern is
the family’s role in the child’s joining the armed group.
The child may be immediately released to the parents/relatives
who are ready to accept the child. Continuing assistance is
provided such as livelihood, family counseling and other
psychosocial interventions, educational assistance for the
child and continuing medical care, if indicated.
4. Child’s assessment and rehabilitation – The social worker’s
assessment is focused on the child’s physical, social and psychological
condition; his/her strengths and capabilities; his/her
perception and feelings about the situation and plans e.g. return
to family; and other support system as well as other external
resources to effect change in his/her situation. This assessment
becomes the basis for the treatment/rehabilitation plan with the
involvement of the child, the family and other professionals, as
necessary. The child’s feelings of anger, loss and guilt of what
happened to her and others as well as his/her fears, anxieties
and uncertainty of what lies ahead must be handled with
understanding and an assurance that help is available.
The first option is the child’s return to his/her family or
relatives capable to care for him/her. Alternative parental
arrangements such as foster care or group home maybe resorted
to. However, because of security reasons, there are few families
willing to foster a child soldier. The last option is residential
care which oftentimes becomes the immediate response. The
child is provided with his/her basic needs, counseling, therapy,
and other interventions, considering the special needs of girls,
and he/she is prepared for family reunification or other alternate
plans. They are provided opportunities to be children through
play, sports and other recreational and social activities. The
military/police are not allowed within the center’s premises.
In some instances, the DSWD files a petition in court for the
child’s continuing stay in the center. However, the child’s stay in the
center should be as short as possible.The Court ordered the
rehabilitation of Jelyn for six months at the center. Simultaneous
services were provided to Jelyn and her family. However, Jelyn
later went back to the city to continue her studies under foster care.
She has become an advocate and a model for other child soldiers.
LESSONS LEARNED
Demobilization is a complex and fragile process. This transition
period between demobilization and returning home is crucial as
it is a bridge between the child’s past and future. Political will
and commitment are needed to pursue the elusive peace.
Peace agreements must include special provisions for the
demobilization of child soldiers.
There should be concerted efforts to prevent children from
joining armed groups and for those already in the armed groups
to demobilize them. Children must be informed and encouraged
to seek voluntary means such as negotiations or the use of
intermediaries to be able to return to civilian life in a safe and
peaceful manner. Accurate information and messages of benefits
of demobilization in a language/dialect they understand are
important to reach them. Rescue of children mostly during
military operations endanger their lives.
Children need support to help them break their ties with the
military and prepare them to resume life with their family and
community. A holistic approach is needed taking into
consideration the child’s experiences before, during and after
recruitment, his/her age, educational background and support of
family. The child’s participation and his/her family and if possible,
the community, should facilitate rehabilitation and
reintegration process.
Confidentiality is important to protect the privacy of the child.
Guidelines for media practitioners in reporting and covering
cases of children should be strictly implemented. Children and
their parents must consent to any publication and interviews to
be undertaken.
Child protection staff and security/military/police personnel
must be trained in handling child soldiers during demobilization
within the human rights framework.
CONCLUSION
Many children have shared their life stories as child soldiers.
We adults must listen to their voices and calls for peace.
Children are instruments for peace. The Filipino children, both
Christians and Muslims, have organized themselves to promote
peace. We can do no less. May this conference strengthen our
resolve to promote peace within us, among us and in our own
countries and the world.
Let me end with Mother Theresa’s Prayer for Peace:
O Lord God, Lead me from death to life;
from lies to truth.
Lead me from hatred to love; from war to peace.
Let peace fill our hearts; our world, our universe.
Peace…Peace…Peace…
ADRIEN TUYUGA Program Officer, JAMAA/Burundi
[Mr.Tuyuga’s comments were made through an interpreter.]
My organization is working with both the Hutus and the Tutsis
in Burundi to foster the demobilization process with the local
and international organizations. One of the most sensitive issues
right now, related to the Arusha Agreements, is demobilization,
which is occurring both at the government level and with the
rebels. UNICEF mandates that protection of children begins
with those who are younger than 18 years of age.
Within the framework of these Agreements, signed by UNICEF
and the government, is to formally demobilize children who are
less than 18 years of age and never to mobilize them again. The
government is also a signatory to a number of international
conventions, but the law has not been amended as of yet.
An international process of demobilization is being implemented
with the government on one side and the NGOs on the other,
within the framework of an international and national structure.
Within this structure, we have a committee that includes the
Ministries of Defense and Human Rights, UNICEF, NGOs, and
the child soldiers.
Attempts have been made between UNICEF and the rebels
to set up a framework of validation, but it is very difficult to go
forth so long as there is no official ceasefire. That generates a
lot of confusion, so the rebels continue to recruit, often by
force, a lot of youngsters below the age of 18 because they feel
they do not have to abide by any convention.
The process seeks to integrate the hundreds and thousands
of youth who have deserted or self-demobilized because we do
not want anybody to fall by the wayside.
My organization, JAMAA, along with NGOs throughout the
world, such as Search for Common Ground and others, are trying
to target these soldiers and reintegrate them socially via
exchanges. We are also working on the economic front and
trying to reinsert them by paying a lot of these young people as
facilitators within the peace process. But these young people
are very numerous and very often they get frustrated, so they
go back and become abandoned and start carrying guns again.
We have a number of suggestions:
- provide more support for local and international organizations
for their work, which is increasing, and set up national coalitions
to provide support for local organizations helping out with
children soldiers;
- demobilize these so-called peacekeepers who are, in fact,
doing more harm than good in the locations where they are
supposed to be demobilizing;
- encourage the rebels to reintegrate these child soldiers
under the supervision and the monitoring of neutral
observers, and provide help for national legislation inspired
by international laws;
create economic programs and encourage follow-up, and
encourage civic education and professional training for their
grass-roots level; encourage reconciliation and work with
groups of both genders.
Thank you very much.
QUESTION AND ANSWER
Question: It’s a common and very effective fighting technique
to catch criminals in the commission of lesser crimes. Is it
practical to fight these rebels who use drugs through their
connections with the illicit drug trade?
Question: What is the ideal duration for a demobilization program,
and what is the amount of time that, in the best case scenario
and if funding situation was good, that would go into these
programs?
Question: I am asking this question in behalf of the delegate
from Sri Lanka. For reasons of identity, he can not come in
front of the camera.
I am glad to hear many speakers putting forward ideas for
demobilization; however, based on my personal experience as a
child soldier in Sri Lanka, I ask this question. Is the demobilization
done through a special program and a system of guarantee for
the child soldier in mind?
If you do not have such guarantee, it is better to leave the
child soldier with the rebels rather than demobilizing. I am saying
this because in my experience, after I surrendered and I was
brought in by the guard for rehabilitation, but before I was sent
to rehabilitation, I was tortured even after I surrendered on my
own will. I was rehabilitated with some training, but after that,
there was no guarantee. I was just abandoned. I still cannot
find employment and still I have been looked at with the suspicion
that I am a spy for the rebels.
Question: The military has only just begun to address the
need for special training tailored to encounters with child soldiers
by our troops, and I was wondering what factors the
organizations here, both on this panel and other panels, would
wish the U.S. military to consider when developing this training
in doctrine, and what would you like to see included, so that
our troops are prepared to act both effectively and humanely
when confronted by child soldiers. That includes when they are
threatened by children in combat, and in what capacity might
organizations work with the military to equip them to handle
these confrontations.
ANSWERS:
Ms.Vandergrift: In terms of fighting the child soldiers issue
through the drug trafficking regimes, I think we probably need to
give that a bit more attention. We would want to be concerned
about criminalization of children through that process.
In terms of an ideal duration, I would say that there is no
ideal. This is what has to be developed through careful and early
planning. The situation would determine, and even each individual
youth. What is ideal in one case may not be ideal in the other.
So, there is where particular circumstances need to be taken
into account.
I would also affirm the testimony we heard from Sri Lanka
about the importance of paying careful attention to the child
protection factor. In terms of training, I am sure my colleagues
have more to say, but there is some work going on where
NGOs are involved in training military, particularly in respect
for the rights of children, and I think that is something we can
pay more attention to.
Ms. Balanon: Regarding the issue about guarantee after demobilization,
in our experience, the government takes this responsibility
in coordination or with the help of non-governmental
organizations, as well as the church groups which are also very
active on this issue.
Of course, there is a feeling sometimes that after demobilization
you have been abandoned if there are no follow-up services. I
think this is because demobilization is only the start for rehabilitation
and reintegration. The reintegration process should
continue what was started in the demobilization process.
Regarding the training, it is very important that everybody
involved in the process should be able to have the specific skills
and knowledge in handling and working with children, and in
particular, within the human rights framework. Training should
be provided to those who have direct access to the child,
because the feelings of guilt would be there, the feelings of
uncertainty would be there. That is why psychological intervention
is necessary.That would need to be understood by everyone
who is involved in the process.
Question: I am from the government of El Salvador. I am
going to talk a little bit about what happened during the civil
war. It was a problem to quantify the number of children that
suffered during the conflict. The main concern was identifying
children for a program that was developed by the government
called Fund for Protection for Those that were Injured or
Disabled as a Consequence of the Conflict.
As part of identifying the children for these programs, a census
took place in order to reinsert them into school. The census
was conducted where 152 children were identified for reinsertion
into public education, and 97 for reinsertion into technical
assistance programs and vocational training.
The results were not immediate, and these programs had support
from the European Union and the German Government, as well
as the Salvadoran Government.
Finally, I would like to highlight that it was difficult to quantify
the number of children that actually were served by the various
programs, which made it very hard to figure out exactly why
they were injured. Mostly, there was concern because they
were part of the guerilla group. There was a lot of fear on the
part of the children and the families to come forward and say
exactly how or why they were injured.
Answers:
Ms. Balanon: The problem of identifying children reinforces the
importance of early involvement of the community. That is the
best way to identify children. In terms of the fear of coming
forward, that is a matter of child-friendly methods for children
to talk about their experience. In Guatemala, extensive work
was done to create the environment where children could
come forward and feel free to say what their experience was.
There is some very powerful documentation from the
Guatemala experience.
Question: Since some of these demobilized children are too
young to legally work in society, even at non-hazardous work in
a limited way, and others are under the age of 18, all of them
need education in some form and some of them need work, at
least part-time work. What use has been made of residential
schools for the long-term care and education of kids who are
demobilized, but cannot be reintegrated into their families? Has
there been any involvement of either private for-profit organizations,
or nonprofit organizations in developing economic
possibilities for the youngsters who are old enough to do some
work and help support themselves in that way?
Question: There are lots of great ideas and examples of what
you are supposed to do in demobilization situations, but the
problem that we see is there is no consistent international standard,
or U.S. standard for that matter, on protection and demobilization,
and I would be interested in how we could move
towards that standard.
Question: In the case of Burundi,we know that our government
is doing much to demobilize child soldiers, both from its own
ranks and from the rebel side. But we all know that the Burundi
case, like in many African poor countries, they do not have the
means to do so. I would like to know whether governments of
rich countries and international organizations are giving enough
funds to those poor governments to demobilize us and many
other child soldiers.
Answers
Ms.Vandergrift: There are some interesting innovative ways of
dealing with the economic dimension, and I think it is taking the
livelihood model because often young people do need some
from of livelihood. Perhaps some of the most interesting is
actually using micro-credit schemes to help young people
because they are entrepreneurial.
There is no consistent international standard. I am going to
use this for a plug. Resolution 1460 called for the Secretary-
General to document best practices in DDR. We have an
opportunity as an advocacy community in October when that
debate is re-engaged, not only to bring forward best practices,
but to push for what you have suggested, which is some kind of
international standard.
Ms. Balanon: There are opportunities for residential care. In the
Philippines, we really do not have specific residential care for child
soldiers because we have very few at the moment, but it is a
place where children could be given life skills, could have education,
continuing education, before their return to their families or to
their communities.
Mr. Fontaine: I wanted to address the issue on the resources.
Clearly, resources are an issue, and I hope this is what, to some
extent, this event is about. We know it is an expensive work,
and we know it is a long-term work. It is not only over a period
of two or three months. It is a support that needs to go on for
years in countries, making sure the children are given opportunities,
making sure that children actually reintegrate in their communities
in a positive sense.
There are initiatives in Burundi. There is the Multi-Country
Demobilization and Reintegration Program (MDRP), the World
Bank and multi-donor program to which UNICEF and other
parties contribute somehow. Is that enough? No, probably not,
and obviously, there is a long-term effort to be made by the
major donors on this issue.
Question: I am the Minister of the Human Rights and
Institutional Relations in Burundi. I wanted to speak because
you had asked the question about Burundi, and I work on the
program of demobilization, reintegration, and prevention of child
soldiers in Burundi, the program of which Adrien spoke that
was put in place with the support of UNICEF.
This program has started, but to date, there have not been
enough funds and support from the World Bank. But rest
assured, we are working with UNICEF, and we are hoping that
the World Bank will also contribute the funds that have been
targeted for this.
SHORT-TERM DATA COLLECTION
METHODOLOGY
MANUEL FONTAINE
I would now like to welcome the panelists who are going to
make a short presentation on their effort on data collection.
Data collection is extremely important in order to adapt
programs, particularly the qualitative data in terms of adapting
our programs to the reality on the ground. I would like to call,
from the International Labor Organization (ILO), Christophe
Gironde and Cheaka Toure.
CHRISTOPHE GIRONDE
What I want to share with you is the methodology developed
for the rapid assessment of the situation of children used in
armed conflict in Central Africa; the two Congos, Rwanda
and Burundi.
The methodology is based on rapid assessment guidelines that
were developed jointly by the ILO and UNICEF to investigate
child labor. It is also based on the tools that Fafo Applied
International Studies has developed for its research on child
labor and research with children.The methodology also draws
from existing information; reviewing what is already known was
one of the tasks of national consultants.
The study is shaped by the life history of the children from
the time before they were recruited to the time we conducted
the survey.
Who was interviewed? Children are the core respondents of
this survey: children who were member of an armed group at
the time of the survey, former child soldiers, and children that
had never been used in armed conflicts.
In addition to children, we interviewed parents of the three
categories of children: parents of child soldiers, parents of former
child soldiers, and parents whom children had never been used
in armed conflicts.The main motivation for interviewing the
parents is to get to understand which role, if any, they play in
terms of prevention, reintegration, and their possible implication,
voluntary or not, in the recruitment of their own children.
Another category of respondents is the representatives of
armed groups. Interviewing armed groups representatives is
aimed at understanding the rational for them to use children
and under what circumstances children are not that brave,
fearless, or useful anymore.
In addition to those three main categories, we conducted
interviews with key informants with the specific objective to
discuss preliminary findings, a key process of the rapid
assessment methodology.
How did we select the respondents? The objective was to
obtain a sample that as well as possible exhausted the range of
situations and adaptations those children, as well as other
actors, might have.The strategy for selecting respondents was
then to maximize diversity, which consists in the selection of
respondents that differed the most from each other.
We had two fundamental criteria for selecting the respondents,
the age and the sex. Another criteria was the duration of
involvement in armed groups; difference must be investigated
between, for instance, some children from Congo-Brazzaville
who were affiliated with armed groups for a couple of days for
the purpose of looting the city, and children who crossed the
DRC territory and were on the front line for several months.
Other criteria for selecting the respondents were the type of
armed groups, the family socio-economic status before recruitement
of the child, and the child having or not benefited
assistance program.
Which instruments did we use for rapid assessment study?
We combined three instruments: questionnaires, some structured
interviews, and group discussions. The questionnaire provides
standardized information, and its advantage is that it is a rather
easy tool to make comparison between different locations
within a country as well as between the four countries.
Questionnaires are aimed also at highlighting relations between
the variables, such as events prior to recruitment and the
reasons that the children invoke for joining armed group.
Semi-structured interviews are aimed at digging into the
information provided by the questionnaires and taking into
account specificities, of the respondent and of any circumstances
and factors explaining his story. Semi-structured interviews also
provide the opportunity to address some of the issues that we
do not want to impose into a questionnair, for instance sensitive
issues related to combats.
The third instrument is group discussion. Its advantage is to
highlight norms and values, as motives and rationales become
more intelligible when they are discussed in-group and debated.
Group discussions offer also a good opportunity to test
preliminary findings.
These instruments were developed in three stages. First, we
developed a draft of questionnaires and interview guidelines
that were tested in two of the countries. Then we modified
them accordingly to pilot-test learnings; third we submitted
those tools to the national consultants during training session.
What were the difficulties we encountered? The main one
pertains to the selection of respondents. It has been extremely
difficult to get access to former child soldiers outside rehabilitation
centers or military camps. And a limited number of girls could
be interviewed.Another difficulty is that once you have identified
possible respondents, it is not given that you will be allowed to
interview the one you would like – or whom you think would
be the most informative. Quite often, commandants of armed
groups just indicated the children to be interview.
Another main difficulty is that such a methodology requires
strong follow-up of field workers, which due to unexpected
events on the field could not be done as we had planned.
I would like to stress some of the merits of this methodology
and its outcome, the Wounded Childhood report that we have
in hand today. First, the survey does not provide only findings,
but also new questions that will orient and improve further
research. Second, the survey goes above the usual categorization
of children, being recruited voluntarily, being kidnapped, etc. We
have highlighted many inbetween situations.
In addition, it goes above the root causes that we always refer
to, regarding any social problems. Poverty is one root cause,
but the poor are not all used in armed conflicts, and we have
highlighted more minor events and circumstances of daily life
that make a difference in the fate of children.
We have today a better knoledge and understanding of the
situation of the use of children in armed conflicts in the four
countries, not only because the Wounded Childhood Report
provides findings but, also because it contains new questions
and subjects for further investigation. Second, we have a tool for
the second phase of the program that my colleague, Cheaka, is
now going to talk about.
CHEAKA TOURE
In addition to what my colleague said, I would like to underline
four main ideas which serve as a guideline to the methodology,
which we believe is innovative.
The first one is the national capacity building through involvement
of training of national consultants in the design and the use of
the methodology as well as in data collection, analysis, and
interpretation of the preliminary research results. What is really
important is the commitment of the national researchers in
order to ensure progressive ownership of the results by the
local stakeholders.
The second idea is the validation of the main findings of the
studies by national stakeholders.
The third idea is capacity-building identification and formulation
of solution-oriented approaches through a sub-regional workshop
attended by high personnel from demobilization and integration
programs, justice departments, departments of defense, labor
and employment departments, and social welfare departments.
The aim of this sub-regional meeting was to increase the
consensus of policy-makers on the specific aspects in each
country and even more on the linkages between the problems
at the regional level, to confront a large range of proposed
solutions, and then to strengthen active collaboration between
countries in the implementation of the measure of prevention
and eradication of child participation in armed conflicts.
The fourth main idea is that ILO has conducted other
research in eight countries worldwide, using an anthropological
approach that aims to deepen our understanding of the reasons
why children become involved in armed conflict when not
physically forced to do so. The brochure on the Voices of Child
Studies is an illustration.
Finally, all of these studies conducted in Africa, Asia, Europe,
and Latin America have shown us that the reeducation of the
use of children in armed conflict needs imaginative and innovative
solutions. Depending on the local constraints, a thorough
understanding of the causes and the real needs of the child
studies is necessary before we move to action.
Following the developments of the rapid data collection
methodology, the ILO is now in the process to finalize the
formulation of a global program on child studies with the kind
support of U.S. dollars. Thank you.
REINTEGRATION WORKSHOP
LLOYD FEINBERG
Next we will focus on reintegration, which is the second
“R” of the Disarmament, Demobilization, Rehabilitation, and
Reintegration (DDRR) process. Just to put it in context,
previously we have talked about the issues of demobilization of
child soldiers, and we talked about the importance of tracing
and reunification. But I think that we all recognize that the
reintegration of not only child soldiers, but all children who
have been adversely affected by armed conflict, is what our
combined mutual interests and concerns are all about.
Our efforts are aimed at the next generation, and the
long-term impact of conflict on children in terms of their
growth into becoming responsible and productive adults is
what we should be focusing on.
I want to take this opportunity to acknowledge the importance
of the program that the Department of Labor put together, the
Parallel Youth Program, which brought some former child soldiers
and children affected by conflict here to work with students of
the JFK High School. I think it is an excellent opportunity to
not only help our friends from conflict-affected countries to
recognize there are opportunities for support and collaboration
and to learn lessons from other colleagues, but also to raise the
awareness of the students in America.
Somebody told me just a little while ago that the most
common theme from conversations with students at JFK High
School was the fact that they were not aware of this. They
were saying,“Why didn’t anybody tell us about this?” There is a
sense of compassion, and there is that sense of youthful ambition
to do something that I think everybody has here, and we realize
that the only real solution is to create this awareness and to
empower our own youth to work with youth from around the
world. So I congratulate the Department of Labor for making
that program possible. I think it is excellent.
And for our young people who are sitting in front of me, I
encourage you to engage in this current workshop. If you have
questions or you would like to participate in answering some
questions that are raised, I think you are the ones who recognize
what is important in the post-conflict normalization for
your friends and your colleagues, what you have been through,
what makes sense.
Without further ado, I want to introduce the panelists on this
workshop. First, I want to introduce an old friend and somebody
that I am sure that all of you who are in the business know. Dr.
Maria de la Soudiere is the director of the Children Affected by
Armed Conflict Unit of the International Rescue Committee
in New York.
Marie holds a Master of Social Work from Stoneybrook
University and received an honorary Ph.D. in Social Sciences
from Yale University recently.
She started her overseas career with the Cambodian refugee
crisis when she was in charge of a comprehensive program for
separated children in refugee camps in Thailand, and for the past
20 years, she has developed psychosocial policies and programs
for women and children in more than a dozen troubled countries.
I could go on and on, but all I want to say is that we have a
living legend in our presence, and I want to acknowledge that.
I just want to cut my comments short because I want to hear
what Marie and her colleagues have to say.
Next, we have Virginia Brown who is a program officer with
the International Organization for Migration, and she coordinates
the Strengthening Peace Program and the Support Program for
ExCombatant Children in Colombia.
Formerly, Ms. Brown designed a monitoring system for IOM’s
programs to assist internally displaced persons and child soldiers
and also worked for the Colombian government at both local
and national levels, and I want to say that Ms. Brown has an
extraordinary résumé of working at the highest level. She is a
lawyer from the University of Santa Tomás de Aquino with a
Master’s Degree in public policy and administration from
Colombia University and has served as an advisor at the
presidential and vice presidential level and has worked — I have
to put this plug in for USAID — in Nicaragua, so welcome.
And finally, another living legend. For anybody who has had
anything to do with Sri Lanka, Dr. Harendra de Silva is the chairman
of the National Child Protection Authority (NCPA) in Sri Lanka,
an agency established by the government to advise the government
on national policy for the prevention of child abuse and the
protection and treatment of children who are victims of abuse.
NCPA’s activities under Dr. de Silva’s leadership have helped to
increase awareness of child abuse and the need to protect
children from exploitive child labor and trafficking.
As a professor of pediatrics, Dr. de Silva has researched the
effects of conscription on children in armed conflict and has
treated children who have suffered trauma as a result of war.
Dr. de Silva is head of the Department of Pediatrics with the
faculty of medicine.
MARIE DE LA SOUDIERE
Reintegration of former child soldiers. I am sure this is a question
that is foremost on our mind. Demobilization is wonderful. It
is a time to rejoice any time when a child leaves the armed
forces. Sometimes it is only through formal demobilization, and
then what? Is it realistic to think that there are good chances for
recovery, that the children will lead peaceful, healthy civilian life?
We are justified in worrying about that. Are children so
traumatized by exposure as well as participation and violence
that the chances for recovery are very slim? Well, anyone in
this room, I am sure, who has worked with former child soldiers
for any length of time will tell you that there is great hope, that
all the things we hear about little monsters being created is
usually not the case if certain conditions are met.
What we are finding out is adults have not succeeded in
destroying the children’s humanity. We do not have the full
picture yet. We do not know what is going to happen over
time, for instance, when these children grow up to be adults and
have children of their own. It is a bit too soon, although there
is some indication from previous war that things are not quite
as dire as we feared.
So we do not have all the answers, but there is already an
emerging picture, and this picture points to some elements.
There are some critical elements that appear to be essential
for successful reintegration.
Let’s briefly go through them, and I am sure it is not a
complete picture, but this is what is emerging at this time. The
children need full, unmitigated acceptance by their family and
their community. They need to successfully elaborate an identity
through assuming a role approved of and by their group, by
their community. The identity, a new identity formation is
very important.
Something else which is somewhat linked with this identity
development is that we have to ensure that the children are
engaged in meaningful activities.
Let’s look at this acceptance first. This varies, obviously,
depending on a lot of factors, whether the child will be accepted
and how difficult this process will be. Some of the obvious ones
are which side of the conflict is a child and the community on,
are they on the same or the opposite side? We talk a great deal
about acceptance, but in some places when children are
involved in liberation struggle for their own people, they actually
are seen as heroes and they go home, but the opposite is
obviously pretty clear.
The level of brutality of the armed group that the children
have been with is also another factor, and where did this atrocity
take place? Was it in a far-away part of the land, or were they
close or even within their communities?
From our experience we see that, by and large, communities
do accept former child soldiers back. They take them back.
It is rather extraordinary, even in place where children have
committed atrocity right within their village. By and large, the
communities and the parents take them back, not necessarily
immediately, and in some places, a lot of advance work on
negotiation and sensitization and dialogue needs to take place
with communities. But again, in my experience, very, very few
children cannot go home.
In addition to the advanced dialogue, negotiation and
sensitization, some communities have special ceremonies which
are critical to the full acceptance of the child.
For the girls, for instance, in Sierra Leone, they have special
ceremonies called libations, but all the boys as well undergo
cleansing ceremonies or whatever it takes, different names, in
different countries. It is important that the process be supported.
Let’s look at the creation of identity and meaningful activities.
This is where an outsider can help the most because the children
are going back to devastated societies, and what sort of activities
will they be able to resume or pick up? Schools. I am sure this
was talked about. Schools are often devastated. We can facilitate
their return to school.
Younger children go to school, but you will also find that
older children who missed out on school are allowed. A 17-
year-old can sit on benches with a 10yearold. I have seen that.
Skills training and finding ways to earn a living are really
important. Most of the policy-makers come from the west,
western societies and from the urban background, and all we
can think of are carpentry, masonry, tailoring, perhaps
blacksmithing if we are a little more daring. But we sometimes
forget that the sector that could hold the largest number of
these children would be the agricultural sector.
There is a lot that can be done there in animal husbandry,
food processing, improved agricultural practices.This has not
been tapped enough, but it is happening.
In many places, focusing on the children themselves is critical,
but is not sufficient. As you can imagine, if you only focus on
the returning child soldiers, it can create a sort of tension with
other youth that are sharing the fate of devastated society and
do not have any opportunities.
In a lot of places where there have been massive infrastructure
destruction or destruction of services, we must be prepared to
assist communities in ways that are meaningful to them. After
all, when we talk about reintegration, what are we reintegrating
the children into? So this is a critical element of reintegration
which, again, is sometimes overlooked because of the dire
situation of the child.
But this is quite feasible. We can create a community project.
We ask communities what they want. Sometimes they want
help with their school, or a lot of the time, again, agricultural
programs. They can define what would be useful for them.
In conclusion, I would say that the prospect for a healthy
reintegration and the children taken on a civilian identity are
good. The prospects are good if we are prepared to support in
all the ways that I enumerated, and others that perhaps we can
discuss later.
So we need resources, and we need time. As you can
imagine, it is not a matter of six months to one year. It takes
a lot longer.
VIRGINIA BROWN
I want to thank Secretary Chao for giving us the opportunity to
highlight the cruel situation faced by 7,000 to 10,000 children in
Colombia.
Colombia has a population of approximately 41 million people,
of which 60 percent live under the poverty line. Every 10 minutes,
a family is displaced. Twelve children die as a result of a violent
act every day. Thirty-nine percent of the demobilized people
are children.
Colombia has an ongoing escalating conflict that involves the
government’s armed forces, guerrilla forces, and self-defense
groups. The two main guerrilla groups are the Revolutionary
Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the National Liberation
Army (ELN). The primary self-defense group is the United
Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC).
Seventy-three percent of Colombian child soldiers demobilize
voluntarily. Twenty-six percent are captured. Seventy-two percent
are males, and 28 percent are females. The average age of
demobilization is 17 for boys and 15 for girls. Third grade is the
average level of education of Colombian former child soldiers.
The IOM's support program for ex-combatant children in
Colombia includes a prevention strategy and contingency plan in
case of a massive demobilization, but we are going to focus
today on our reintegration strategy.
There is a belief that the most effective integration depends
on family reunification. However, this assumption is based on
post-conflict experiences, and this is not applicable for
Colombia due to the ongoing situation of armed conflict and
the security risks posed in sending youth back to their origina
lcommunities.
The components of the reintegration strategy are: first,
strengthening of the assistance process carried out by the
Colombian Family Welfare Institute which has the legal mandate
to protect children in Colombia; second, improvement of the
legal standing in Colombia for ex-combatant children; third,
awareness raising and dissemination of information to the public
and for the combatant children; and fourth, support to the
indigenous and Afro-Colombian minorities.
First, the strengthening of the assistance process carried out
by the Colombia Family Welfare Institute (ICBF) through a program
developed to assist ex-combatant children who are in the
midst of the conflict. To date, 773 children have been assisted.
The program provides shelter, food, clothing, and individual psycho-
social care. Each center has a psychologist and a social
worker, cultural activities, and regular education. Seventy-two
percent of the ex-combatant children are part of the regular
education system.
Second, the improvement of the legal standing for ex-combatant
children. One of the primary goals of the program is to
strengthen initiatives which aim to clarify the legal status of former
child combatants, restore their full rights, and protect them
against future criminal prosecution.
As a result of the program, a legal framework clarifying the
status of the ex-combatant children was developed. This framework
has served as a road map for judges, lawyers, and family
defenders in navigating Colombia’s legal system. To date, 1,500
legal and administrative authorities relevant to the child demobilization
process have been trained. There is a direct correlation
between the number of authorities trained and the number of
children that leave the armed groups, who join our program and
are protected.
Third, awareness raising and dissemination of information.
The program has sponsored workshops, seminars, pamphlets,
and books. It is about to start a massive campaign to raise
awareness among the general public on child soldiers and their
status as victims of the conflict.We have also started a campaign
that targets the private sector to engage them in their reintegration
process through internships and job placement opportunities.
Fourth, support to indigenous and Afro-Colombian minorities.
The main motivating factors to undertake a special program for
the indigenous population are: first, indigenous communities
have their own legal codes and a special treatment within the
Colombian constitution; second, indigenous children are at high
risk being recruited into the armed conflict due to their relative
high poverty level rates and locations in rural areas; and third,
up to 90 percent of the indigenous youth return directly to
their communities upon leaving the armed groups. The program
works directly with the indigenous authorities. The program covers
approximately 35 percent of the total indigenous population of
the country. The integration for indigenous people focuses on
smoothing the transition of returning children back into the
community through income-generating activities and education.
IOM is working to change community perceptions and make
ex-combatant youth more productive and feel more self-worthy.
The reintegration assistance model: The program starts
exploring family reunification as soon as the child joins the
program as the most sustainable strategy for social reintegration.
However, the nature of the ongoing conflict in many of the
children's native communities limits their possibilities to reunite
with their families. Only 33 percent of the children have been
able to do it.
To tackle this situation, the program developed three different
phases in which children from opposing groups are placed
together and live together. The first phase is a transit home.
The focus is to assess children's needs and background, develop
an individual life plan and familiarize the children with the
program. It lasts four to six weeks. Each center provides
assistance to up to 25 children, and there are two centers.
The second phase is a specialized attention center which
focuses on recovering children's basic rights to life, education,
physical and mental health, and family reunification. It lasts 6 to
12 months. Each center provides assistance to up to 25 children.
Currently, there are nine centers.
The third phase is the halfway home which was designed for
children unable or unwilling to reunify with their families. They
participate in educational and vocational activities targeted at
social insertion. It lasts one year. Each home assists up to
seven children. There are currently seven halfway homes.
The geographical location of the program: Most of the centers,
18 in total now, are located in the central and western part
of the country. As I mentioned earlier, the program aims at
strengthening the Colombian government Program already in
place and developing a special program for ethnic minorities.
Most of the efforts to improve the integration process have
been focused in two areas: education and income generation.
Education is reaching 72 percent of the children in the program.
The program has a scholarship fund that gives priority to those
children that are not covered by the Colombian government,
and to children already reunited with their families.
Given the ex-combatant discomfort at attending classes with
children much younger, most centers rely on a methodology of
accelerated learning in which former child soldiers have the
opportunity to catch up to the level that corresponds to their
age in order to prepare them for entry into the Colombian
school system.
In addition, the program funds a teacher for each center who
is responsible for locating appropriate nearby schools, assisting
children with their required paperwork and registration
process, and monitoring the overall quality of the education
program.
Before the Program developed an income generation strategy
there were some trial and errors that pointed out the need for
having a solid strategy. The strategy relies on a basic model of
promoting sustainable insertion by focusing on target sectors.
The strategy identifies sectors that have three basic characteristics:
First, not much need for specialized training; second, intensive
use of unskilled labor and, third, competitive sectors.
The selected sectors take into consideration the profile of
the program beneficiaries, which includes their low level of education
and their lack of prior work experience. The target sectors
identified were shoes manufacturing, furniture and wood
products, jewelry, service sectors and agro-industry. The model
also takes into account the general trend of rural migration to
urban centers and thus has focused on job opportunities within
cities. In the defined sectors, the goal will be to secure agreements
with representative guilds or directly with the enterprises
to guarantee training and apprentice opportunities for the
youth.
Finally, the program’s challenges: We have many, but I am
going to highlight one. We believe the main challenge in Colombia
continues to be the implementation of a reintegration program
in the midst of the ongoing and escalating conflict. I thank you.
DR. HARENDRA DE SILVA
First of all, let me thank the Department of Labor for hosting
us here.
I think when you look at the whole process of rehabilitation
and reintegration, we have to look at the broader perspectives
or have the big picture first and then gradually focus on
individual issues.
If you look at the political factors in the country environment,
I think one which we have to think about is the power factors
in all conflicts that focus away from children. The children and
youth are a major proportion of many armed conflicts or armed
processes, and in most areas, there would be no conflict if
children were not recruited. We have to understand that point.
Impunity makes the warring factions unaccountable in all
aspects, including the abduction and recruitment of children,
while making everybody else accountable.
It is also important to understand that the violent or ruthless
nature of rebel groups make negotiators, including governments,
frightened and helpless.
We see division, isolation, and polarization of communities in
all conflicts, and these are important factors to consider which
make reintegration quite difficult.
Let us look at another aspect – the attitudes of peace
negotiators and the international community. Paradoxically,
sometimes these attitudes could affect the reintegration
process. First of all, there is the focus on a traditional top-down
peace process by negotiators which concentrates on boundaries,
power sharing, and signatures. There is an absence of community
participation and an absence of a bottom-up peace process, and
children are often conveniently forgotten in the process.
The use of child soldiers is a sensitive topic, and it is sometimes
avoided by the negotiators. So reintegration and rehabilitation
becomes a problem.This, in fact, amounts to insensitivities to
the human rights of children as compared to adults’ rights.
Let us look at a narrow part, which is the local community
and the attitudes of stigma. The confusion as to whether a child
is a victim or a perpetrator is a major issue.
The safety of the community. The political affiliations of the
community, the intelligence of the recruiters, and the fear of
recruiters striking back on the community is something which
hinders the reintegration process, and which is a major problem
in Sri Lanka.
Then we have to think of the resources. We have discussed
that many times, resources are made available to the community,
including economic and human resources, and I must raise the
importance of expertise. In the absence of expertise, some of
the programs would be more harmful than helpful.
The society should realize that the children are not perpetrators
but victims, and that they are no longer harmful to society and
they could be useful citizens. We need programs to educate the
public. In fact, we have done several video, CD’s, and other
things like songs in the education process to focus on this issue.
We need to think of the family. Again, there exists an issue of
stigma to the family because of the child who has been recruited.
Then we are to think of the fear of recruitment by the family,
which again hinders the reintegration process, the economic situation
of the family, and whether the family is able to support
the child or the youth after the demobilization process.
Single parents and orphans have often been targeted by the
recruiters, and the same applies when it comes to reintegration.
The children become vulnerable, and the reintegration process
becomes very difficult, especially because of the prospects
of rerecruitment.
Alcoholism in the father and domestic violence have been
shown to be major factors that affect recruitment, especially of
girl children in Sri Lanka, and when it comes to reintegration,
the same factors affect the family and the child in that process
of reintegration.
Of course, the lack of extended family support. We know in
the rural areas, the extended family support is good, but the
extended family may not be helpful for the fear of repercussions
by the rebel groups.
When we should look at the individual. We have to think of
the attitudes of the child, the recruit himself or herself, the
extent of brainwashing and/or emotional abuse that they
have faced.
The extent of trauma before and after the recruitment, and
the number of killings they have seen and the number of killings
they have been involved in have to be considered.
I think not having any skills other than being trained in
violence is another huge factor that affects the
reintegration process.
This is the story of a young girl of 16: “We were lost and
hungry. An old man was carrying a loaf of bread. I shot him,
and we ate the bread. A small boy saw us and screamed. I shot
him.” She had no remorse when relating her part. “My own
people shot my father after I surrendered.”
You can imagine the amount of trauma that this child has
faced, and we cannot reintegrate that child over weeks. It will
take months, if not years, and that is why we need to focus on
the psychological rehabilitation of children. Often this gets
dropped out because we do not have the skills or the expertise
for it. Then, of course, formal, non-formal education, and
vocational training are also important.
We have to avoid spending large sums of money on symbolic
projects. We have to stop reinventing the wheel. There are
enough methodologies to start acting. This does not mean we
have to stop the strategies, however. We have to spend money
on real projects that reach grass roots, and we have to have
programs that are sustainable, both at the macro, i.e., the
institutional level, and individual or the micro level.
Of course, ineffective programs could have a negative impact
on demobilization. We need appropriate vocational training.
We have to consider the availability of facilities and the demand
or the need for particular skills in that relevant geographic area.
These are some examples. Thank you.
QUESTION AND ANSWER
Question: One presenter expressed a hope that most children
actually can go back, and I do agree with that in my experience.
What I would like to emphasize is that a lot of the children do
not want to go back, and in particular, a large group of the child
soldiers that are 16 or 17. This is quite a different group, and
they require a different kind of assistance that is less victim- and
family-based, and more geared toward starting a business and
vocational training. I was wondering if anyone has experience
to share on this point.
Question: How can reintegration or rehabilitation programs
help to empower children or teach them about their rights?
Secondly, how can people reach the children who have been
affected by war – like the amputees, displaced children or
prostitutes – and help them through these rehabilitation or
reintegration programs?
Answers:
Ms. Brown: I think there was a misunderstanding. What I said
about the third phase of the program was that this is what we
call halfway homes. The purpose of creating this phase was to
assist children who do not go back to their homes or who do
not want to go back because they would be going back to the
causes that led them to join the armed groups, such as domestic
violence. So I agree with you that in many cases, children just
don’t want to go back.
Ms. de la Soudiere: I was very interested that what you said, that
many children do not want to go home. I was actually trying to
consider how many child soldier situations in the last 20 or so
odd years I have worked in. From Cambodia to Sierra Leone,
Uganda, South Sudan, and Rwanda. There were quite a few.
In my experience — but, again, it was not Colombia, so I think
it is very specific — the overwhelming majority of children want
to go home.
Now, they may have fear. They may have legitimate fear. It is
up to us to negotiate and discuss and to see whether or not
there is an opportunity to work through the sort of rejection
through a process of dialogue with the community and see if it
is reconcilable. This is a very, very important topic, but in my
experience, there are very few children who do not want to
go home.
Dr. de Silva: I think it depends on the situation. For example, in
Sri Lanka, it is almost impossible for many children to go back to
where the rebels are active because they are going to either get
punished by being imprisoned, they may get killed, or re-recruited.
So even though some children want to go back, it makes it
impossible. But it depends on whether they could go to another
relative’s house, maybe somewhere else where the threat is not
so severe. So I think it depends on the kind of situation, and it
also depends how far the rebels have their information, informants
and their intelligence networks, and so on.
Mr. Feinberg: Would any of the panelists like to comment briefly
on the question on empowerment of children and allowing for
their voices to be heard?
Ms. de la Soudiere: Well, I thought this was a very good
reminder for all of us here. Yes, we do latch on, and it is very
important to highlight particular categories of children that are
suffering. At this conference we have concentrated on child
soldiers, but this is a very good reminder that there are other
victims of war.
I touched a little bit, but not very much, in my short
presentation saying also what are we reintegrating children into.
We have to look at the larger picture. We cannot just help the
child soldier in isolation to all the others that are suffering.
Question: Just to follow on what was just said, something that
was mentioned in passing throughout the day, but I think needs
to be reemphasized is the arms trade. In a lot of these countries
and a lot of these strategies to rehabilitation child
soldiers or demobilizing child soldiers, the weapons of war, the
tools of violence are not being addressed. It is very empowering
for communities as a whole and for these children to be part of
the weapons collection process, the destruction process. It can
help the community heal as well.
In addition, in the community, as these youth are being
involved in these projects, it is important to create norms of
non-possession of these military weapons. What kinds of related
strategies are being incorporated by the non-governmental
organizations or through government programs, because often
we are so concerned with helping children get the skills that
they need that we are preventing the tools of violence from
being destroyed in those situations.
Question: I have two questions. As Dr. de Silva mentioned, it
can take years as far as a child being able to recover from
psychological trauma, and one of my questions is if you can
expand on the lack of mental health professionals in
developing countries.
I think from my experiences, there are a few people from
developing countries who come to the United States to get
trained in social work and return back to their countries, but
because of the lack of opportunities or the pay, they end up
staying here in the United States. So, with many children needing
these types of services, who is carrying it out?
Then, the second question also goes back to the lack of data
and methodology and if you could expand on the lack of
empirical research on research-based practices or the clinical
interventions to address these children and how that impact is
creating solutions?
Question: One of the important points that I have heard from
this panel today is the need not only to rehabilitate ex-child soldiers
and children involved in wars, but also to mount public
awareness campaigns to prepare the public at the community
level and also at the national level for the reintegration of these
children into society.
Having worked extensively on this issue, I am wondering what
message you think would be most effective, and how this message
could be communicated to the public?
Question: I just want to start by saying every child wants
love. Every child wants to be trusted, and every child wants
confidence, and that child wants to be like any other child.
I think it is very important that our program foster acceptance,
and the children can be accepted if the community has the
culture to forgive and if that child has the culture of humility to
say “I am sorry.” I believe that that is where people have the
mutual respect for one another.
It is imperative that these children get skills training and are
placed in education, but the girl child increasingly gets invisible.
She gets lost.
We have found cases where the girl children have not come
through the real process of transit. They go straight home, and
eventually, when you are conducting studies, you discover that
they have HIV/AIDS. You discover that they have STD’s. You
discover them. How can we increasingly make sure that the
reproductive health problems of these girl children are
addressed?
I also want to reiterate the question about guns. Last
December, we had over 3,000 rebels who signed a peace deal in
the West Nile region. The children were handed over to a
ministry with UNICEF. Only one child could not go back home
out of 137 children, but when the full data was collected in the
end, the children who needed support were near to 800. How
do you reach out to those invisible children?
Answers:
Dr. de Silva: I think the issue was small arms. This is very
important because in most of the conflicts, child recruitment is
mainly due to small arms. There is an estimated 600 million
small arms in the world, and there is currently an organization
campaigning to pressure the governments or the countries that
produce small arms to restrict their sale.
In regards to the issue of psychological experts, in Sri Lanka
we have less than about six clinical psychologists. It is very
difficult to address the problem of psychological rehabilitation.
But nevertheless we can not avoid the issue because we are
putting people out into the community who are psychologically
disturbed. So what we are trying to do is to have that small
core group train a middle-level group of trainers, a training of
trainers to build a middle level which is strong enough. We can
not wait for psychologists, as somebody mentioned. When they
go out for training, they do not come back.
So, we must build a strong middle level with appropriate
training — the correct training, because incorrect processes and
procedures can be more harmful in the psychological rehabilitation
program than not doing anything. We must support a middle
level and have grassroots-level counselors who are appropriately
trained. This strategy should be adopted because we cannot
afford to wait for clinical psychologists to be trained over a
period of 10 years.
Ms. de la Soudiere: Every child needs and wants love, to be
trusted, to be accepted. Again, the jury is still a little bit out
there. We are doing some research, but not enough. We are
seeing that there is a tremendous capacity for healing children
within the community. If communities are given support and a
little bit of direction, and if the children are fully accepted, in
addition to all of the interventions we have been talking about,
then they will recover.
There will be a few that may need some more western-style
counseling. But in my experience, it is not the vast majority.
People have their ways. They may not look like what we in the
west feel. It is not this individual attention, counseling, talking
about the traumatic experience. But that is only one model
because mental health has been somewhat hijacked by the west
in the way we are coming with our ideas and our funding. In
some cases, we are really imposing it on societies who have
other ways. I think it is our responsibility to listen first and to
identify those strengths and support them before we try to put
another model.
Ms. Brown: Regarding the question on awareness-raising campaigns
and messages, in the Colombian case, the first message
we tried to send is the children are victims of the conflict. In
the case of the Colombian legal authorities, we have trained
them about the legal standing of combatant children; in the case
of the communities, we have focused on the acceptance of the
children; in the case of the children, they are taught about their
rights; and in the case of the private sector, about providing
opportunities to the children for internships or job placements.
Question: I am happy to hear all the comments about
reintegration from all the speakers. One comment I have to
make is to insist that the community should be rehabilitated
before you rehabilitate the child soldier. I suffered less in the
hands of rebels compared to the suffering I went through in
the process of rehabilitation.
Question: Most often we look at the child soldier as
someone who is a victim, but we do not take into consideration
the strengths of that particular individual. And rather than
focusing only on the losses and the fears, equally well, the child
has some strengths. If we could build upon their strengths in
our programming and could then tie it into the reintegration
process, I think it would be very helpful. Last but not least, with
regards to a community inclusive program, it is important to
look at other children within the community. We must not look
at child soldiers as if the program that is being designed is only
to glorify children who have already handled guns, thereby
neglecting the other children whose needs are also apparent.
Mr. Feinberg: Thank you very much, and I am pleased to conclude
this workshop on the note of building on strengths and building
on resilience. I think that is the crucial issue. Again, on behalf
the panel, I wish to thank you all for your attention.
PART VII: CASE STUDY
PRESENTATIONS
CHARLES WATMON, DIRECTOR, World Vision Center for
Children of War in Northern Uganda
Good afternoon. It is a pleasure to be here, and I would like to
bring you greetings from Uganda, particularly from my national
director of World VisionUganda.
I would also like to bring you greetings from the children who
are now in rehabilitation in our center. We have two children
that have come with us and are here to represent the other
15,000 children who have been abducted in the northern part
of Uganda – Paul and Grace.
We are very grateful to the Department of Labor for giving us
this opportunity to come to the United States. It is something
we never expected, but we are very proud to be here. Thank
you very much.
Uganda’s children of war rehabilitation program is one of the
many programs that World Vision is implementing in the northern
part of Uganda, and this program handles formerly abducted
children. These are child soldiers. As they come home from
captivity, they have been through quite a lot.
Many come back with gunshot wounds. Many of them come
back with injuries or abnormal pain because they have been taking
unsafe water. Many of them come back very weak
and malnourished.
The girls have special problems. Most of them have been
sexually abused and made to be wives.
As they come back, their condition is actually so bad, you
cannot help shedding tears. Many children come back with torn
clothing, very weak. So the center staff makes sure they are
given a warm reception. They are briefed and given a warm
welcome in the center as they start their rehabilitation and
healing process.
Many children in captivity have no clothes. We make sure we
give them clothes to start a living. Mattresses look very strange
to them because for 3 or 4 years, they were not sleeping on
mattresses. We provide them with three meals a day, breakfast,
lunch, and supper. This will help them to recover.
Another activity which is very important is medical care. We
give them first aid treatment from the center clinic, and then they
are taken to the hospital for a thorough medical examination.
Staff takes time to talk to these children and encourage them
to open up and to share their problems. This helps us to know
where to start from.
In the program, children are encouraged to play. They participate
in football. They participate in volleyball. This is a therapy
that helps to start the healing process, and they like it so much.
Traditional dances. This is a useful activity that the children
enjoy. It helps them stay busy, and it promotes healing.
Dances. Using instruments and drums is very important.
Some of you may be surprised to see our girls are naked, but
this is how they dress up, and it is normal in our culture. Girls
can dance like that.
Acting. Children are encouraged to act in drama.They are
asked to demonstrate what they did while in captivity. This
helps to make a child remember what they did, and it also helps
them to forget.
The AK-47 is the type of gun that is very common in captivity.
All the children who have been in captivity can dismantle and
reassemble within a very few seconds.
The activities we have in the center encourage children to
help and to give support. Many come to us when they have
been amputated. They cannot walk, but their peers in the
center help them, bring food to them, talk to them, and
encourage them.
Unwanted pregnancy. Many, almost 99 percent of the girls
have been given to these rebel commanders, and many of them
come out with unwanted pregnancies. They come out
with babies.
We try to encourage the children to go back to school. They
believe that going back to school is the best option for future
life. We have girls returning for formal education or for vocational
skills training.
Some children are brought to the center without an identity.
They are found in the battlefield, and the army brings them to
us. After a while in the center, they find other children and they
stay together. They are also encouraged now to play.
Training. Capacity building among staff is very important.
Staff take days off from the center for debriefing and to regain
their strength after hearing all the sad stories. It is here that
team building is encouraged among the staff. Without team
building, the work is so challenging. We have been successful
because of the strong teamwork.
Eventually the time comes for the children to go home. We
provide them with reunion packages that include mattresses,
sleepers, and even food. So this gives them a degree of acceptability
in their communities. The mothers receive their children
with tears after all of the years.
For the first half of 2002, the population intake was slow. But
all of a sudden in August, the number started increasing. It has
continued like that up to now. At this time we have over 240
children who are being rehabilitated.
I want to talk to you about one of the catastrophes that
people in the north face. Amputation is very common, and 51
percent of amputation in the north is as a result of war because
of antipersonnel mines.
I want to end by discussing our challenges. We deal with
continuing insecurity, a high rate of violence, and a high rate of
abduction. Many victims are young children and adults. The
high rate of return from the bush has put a lot of pressure on
the rehabilitation centers. There is also a high prevalence of
psychological or mental health problems among children and
adults in the northern part of Uganda. Children who are living
on the street because of their displacement now come for
refuge in the town, and they are put up in verandas. Others are
put up in bus stops where they are vulnerable to abduction.
Furthermore, the prevalence of HIV/AIDS in the area is high
because of the population displacement is so high.
We have a few suggestions to make. One of them is, where
possible, we would suggest that there should be educational
support for the many formerly abducted children and other
children affected by war. Where possible, there could be
vocational skill training and micro-enterprise projects for
children affected by war. We also suggest sports and recreational
activities in schools, programs for children born in captivity and
their mothers, and advocacy, like what we have now. And finally
we suggest capacity building and psychological care for teachers
and communities, as well as psychological care for staff.
This is briefly what I wanted to present to you. Thank you
very much.
MATTITO WATSON, Save the Children/US, Guinea
Good afternoon. My name is Mattito Watson. I manage a
Youth-at-Risk Rehabilitation Project for Save the Children/US
in the Republic of Guinea.
In my presentation today, I am going to go over quite a few of
the reintegration methodologies that we use in West Africa for
the project in Guinea, that covers refugees coming from Sierra
Leone, Liberia, and more recently, Côte d’Ivoire.
Our project tries to find multiple approaches and activities for
target populations, including child combatants that are located
within the refugee camps in Guinea. It is a community-based
approach where we work directly with members of the community
to not only train them on how to deal with these kinds
of populations, but also give them additional skills for identifying
youth within those communities that may need extra assistance.
It is a youth-oriented project. This means there is a lot of youth
participation. We try to train the youth on how to advocate for
themselves and on how they can also be active members in
problemsolving for the issues that they are addressing.
The Save the Children project is broken into three major
components: the psychosocial component, which is also known
as our youth component, the protection component, and the
skills training component.
I want to give you a little bit of a background. We talked
quite a bit over the past few days specifically about Sierra
Leone. There is a lot of information coming out of that country
right now. It is one of the most recent conflicts and a very brutal
conflict that involved a lot of child soldiers, and had a serious
impact on youth.
Many of the refugees from the Mano River Union, which is
Guinea, Sierra Leone, and Liberia, are housed in Guinea, and
Save the Children currently has projects in seven refugee camps
in Guinea and operates three regional offices. While Guinea is
very poor on resources, it is one of the politically stable countries
in the region, thus giving the opportunities to house lots
of refugees.
As I said, there are lots of refugees from Sierra Leone, Liberia,
and Côte d’Ivoire, there are very dynamic population changes
going on, repatriation is currently occurring in Sierra Leone, and
there is also a lot of fighting in Liberia and Côte d’Ivoire at
the moment.
The security situation in Guinea is not stable as the rebel
forces continue to approach closer and closer to the Guinean
border. This is not only threatening the Guinean population, but
it is also threatening the refugees. Furthermore, the
Revolutionary United Front (RUF) attacks from Sierra Leone in
2001 resulted in a strong xenophobic reaction by the Guinean
people towards refugees, and especially toward young adults
who led the primary attack on Guinea back then.
I know we have talked a lot about Sierra Leone. It has been
peaceful since 2002, lots of people are returning, and I think the
big focus in Sierra Leone right now is looking at the
Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) process
and what will happen to the large populations of former child
soldiers there.
Liberia started a lot of the conflicts in West Africa back in
1991, and there has been a tremendous resurgence of fighting in
the region there since the spring of 2002. Both the rebel group
known as the Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy
(LURD) as well as government forces are actively recruiting
children to fight as child soldiers, and there are large numbers
of Liberian refugees who are currently crossing into Guinea for
protection reasons.
I left Guinea on Saturday, and we had 13,000 refugees, mostly
women and children, who were trying to get over to Guinea
and into the protection of refugee camps there.
Our most recent player in the region is Côte d’Ivoire. There
is a lot of fighting occurring, especially in the west. Yesterday we
heard that many of the players that have been recruiting and
working with child soldiers are moving back and forth between
these countries. You can still find lots of these folks now in
western Côte d’Ivoire.
So our project uses a web of support to facilitate reintegration
back into the refugee community. It is very difficult because we
are dealing with false communities. We are dealing with
communities of refugees, people from different places, different
cultures, different backgrounds, and trying to bring that community
together in order to assist youth at risk, including former child
combatants. To get the support they need is not an easy task.
We go with the youth-at-risk approach rather than a childcombatant
approach. This is the second year of this project, and
last year when I worked on it, we focused exclusively on child
soldiers. The big problem there is that it creates a stigma for
those individuals.
Save the Children got the label as the child soldier organization,
and any children who were working with us were automatically
assumed to be child soldiers. Since then, we learned this lesson
very quickly. We have expanded our clientele to include a wide
variety of individuals who have been impacted by war.
Moreover, I think it is a reintegration project, and it is very
hard to reintegrate individuals if you only have child soldiers or
you are only working with child soldiers. So we try to include
all youth, aged 13 to 21, in our activities. It provides an excellent
opportunity for youth who have been impacted by war to interact
with one another, rebuild some of their social skills, and recapture
some of the things that they lost growing up within
a conflict situation.
However, we do have individuals that we target as high
vulnerables or protection cases. These include, of course, former
child combatants. There is a very large population of children
and youth who abandoned their commanders and fled to
Guinea for safety. Many young women who have been impacted
by the war use commercial sex work to survive, and as a result,
lots of young mothers are actually children themselves who have
lost part of their childhood trying to raise children of their own.
Many youth who have witnessed or experienced traumatic
events are having difficulty processing these events and continuing
on, physically and emotionally. Socially handicapped youth are
having trouble dealing with their peers, they are ashamed of
their appearance, or they are trying to digest the trauma of
what has happened to them. There is also a large number of
childheaded households and separated children, of course.
We do not do work with family tracing and reunion (FTR),
but we do work closely with the partners who do, by providing
additional reintegration support for these kids as they are trying
to locate their families.
We talked quite a bit yesterday about many of the types of
clients, but I want to introduce you to two clients of ours.
One is C.J. She is 20-year-old former Liberian child combatant.
She has been a survivor of multiple rapes and is now a mother.
She does not know who the father of her child is.
When we met her, she was working as a commercial sex
worker within the refugee camps. She did not have a caretaker,
and she was need of a lot of parenting support. She needs to
learn skills and know how to read and write. She needs additional
protection and material support.
She sold her ration card that the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) gave her to buy food for
her baby, and thus, prevented her future access to food.
Client No. 2 is D.C. He was one of our first clients in this
project. Client No. 2 was captured by the RUF when he was
around 8 years old. He fought with the RUF until he was 12 or
13 and escaped. His community urged him to join a pro-government
military group, to redeem himself for the atrocities
that he had caused with the RUF. It did not take long for D.C.
to realize that the grass was not greener on the other side.
He fled to Guinea only to basically be sold into slavery. A
man met him as he was begging on the streets and said “I can
help you.” The man took him to Conakry, the capital city, and
sold him to a vendor. D.C. sold water for about 6 months for
basically no money, no shelter, and only a little bit of food,
before he was identified and brought to the refugee camps.
He lives with two other former child combatants, but he is
having a lot of difficulty reintegrating back into his community.
He is very aggressive, very withdrawn, and because of all of the
physical hardships endured during his time as a child soldier, he has
a lot of very serious health problems that are affecting him now.
The problem with D.C. right now is he is terrified to go back
to Sierra Leone. He has no one to protect him there. He does
not know what is waiting for him there, or if all the things that
he did during the war will result in retribution on him when he
goes back.
These are just two of hundreds and hundreds of children and
youth that we work with in the refugee camps in Guinea.
Our program looks to a variety of different types of reintegration
activities in order to provide not only choice, but also
different methodologies to assist these children in reintegration.
Our youth program is, more or less, what we call our psychosocial
program. We try to provide opportunities and activities for
youth to come together to express themselves, to let off some of
their anger, and to let off some of their fear. The youth conform
themselves into youth clubs, which we support. They range
from rap groups to drama clubs to debate teams to football
teams. Anything the youth want to do, we try to help them to
organize and we provide the materials for their activities.
At the same time, if we find other youth who are disaffected
from their communities, it is very easy for us to insert those
children into these peer groups for additional support.
I think it has been mentioned many times, the power of play
as a form of healing after a conflict, and we do a lot of play
activities with all the children in the camps. We have football
teams, basketball courts, volleyball courts, kickball, tether ball,
and whatever else we can get the kids out to do so that they
are playing. We have also been lucky enough to get our hands
on some Scrabble games, Monopoly games, and cards. These
provide a very good opportunity for the kids to come together
on a social level and have some healthy competition.
We offer a lot of creative activities. We try to have something
with a solid product at the end, whether it is painting,
social drama activities, sculpture, dance, rap, or some other way
that the children can have a healthy, dignified way to tell their
stories and that we can acknowledge what they have gone
through. I think it is a good stepping stone for them to continue
on with the healing process.
We support child participation forums. Through these
forums, children are provided with an opportunity to address
the key members of their community as well as the international
community through speeches, debates, and drama. We usually
have them about every three months so that the kids can come
together and have a chance to express their point of view.
We try to supervise all of these activities with positive social
role models within the community, whether part of the Save the
Children staff or members of the religious community or the
civil leadership in the camps.
We are doing active monitoring and evaluation and trying to
find which psychosocial activities work and why do they work.
We carry out baseline studies and interviews with the children
throughout the time that they are with our reintegration project.
Our protection program is the most individualized of our
programs. While children are impacted by war, they are impacted
in different ways, and even though cooks can be considered
child soldiers, you need to have different kinds of support than
someone who carried a gun for 6 years. So we individualize our
protection program. We have our caseload, and each caseload
is treated by an individual basis, whether it is someone like the
previous two profiles that you saw with many different kinds of
problems and many different kinds of interventions, or if it is
just someone that may need assistance getting medical help or
may need assistance getting back into school.
We provide child protection training for members of the
community. We include youth themselves in this training, so
that they can work as peertopeer child protection agents.
We also work directly with the military and security forces by
providing them with child protection methodologies before,
during, and after conflict.
Any time that there is a movement of refugees, our field staff
is there physically. They have a chance to look at the different
refugees as they are coming in order to see if there is a family
that looks a little different, or if there is a kid coming in by himself.
That gives us immediate opportunity to start talking with that
child, finding out what that child’s problems are, and start reintegrating
that child back into the community the moment that
he/she arrives in the refugee camps.
We have a skills training component. We built small schools
in all of the camps. We currently have around 2,000 children
involved in our skills training program. It focuses on two bands
of individuals. The first is children who have not been in school
for an extended period of time, and we try to use this project
as a stepping stone to get them into formal education. These
kids do not know how to read and write. They are scared
going back to school, and this is a good bridge to get them
into formal education.
The other band of children that we are looking at is young
adults, 18 to 25-year-olds, who are too old to go to school or
have already finished school. We try to continue with their
professional development and their training, and they participate
in our skills training program.
We try to push them on possible employment skills. We do
mock interviews with them. We sit down and think about how
they are going to find a job, and it is very difficult regionally
because the economy is so weak in war-torn West Africa. Even
if we are able to provide skills for these kids, it remains very
difficult to find them jobs.
We include life skills training, such as AIDS education,
reproductive health, and peace education. A lot of our students
are child mothers, and we have a small day care center and also
provide day care training for young mothers, especially former
child combatants, so that they may possibly find that as future
employment. We also offer a range of literacy classes.
I want to go through a few lessons learned that we have
developed from this project and through working with
this population.
First, as someone mentioned earlier, it is important to find
their strength. A lot of these kids come in with very low selfesteem
and are withdrawn. If you can find something they like
to do, something that can make them feel confident, that is their
little step. That is their foothold towards the road for reintegration.
And although a lot of people do not talk about this too much,
there are positive things that happen to children through child
soldiering. They learn leadership skills. They learn social skills.
They learn survival skills that can be used as one of the footholds
to continue with their reintegration process back into
their community.
Providing normalizing activities such as school, which they go
to every day, is extremely important. It is also very important
to work with the community. As we all know, funding is limited,
and we may not be there forever. So by training and working
with members of the community, you are ensuring that there is
going to be someone there who will be able to continue working
with these children even after the NGOs have gone.
A big lesson learned for us is labels. These children are very
confused. They have missed a lot of their development of self
during the conflict, and I find that they attach themselves to labels.
I had one boy who came up to me and said,“Hello. My name
is Abu. I am a child soldier, and I am traumatized,” which are all
words that he picked up along the way. I said,“Abu, what does
that mean?” I think that a very important step in the healing
process in the children that we work with is deconstructing
that identity of a child soldier.
I said,“Yes, you were a child soldier, but you are also a great
football player and you sing well and you are smart. Why would
you pick this thing to identify yourself when you have all of these
other things?” It is important to help them view themselves
outside of a community, and rather to see themselves as normal
children, or at least as normal as they can be in the refugee camp.
I think you also have to have a very good balance between
broad community reintegration activities and very personalized
protection support because the needs of these children are so
different. But overall, personal contact and helping them to feel
like they are a normal part of their community, I think, is also
very powerful and is part of their healing process.
We set up centers in the camps where the youth can come
whenever they want to. We try to set up safe spaces. They are
monitored. Whenever they have a problem, it is someplace that
they can go.
We also state very, very clear rules about what can happen
and what cannot happen. Child soldiers especially have a difficult
time processing stress, change, and authority, and by setting up
those boundaries, you give them a better way to dealing with
some of the rules and regulations of society.
I believe I have a little bit of time for some questions, if anyone
would like any further clarification or any questions about
our program.
Question: Do the youth, particularly the adolescents, express
any sort of political interest? Do they see their role possibly
with political overtones as maybe reviewing what they have
done in the past, politically and economically, and what they
might have to offer their country or their group of people in
the future, politically?
Answer: Definitely. In West Africa, until you get married, you
are not an adult. So a lot of these children are still seen as
children, even though they formerly had to assume very adult
roles, such as being heads of households or holding a gun in
their hands.
We try to work with the community and the youth to help
them understand that this is the future of Sierra Leone.This is
the future of West Africa. This is the garden that you need to
cultivate. The youth very much do have a political agenda, but
they feel so silent and they feel so ignored to that many of them
never impose it. I think a lot of them were trained not to talk
about their political views during the crises.
Question: I noticed, and also the previous speaker mentioned,
that agricultural skills are very important for world economies.
I understand that you have a garden cultivation program. I am
wondering if you do work with job skills regarding
agricultural skills.
Answer: There are some other organizations that work more
directly with agricultural skills. We use our community garden
as kind of a healing process. Because it is a refugee camps, people
are so reluctant to invest a lot of time in cultivating the land.
But I think they are agricultural-based, and a lot of these kids
have years more agricultural experience than I do.
MARIE DE LA SOUDIERE, Director, Children’s Unit,
International Rescue Committee
Thank you. Now we have a short case study, to talk a little bit
about girls associated with fighting forces in Sierra Leone.
Because of the time, I am going to focus particularly on one
methodology that we developed to facilitate dialogue and the
transition to go home. But we cannot talk about girls associated
with fighting forces unless we give a little bit of background on
the demobilization process, which we call DDR, for disarmament,
demobilization, and reintegration. In Sierra Leone, this was
carried out by the government, the United Nations, and NGOs.
And while it was not meant this way, we found out quickly that
the DDR process discriminated against girls.
The way to be formally demobilized, which enabled access to
services later on, was to surrender a weapon. And while some
of the girls were combatants, most of them were not carrying a
weapon. They were being used in other ways.This demobilization
process was changed later, so that commanders could present
people in their unit, but you can imagine hardly any presented girls.
This oversight was interesting because there was a very
important meeting in Cape Town, South Africa in 1997
organized by UNICEF. At that time, the definition of child
soldiers definitely encompassed more than those with a gun.
For example, it also included porters or girls used as rebel
wives. All of these are now definitely part of the caseload in
Sierra Leone. So I am not sure how this was overlooked.
Many girls who arrived at the demobilization center were
part of a family; hence, there was a reluctance to separate the
girls from their husbands. A lot of these young women had
children as well. So, by and large, they were not
interviewed separately.
At the same time, those few staff who did try to interview
them separately found that the girls were very confused. There
was no guarantee that if they wanted to leave their commander
or soldier husband right away that there would be anything for
them. They were very worried. They thought they could not go
home, they were concerned about whether or not they would
be accepted, and they did not know where their homes were
or who would help them there. So even those who had been
given a bit of a choice, by and large, did not avail of this. This
creates a question for the future demobilization. We have got
to do a lot better by the girls.
But while the demobilization was deemed quite successful
with over 72,000 people demobilized, including close to 7,000
underage combatants, less than 8 percent were girls. At the
same time, estimates of the number of girls that had been taken
in by rebel forces equal that of boys. So we could have expected
50 percent. As you can see, there was a terrible gap.
We in the International Rescue Committee (IRC) were acutely
aware of the discrepancy over the course of our years working
in Sierra Leone. We reintegrated close to 2,000 boys and only a
few handfuls of girls until 2001 when we decided to make a
conscious effort to seek out and identify these girls in
the communities.
Interestingly, in the course of work in villages, quite often boys
who had not gone through the formal demobilization process
but had just gone home directly, were brought to our attention.
Some people wanted special ceremonies to mark the departure
from military life to civilian life, and we took these children into
our programs. But nobody brought girls forward.
When we started these active efforts to identify girls, it was
not difficult. We talked to chiefs. We talked to women’s groups.
We went to villages. People knew exactly where they were.
Many of them were still with their bush husbands in different
situations, some quite appalling, and they were terrified. There
was a high level of violence, too, which the girls had accepted.
They often had several children and had settled down.
Other girls had separated. Most of the time, their rebel
husbands could not go home and instead had gone north
abandoning their wives. Living alone together, these girls were
very, very vulnerable, and they were prey for all the men. They
ended up fighting for themselves with prostitution.
When we had access to them, again, it was difficult. They
were very afraid to talk to us with their husband present. I
interviewed several of them, and it was only one hour or more
into a discussion about general ideas, when they would open up,
start crying, and admit that they were longing for their families.
They were dying to know where they were, but they were so
afraid. They would say, “Please don’t tell my husband that I am
even discussing this,” and then the next comment was “I don’t
think I can go home with all the things that have happened. I
have children now.” And, of course, they had had multiple sexual
abuses over the last few years, and with the rejection and social
stigma attached to rape, they were extremely ashamed and
worried about family rejection. They often candidly said,“How
am I going to have a livelihood? I have children. Who is going
to feed my children?”
So this is when we came up with the idea of finding a transitional
way to ease the girls’ return home. We thought of using
a video camera to tape messages. We urged the girls to talk to
the family they had not seen, and we would attempt to trace
and find their families.
They did. Their husbands let them talk. And then we took
the video messages to the villages. Most of the time, we found
the families. We are still tracing only a couple of cases.
Unanimously, the response was,“We want our girl home. We
really do.” The messages were extremely moving. The girls
were often very shy, and they would say,“Look, I don’t know
where you are now. I think about you, but I have two children,”
and they would show the children and be embarrassed.
Overwhelmingly, families say,“Well, look at your sister. She has
three children. The situation has changed. We are not the same
as when you left 4, 5, 6 years ago. We understand.”
You see, in the mind of the girls, they left when they were
much younger. They had the world of a young child, and they
could not fathom the change. They had in their minds that
families stayed the same, but in fact, their families had moved on.
They were also touched by the war. Horrible things had happened.
They were all in it together, but the girls did not know
that.
When we would show families the video messages, I
sometimes wondered whether or not we were cheating. It was
like magic for people that did not have access to this technology.
In several cases, even the husbands were so touched by the
images of the family asking for the young women to return
home that they let them go quite easily. This did not happen in
all cases, but it occurred more frequently than we had expected.
Of course, the crucial part is what happens later. We found
that it is even more important to ensure skills training and
means of livelihood for young women than for boys. We can
see that in the case of girls, the degree of acceptance and the
prospects for successful reintegration is in direct relation with
the possibility of providing for one’s self and one’s children.
Question: Does it happen often that commanders let their
wives go back to their homes and families?
Answer: Yes. It takes a little preparation. It takes negotiation.
It takes dialogue. Initially, the girls do not even want to mention
that to their husbands. They are terrified, and definitely, they
don’t want to, but some do. Quite a number of them, actually. It
is very interesting because in this project, we do not say that
the girls are just going home to stay. We help them to make an
initial visit, and then they decide what to do. At the beginning,
only about 20 percent decided to stay home, but then that
number increased. In other words, they went back to their
husbands for a month or six months, and then they decided to
make the move. We are up to 35 percent now, and that could
increase. So far,we have not had any problems for those husbands,
but again, there may be some cases where the girl would like to
stay, and it needs more work.
Question: I want to emphasize that in the aftermath of the
war in Sierra Leone, from the very beginning, as girls were left
out, and it was girls and women themselves who were speaking
out against that problem. We learned that dozens and dozens
of adolescents did their own research about the issues in their
own community, and they went knocking on the doors of UNICEF
and other agencies for help in the formal demobilization program,
even if they did not make it in, and people did respond ultimately.
But I want to emphasize that they were there asking, and they
had a slow response. I really appreciate that your questions
how this could have happened, when so many years before, it
was said in these international conferences that this should
not occur.
I want to show you this report called Precious Resources. It
is on our website, www.womenscommission.org. It documents
in detail the problems and accomplishments of the DDR, and
this DDR in Sierra Leone is an important lesson learned for
others moving forward.
Also, what the findings of the young people emphasized is one
of the major problems still for girls - you emphasized the need
for livelihood - is that the problem of prostitution and sexual
exploitation in general is widespread in Sierra Leone. Even if
the girls are with their families, they have to participate in
prostitution. So emphasizing again, thank you for raising this,
and important lessons learned. Let’s keep raising this lesson
for the next ones.
Answer: I think these last three transitions have given me a lot
of hope, and I want to thank the presenters for this afternoon,
really for their wonderful presentations.
On the issue of commercial sex, I always ask the question:
suppose we did not have buyers or people who were interested
in buying the sex, would we have people who would sell? The
commodity is there. The demand is also there. So we must
have the education campaign for the people who are buying this
commodity. I believe that if people were not buying this
commodity, there would be nothing to sell. People would be
engaged in other gainful activities rather than selling sex.
The other thing I would like to talk about is the girls’ reaction.
It is normally unpredictable. In my country, for example, we had
to have a dialogue with the media. Whenever a girl wanted to
come out, they would put her picture on the front page and say
she was a rebel leader’s wife, and they would not even cover
her face. This made her very, very vulnerable, to the point that
she would not be able to go back to her village. Wherever she
went, people would identify her and say that is the lady who had
been in the papers.
We had to negotiate with the media about this. Now more
and more girls will be able to come out voluntarily and talk
about their problem. I think governments and countries
increasingly need psychosocial programs, and I think capacities
of countries should be built, even those that are not at war,
because of HIV/AIDS. People are so traumatized that there is
need for psychosocial programs.
Question: I was wondering if you could talk a little bit about
what sorts of mechanisms you think should be put in place for
future demobilizations to be sure that they are fully inclusive of
girls. Burundi and Angola, for example, are currently demobilizing
their child soldiers, and Sri Lanka is designing their program.
Answer: I think that would be quite a large topic to tackle.
For starters, I should be recognized that the demobilization
process has to recognize that any child associated with the
fighting forces — in whatever capacity — should be part of a
demobilization and part of the services and the reintegration
later on. That was not done in Sierra Leone.
The form is should take in the case of girls who have
husbands and children is very delicate, and the timing has to
be thought through carefully. We need to consider how to
separate girls and boys, and how to provide a separate facility
for each group for a long enough period of time.
In addition, we definitely need to inform the girls of their
right. That was not even done. Somebody has to talk to them.
They need a pamphlet, and later on, using the media, I think
there should be many more radio programs to inform girls who
had association with armed forces of where to go for help, of
their rights, and of what can be done.
Thank you very much.
FILMS AND VISUAL DISPLAYS
The Children in the Crossfire Conference featured several short
documentary films on child soldiers. In addition, an exhibit hall
at the conference displayed photographs, drawings and other
representations of children around the world whose lives have
been affected by armed conflict.
FILMS/VIDEOS
“CHILD SOLDIERS”
Co-produced by RCN Entertainment and the UN Works
Program and narrated by Michael Douglas, this documentary
traces the lives of several former child soldiers in Sierra Leone.
The film is one in a ten-part family television series that
portrays the daily struggles and aspirations of children
around the world.
For more information, please visit:
http://www.un.org/works/about/wgo
“CHILDREN ON THE FRONTLINE”
Produced by the International Labor Organization (ILO), this
short film provides a global overview of the use of children as
soldiers, the types of hazards associated with this form of labor,
and the ongoing efforts by the international community to
prevent the practice.
For more information, please contact the ILO’s
International Program on the Elimination of
Child Labor at 41-22-799-8181 or ipec@ilo.org.
“YOUTH PARALLEL PROGRAM”
Prior to the Children in the Crossfire Conference, a group of U.S.
and international youth delegates attended a two-day preparatory
meeting (May 5-6, 2003) during which they planned for and
attended preliminary events at local high schools, toured
Washington, D.C. and prepared for the main conference. The
former child soldiers and local youth delegates also participated
in a follow-up meeting on May 9, 2003 after the main conference.
A team of facilitators experienced in developing youth leadership
programs, as well as programs for child soldiers and refugees,
was assembled to assist with programming and implementing
these events.
This film documents the two-day preparatory meeting prior to
the conference, during which youth delegates met each other,
visited local schools, and toured the Washington, D.C. area.
The film was produced by the U.S. Department of Labor.
For more information, please send a written request
to: globalkids@dol.gov
VISUALS
“UGANDAN CHILDREN OF CONFLICT”
Exhibit of Drawings and Murals (include Uganda
Drawing picture)
The powerful collection of murals and drawings in the “Ugandan
Children of Conflict” exhibit include representations of the
child soldier experience, as conveyed visually by former child
soldiers in two rehabilitation centers in northern Uganda.
During two trips to Uganda, co-founders of the Ugandan
Children of Conflict Education Fund, Mary Westring and David
Bersch, encouraged children in the centers – sponsored by
World Vision and GUSCO (Gulu Support Our Children
Organization) – to use images as part of their healing process.
In each successive trip, groups of roughly 50 children related the
details of their experiences through drawings, including their
peaceful lives in the village, their moment of capture, their
experiences in the bush, and their imagined futures. On the
second trip, the children in the centers produced murals of
their shared experiences. The children were encouraged to
think of their experience as a timeline, as a story that reads
from left to right, the peaceful past and hoped-for peaceful
future bracketing the horrifying reality of their time in captivity.
They painted the murals with the assurance of those who know
their stories well and know the importance of telling it. But
most notably, they displayed a childish joy in their joint
effort – for they are, after all, children.
For more information, please contact Mary Westring
at mwestring@mindspring.com.
“WOUNDED CHILDHOOD”
Photo and Text-Panel Exhibit [include photograph from the ILO]
Produced by the International Labor Organization, the
“Wounded Childhood” exhibit provides information about the
ILO response to children in armed conflict, which is considered
to be a worst form of child labor under ILO Convention No.
182. Through various interventions around the world, the ILO
attempts to address the root causes of child participation in
armed conflict; provide sustainable alternatives for children who
have been involved in armed conflict; give economic support to
their families and communities; and advocate implementation of
international legal instruments.
For more information, please contact the ILO’s
International Program on the Elimination of Child Labor
at 41-22-799-8181 or ipec@ilo.org.
“PLAYING FOR KEEPS: CHILDREN &
WAR IN AFRICA”
Photo Documentary funded by the U.S. Agency for
International Development
Photographs by Martin Lueders [include photograph from series]
The pictures and stories included in “Playing for Keeps”
represent the difference that appropriate interventions can
make in the lives of children who have been exposed to the
horrors of modern-day warfare in four African countries:Angola,
Liberia, Mozambique, and Sierra Leone. The documentary was
commissioned by USAID’s Displaced Children and Orphans
Fund, which funds child-based interventions in war-affected
countries that aim to document, trace, and reunify children with
their families; support psychosocial adjustment of children in
distress; facilitate reintegration of children into communities;
and support formal and informal educational opportunities.
For more information, please contact USAID’s Displaced
Children and Orphans Fund at 202-789-1500, or visit
http://www.usaid.gov/pop_health/dcofwvf/index.html.
APPENDICES
PROGRAM AGENDA
MAY 7-8, 2003 • GRAND HYATT
WEDNESDAY, May 7th 2003 - 11:30-1:00
REGISTRATION - 1:00-1:10
Introductory Remarks: Cameron Findlay, Deputy Secretary of Labor, U.S. Department of Labor
ELAINE L. CHAO, Secretary of Labor - 1:10-1:30
ANDREW NATSIOS, USAID Administrator - 1:30-1:50
OLARA A.OTUNNU, UN Special Representative for Children and Armed Conflict - 1:50-2:10
YOUTH PANEL - 2:10-3:10
Rountable discussion with several former child soldiers and moderated by Jane Lowicki, Senior Coordinator
for the Children and Adolescents Project at the Women’s Commission on Refugee Women and Children
BREAK - 3:10-3:50
JUAN SOMAVIA, Director-General, International Labor Organization - 3:50-4:10
DOCUMENTARY FILM: UN Works “What’s Going On” - 4:10-4:50
“Child Soldiers” in Sierra Leone, with introduction by Carmel Mulvany, UN Works and Ashley Hoppin,
RCN Entertainment
CLOSING REMARKS - 4:50-5:00
Cameron Findlay, Deputy Secretary of Labor, U.S. Department of Labor
THURSDAY, May 8th 2003 - 8:15-9:00
OPENING REMARKS - 9:00-9:05
Arnold L. Levine, Deputy Under Secretary for International Labor Affairs, U.S. Department of Labor
FILM: “Children on the Frontline” - 9:05-9:15
Prepared by the International Labor Organization
PREVENTION WORKSHOP: - 9:15-10:25
MODERATOR, Jo Becker, International Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers
PANELISTS,
Mike Wessells, Christian Children’s Fund
Guenet Guebre-Christos, UNHCR Representative to the US
Nonoy Fajardo, UNICEF/Philippines
Shirley Gbujama, Minister of Social Welfare, Govt of Sierra Leone
Q&A
COFFEE BREAK - 10:25-10:40
CHILDREN IN COMBAT AND DEMOBILIZATION WORKSHOP: - 10:40-11:30
MODERATOR, Manuel Fontaine, Senior Advisor on Children and Armed Conflict, UNICEF
PANELISTS,
Kathy Vandergrift,World Vision/Canada
Lourdes Balanon, Undersecretary, Department of Social Welfare and Development, Government
of the Philippines
Adrien Tuyuga, JAMAA/Burundi
Q&A
LONG-TERM DATA COLLECTION METHODOLOGY - 11:30-12:05
Christophe Gironde and Cheaka Toure, International Labor Organization
Q&A
CLEAR ROOM/LUNCH SET-UP - 12:05-1:00
LUNCHEON HOSTED BY WORLD VISION - 1:00-2:30
Bruce Wilkinson, Vice President of International Programs,World Vision (1:30-1:40)
Steven Law, Chief of Staff, U.S. Department of Labor (1:40-1:45)
Ambassador Richard S.Williamson (1:45-2:00)
U.S. Alternate Representative to the UN for Special Political Affairs
REINTEGRATION WORKSHOP: - 2:30-4:45
MODERATOR, Lloyd Feinberg, Displaced Children and Orphans Fund, USAID
PANELISTS,
Marie de la Soudiere, International Rescue Committee
Virginia Brown, International Organization for Migration/Colombia
Dr. Harendra de Silva, Child Protection Agency, Government of Sri Lanka
Q&A
15 MINUTE COFFEE BREAK
Charles Watmon,World Vision (Uganda Case Study)
Mattito Watson, Save the Children/US (Guinea Case Study)
Marie de la Soudiere, International Rescue Committee (Sierra Leone Case Study)
LOOKING TO THE FUTURE/CONCLUDING REMARKS - 4:45-5:00
Arnold L. Levine, Deputy Under Secretary for International Labor Affairs,
KEYNOTE SPEAKERS
RICHARD S.WILLIAMSON
(Luncheon Keynote Address)
U.S. Alternate Representative to the United Nations for
Special Political Affairs
Ambassador Rich Williamson was sworn in as United States
Alternate Representative to the United Nations for Special
Political Affairs in January 2002.
Prior to assuming this position,Ambassador Williamson was a
member of the Chicago-based international law firm of Mayer,
Brown and Platt.
Ambassador Williamson’s previous government experience includes
serving as a member of President Ronald Reagan’s senior White
House staff in the position of Assistant to the President for
Intergovernmental Affairs; U.S.Ambassador to the United Nations
offices in Vienna, Austria; Assistant Secretary of State for
International Organizations and as a member of the President’s
General Advisory Committee on Arms Control.
Ambassador Williamson is the author of four books, editor of
three books and the author of over 100 articles on a wide range
of public policy issues.
Ambassador Williamson received his B.A. degree from Princeton
University and his J.D. degree from the University of Virginia.
He and his wife Jane have three children.
ANDREW S. NATSIOS
Administrator, USAID
Andrew S. Natsios was sworn in on May 1, 2001, as administrator
of the U.S.Agency for International Development (USAID).
President Bush has also appointed him Special Coordinator for
International Disaster Assistance and Special Humanitarian
Coordinator for the Sudan.
Natsios has served previously at USAID, first as director of the
Office of Foreign Disaster Assistance from 1989 to 1991 and
then as assistant administrator for the Bureau for Food and
Humanitarian Assistance (now the Bureau of Democracy, Conflict
and Humanitarian Assistance) from 1991 to January 1993.
Before assuming his new position, Natsios was chairman and
chief executive officer of the Massachusetts Turnpike Authority
from April 2000 to March 2001, and had responsibility for
managing the Big Dig, the largest public works project in U.S.
history. Before that, he was secretary for administration and
finance for the Commonwealth of Massachusetts from March
1999 to April 2000. From 1993 to 1998, Natsios was vice president
of World Vision U.S. From 1987 to 1989, he was executive director
of the Northeast Public Power Association in Milford, Massachusetts.
Natsios served in the Massachusetts House of Representatives
from 1975 to 1987 and was named legislator of the year by the
Massachusetts Municipal Association (1978), the Massachusetts
Association of School Committees (1986), and Citizens for
Limited Taxation (1986). He also was chairman of the
Massachusetts Republican State Committee for seven years.
Natsios is a graduate of Georgetown University and Harvard
University’s Kennedy School of Government where he received
a master’s degree in public administration.
Natsios is the author of numerous articles on foreign policy and
humanitarian emergencies, as well as the author of two books:
U.S. Foreign Policy and the Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse
(Center for Strategic and International Studies, 1997), and The
Great North Korean Famine (U.S. Institute of Peace, 2001).
After serving 23 years in the U.S.Army Reserves, Natsios
retired in 1995 with the rank of lieutenant colonel. He is a
veteran of the Gulf War.
A native of Holliston, Massachusetts, Natsios and his wife,
Elizabeth, have three children, Emily,Alexander, and Philip.
JUAN SOMAVIA
Director-General, International Labor Organization
Juan Somavia was elected to serve as the ninth Director-General
of the ILO by the Governing Body on 23 March 1998. His five-year
term of office began on 4 March 1999, when he became the
first representative from the Southern hemisphere to head the
organization. Mr. Somavia was re-elected for a second term as
Director-General in March 2003. Previous positions include:
Permanent Representative of Chile to the United Nations in
New York; President of the United Nations Economic and Social
Council; Representative of Chile on the United Nations Security
Council, including President of the Security Council in April
1996 and October 1997; Chairman of the Preparatory Committee
for the World Summit for Social Development, Copenhagen; and
Chairman of the Social Committee of the United Nations
Economic and Social Council.
Mr. Somavia began his career as an academic. From 1967-68, he
was lecturer on economic and social issues for GATT’s trade
policy courses in Geneva. In 1971, he was appointed Professor
of International Economic and Social Affairs in the Department
of Political Sciences at the Catholic University of Chile, where
he highlighted the ILO and its tripartite structure as a case
study in international cooperation. Between 1976 and 1990,
he was Founder, Executive Director and President of the Latin
American Institute of Transnational Studies (ILET), during which
time he undertook a number of studies on trade union and
social movements in Mexico City and Santiago.
He has also been involved in numerous business, financial and
civil society organizations throughout the course of his career.
Mr. Somavia is married to Adriana Santa Cruz and they have
two children.
OLARA A.OTUNNU
UN Special Representative for Children and
Armed Conflict
Olara A. Otunnu was appointed by UN Secretary-General Kofi
Annan as his Special Representative for Children and Armed
Conflict in August 1997. In his post, Mr. Otunnu is mandated to
serve as a liaison among UN agencies and humanitarian NGOs
to develop a focused approach to meeting the needs of children
affected by violent conflict.
Mr. Otunnu was born in northern Uganda in 1950. He attended
Makerere University in Kampala, Oxford University, and Harvard
Law School (where he was a Fulbright Scholar). Following his
education, Mr. Otunnu practiced law briefly in New York, and then
returned to Uganda where he served as government representative,
including a two-year post as the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and
as Uganda’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations.
From 1990 to the beginning of his mandate as Special Representative,
Mr. Otunnu was President of the International Peace Academy.
In addition, Mr. Otunnu has participated in numerous task forces
and commissions focusing on international peace, as well as civic
initiatives and organizations including the Carnegie Endowment
for International Peace and the Aspen Institute.
PANEL SPEAKERS
WEDNESDAY, MAY 7, 2003
YOUTH PANEL with Secretary of Labor, Elaine L, Chao
JARE LOWICKI, Moderator, Senior Coordinator for the Children and Adolescents Project,Women’s
Commission for Refugee Women and Children
Jane Lowicki is the Senior Coordinator for the Children and Adolescents Project at the Women’s Commission
for Refugee Women and Children in New York, where for more than four years she has worked to build an
international campaign to increase services and protection to adolescents affected by armed conflict and
persecution. She is the author of Untapped Potential:Adolescents Affected by Armed Conflict,A review of
programs and policies, which was released by the Women’s Commission in January 2000. She is currently working
on a series of action-oriented field studies with and for adolescents in four conflict sites. Each of these efforts is
followed by intensive advocacy work with the young people involved to improve services and protection for
adolescents, especially regarding education and the situation of girls.
Ms. Lowicki has worked on behalf of and with people fleeing persecution since 1991 as the Public Information
Officer and interim Washington Representative for the Church World Service Immigration and Refugee Program
and through her work with the World Council of Churches. She is the author of numerous other articles and
reports on immigration and refugee issues, as well as women’s and children’s rights, and has investigated and
reported on refugee situations in over ten countries. Ms. Lowicki is a graduate of Cornell University in
Government, International Relations and Women’s Studies and studied Politics, History and Law at the University
of Edinburgh, where she received an Honors Merit in Politics.
BERTA, Panelist,Youth Delegate, El Salvador
Berta grew up in the coffee growing area in the Department of Usulutan where she came into contact with
rebel forces during the 1980s. Berta and her family provided food for the guerrillas, and she eventually joined the
movement in 1990. Berta served in the Special Forces assigned to protect the base and the commanders of the
unit. In the field, her primary role was that of a radio operator. In 1991, she received a spinal injury, and was rescued
by the International Red Cross. Berta was forced to use a wheelchair for two years. In 1993, Berta learned
to walk again with crutches. She is currently studying law at the national university.
EMILIA, Panelist,Youth Delegate, Sierra Leone
Emilia was captured by a rebel group when she was 9 years old, and spent the next five years performing various
tasks for her military commanders, including scavenging for food, laying ambushes, and learning to use firearms.
She was forced to become the wife of one of her commanders but escaped following his death in battle.After
escaping, she found that she had become pregnant with his child. At 14 years old, Emilia became the primary
caregiver for both her newborn son and her younger brother. She received assistance from a missionary group,
and has since returned to school. She is currently at the senior secondary level and also works as a journalist for
the Search for Common Ground/Talking Drum Studio’s Golden Kids Network.
STEVEN, (Panelist),Youth Delegate, Sierra Leone
Steven was captured by the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) and recruited as a fighter in the Small Boys Unit
when he was 9 years old. He managed to escape from the RUF, but later joined the Armed Forces Revolutionary
Council and served as a soldier. Steven was demobilized following the signing of the 1999 Lomé peace agreement
and found support at an Interim Care Center for separated children on the outskirts of Freetown. He
then joined the Search for Common Ground/Talking Drum Studio’s Golden Kids Network as a journalist. The
Golden Kids Network is a children’s news program that is reported and produced by kids. Steven receives educational
and support services through the organization. He was featured in the UN Works “What’s Going On?”
film series.
Thursday, MAY 8, 2003
PREVENTION PANEL
JO BECKER, Moderator, International Steering Committee Member, International Coalition to Stop the
Use of Child Soldiers
Jo Becker is the Children's Rights Advocacy Director for Human Rights Watch, an independent organization that
conducts regular, systematic investigations of human rights abuses in some seventy countries around the world.
Ms. Becker represents Human Rights Watch before the press, government officials, and the general public, and
works with other non-governmental and international organizations to stop abuses against children, including the
use of children as soldiers, hazardous child labor, and ill treatment during detention.
Ms. Becker was the founding chairperson of the International Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers and
serves on the steering committee of the U.S. Campaign to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers. She has conducted
field investigations to document child recruitment in Burma and in Northern Uganda and testified before the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee regarding the international treaty banning the forced recruitment of children
or their use in combat.
She recently co-authored "Stolen Children: Child Abduction and Recruitment in Northern Uganda," a report
published by Human Rights Watch in March of this year. Her writing on child soldiers has appeared in the
Washington Post, International Herald Tribune, and Christian Science Monitor.
NONOY FAJARDO, Panelist, Project Officer, UNICEF/Philippines
Mr. Fajardo is currently a project officer of the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) in the Philippines. He
manages the National Project for Rescue, Recovery and Reintegration of Children in Need of Special Protection
under the Child Protection Program. His work involves the development of programs for the protection of
children at risk and the psychological healing and social reintegration of children who have experienced especially
difficult situations. He also acts as the focal officer managing all UNICEF assistance in three priority areas in
Mindanao in Southern Philippines. He has held the post since 1999.
From 1991 to 1998, he served as senior project assistant for the national Project on Children in Situations of
Armed Conflict. The Project initiated policies, programs and approaches in dealing with displacement of families
and psychosocial trauma caused by armed conflicts.The Project was also responsible for bridging the gap and
establishing joint co-operation among government and non-government organizations providing services for
children in situations of armed conflicts.
Prior to joining UNICEF, Mr. Fajardo was a Peace Program Officer of the Office of the Peace Commissioner
under the Office of the President of the Republic of the Philippines from 1989 to 1991. He prepared policy
studies on peace and human rights issues for the government peace commissioners. Mr. Fajardo is 40 years
old and a national of the Philippines.
SHIRLEY GBUJAMA, Panelist, Minister of Social Welfare, Government of Sierra Leone
GUENET GUEBRE-CHRISTOS, Panelist, UN High Commissioner for Refugees Regional Representative
Ms. Guenet Guebre-Christos is the head of the Regional Office for the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees for the United States and the Caribbean. Ms. Guebre-Christos served as UNHCR's Representative in
Rwanda from 1998 to September 2000 based in Kigali, where she oversaw the return and reintegration of
Rwandan refugees and addressed the needs of refugees from the Democratic Republic of Congo and Burundi
in Rwanda.
MICHAEL WESSELLS, Panelist, Christian Children’s Fund
Michael Wessells, PhD. is Professor of Psychology at Randolph-Macon College and Psychosocial Advisor for
Christian Children’s Fund. He has served as President of the Division of Peace Psychology of the American
Psychological Association and of Psychologists for Social Responsibility. His research on children and armed conflict
examines child soldiers, psychosocial assistance in emergencies, and post-conflict reconstruction for peace.
He regularly advises U. N. agencies, donors, and governments on the situation of children in armed conflict and
issues regarding child protection and well-being. He has extensive experience in post-conflict reconstruction in
countries such as Afghanistan and East Timor. In countries such as Angola, Sierra Leone, East Timor, Kosova, and
Afghanistan, he helps to develop community-based, culturally grounded programs that assist children, families, and
communities affected by armed conflict.
DEMOBILIZATION PANEL
MANUEL FONTAINE, Moderator, Senior Advisor on Children and Armed Conflict, UNICEF
LOURDES BALANON, Panelist, Undersecretary, Ministry of Social Welfare and Development
Government of the Philippines
In her current position, Undersecretary Balanon is actively involved in the rehabilitation and reintegration of
child combatants into mainstream Philippine society and was instrumental in conceptualizing the "handover
program," whereby Philippine armed forces units turn over to the Ministry of Social Welfare and Development
captured and wounded child soldiers.
ADRIEN TUYAGA, Panelist, JAMAA/Burundi
Mr.Tuyaga is a representative of JAMAA (meaning “Friends” in Swahili) “Gardons Contact” (Let’s Keep in Touch),
an organization created to target the most at risk youth who have been involved in ethnic violence in the capital
of Burundi, Bujumbura, and surrounding communities. JAMAA’s action is focused on demobilization of the youth
and their social and economic resettlement.
Kathy Vandergrift, Panelist, Senior Analyst,World Vision/Canada
Kathy Vandergrift, a senior policy analyst with World Vision, is also Co-chair of the Watchlist on Children and
Armed Conflict, an international NGO coalition that reports on the situation of children in specific countries.
Kathy represents World Vision on the Steering Committee of the
Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, and she chairs the NGO Working Group on Children and Armed
Conflict in Canada.
PRESENTATION ON DATA COLLECTION METHODOLOGY
CHRISTOPHE GIRONDE AND TOURE CHEAKA, International Labor Organization
REINTEGRATION PANEL
LLOYD FEINBERG, Moderator, Director, Displaced Children and Orphan’s Fund, USAID
Lloyd Feinberg is the director of USAID’s Displaced Children and Orphan’s Fund (DCOF) and the Leahy War
Victim’s Fund (LWVF). The former includes projects to assist children affected by armed conflict, including child
soldiers. His program assessment visits have taken him to virtually every mine-affected area of the world, from
Angola to Mozambique, from El Salvador to Sri Lanka. He monitors and reports on the Funds’ activities within
the agency, to the public and to Congress. Both the LWVF and the DCOF primarily work through non-governmental
organizations and pre-existing local services to provide direct assistance and build local response capacity.
VIRGINIA BROWN, Panelist, Program Officer, International Organization for Migration (IOM)/Colombia
Virginia Brown has worked for IOM since May 2001. She initially worked as a consultant for the designing of a
monitoring system for the Internally Displaced Persons Program and for the Child Soldiers Program. Since July
2002, Ms. Brown has been the Program Officer for the Strengthening Peace Program and for the Support
Program for Ex-combatant Children. She also worked for USAID Managua as the Project Manager for the
Public Financial Management Reform.
Ms. Brown has extensive work experience within the Colombian government at the local and national level,
including: Chief of Staff for the Ministry of Finance; Presidential delegate for the Magdalena Medio Region and
Financial and Administrative Director for the Presidential Program, National Rehabilitation Plan; General Director of
the National Education Fund for the Ministry of Education; and Principal Aide for the Vice President of the Senate.
DR. HARENDRA DE, Silva Panelist, Chairman, National Child Protection Authority, Government
of Sri Lanka
Dr. de Silva is Chairman of the National Child Protection Authority (NCPA), an agency established by the
Government of Sri Lanka to advise the government on national policy for the prevention of child abuse, and the
protection and treatment of children who are victims of abuse. NCPA activities under Dr. de Silva's leadership have
helped to increase awareness of child abuse and the need to protect children from exploitative child labor and trafficking.
As a professor of pediatrics, Dr. de Silva has researched the effects of conscription on children in armed
conflict and has treated children who have suffered trauma as a result of war. Dr. de Silva is Head of the
Department of Pediatrics with the Faculty of Medicine.
MARIE DE LA SOUDIERE, Panelist, Director, Children’s Unit, International Rescue Committee
Marie de la Soudiere is the director of the Children Affected by Armed Conflict unit of the International Rescue
Committee in New York. As the first director of the Children’s unit at IRC, she has developed and is overseeing
programs in over 20 countries, and has initiated several research projects on psychosocial adjustment of children
and adolescents, including former child combatants, in conflict and post conflict countries.
For the last 20 years, she has developed psychosocial policies and programs for women and children in more
than a dozen troubled countries. She has worked, inter alia, on the situation of children in bonded labor in
Pakistan, street children in the Sudan and violated women in Bosnia, and has helped UNICEF and UNHCR develop
programs and policies for separated children in Thailand, the Sudan, Hong Kong, the former Yugoslavia, and the
countries of the Great Lakes region in Central Africa. Before joining the IRC in November 1997, she was
UNICEF's senior Regional Advisor for unaccompanied children in the Great Lakes region.
She holds an MSW from Stony Brook University and received an honorary PHD in Social Science from
Yale University.
CASE STUDY PRESENTATIONS
MARIE DE LA SOUDIERE, Director, Children’s Unit, International Rescue Committee
See biographical information above.
CHARLES WATMON, Director, Center for Children of War,World Vision/Gulu, Uganda
World Vision has served over 5,800 former child soldiers at this center through the provision of medical treatment,
counseling, and assistance as they reintegrate with their families and communities. The organization has
been active assisting war-affected populations in northern Uganda for over 15 years.
MATTITO WATSON, Director, Child Soldiers Program, Save the Children-US/Guinea
Mattito Watson currently directs Save the Children’s child soldier program in the Republic of Guinea, where he
has been posted for two years. While the project initially focused exclusively on the reintegration of former
Sierra Leonean and Liberian child combatants residing in the refugee camps in Guinea, it has expanded its target
population to include other youth at risk, including child mothers, commercial sex workers, handicapped and disfigured
youth and youth who have experienced traumatic events. Mr.Watson has more than 12 years experience
in development and humanitarian work in Africa. His previous work in Africa focused on education,AIDS prevention
and youth development, and he has worked in Senegal, the Republic of Guinea, Cameroon, Eritrea and
Zimbabwe. Mr.Watson holds a masters degree in both Public Health and African Studies.
INTERNATIONAL DELEGATES AND
HONORED GUESTS
AFGHANISTAN Ibrahim Sesay, UNICEF
BURUNDI
Fabrice, international youth delegate
Radjabu, international youth delegate
Emmanuel Buramatari, Director of Youth Programs, Search for Common Ground
Désirée Gatoto, Minister for International Reform, Human Rights and Parliamentary Relations and
Director for the National Structural Management of the Demobilization, Reintegration and Prevention
of Child Soldiers, Government of Burundi.
Jean-Claude Ndayishimiye, Burundian League for Youth and Childhood
Adrien Tuyaga, JAMAA “Gardons Contact” (Let’s Keep in Touch)
COLOMBIA
Eider, International youth delegate
Virginia Brown, Program Officer, International Organization for Migration
Maria Fernanda Calle Londono, Don Bosco Training Center
Father Jaime Gonzales Quintero, Don Bosco Training Center
Beatriz Linares Cantillo, Delegated Defender for the Rights of the Childhood,Youth and Women,
Human Rights Ombudsman’s Office, Government of Colombia
Catalina Velasco Campuzano, Deputy Director of Direct Interventions, Family Welfare Institute,
Government of Colombia
EL SALVADOR
Berta, international youth delegate
Jose Mejia Trabanino, Global Issues Coordinator and Human Rights Expert, Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, Government of El Salvador
PHILIPPINES
Lourdes Balanon, Undersecretary, Ministry of Social Welfare and Development, Government of
the Philippines
Leon Dominador F.M. Fajardo, National Project for Rescue, Recovery and Reintegration of
Children in Need of Special Protection, UNICEF
Ester Versoza, Ministry of Social Welfare and Development, Government of the Philippines
SIERRA LEONE
Steven, international youth delegate
Emilia, international youth delegate
Francis Fortune, Director, Search for Common Ground/Talking Drum Studio
Ken Ganna Conteh, Search for Common Ground/Talking Drum Studio
Shirley Gbujama, Minister of Social Welfare, Gender and Children’s Affairs, Government of
Sierra Leone
Ambrose James, Community Peace Building Unit, Search for Common Ground/Talking Drum Studio
SRI LANKA
Mohan, international youth delegate
Dr. Harendra de Silva, Chairman of the National Child Protection Authority, Government of
Sri Lanka
UGANDA
Grace, international youth delegate
Paul, international youth delegate
Zoe Bakoko-Bakoru, Minister of Gender, Labor and Social Welfare, Government of Uganda
Edward Khiddu Makubuya, Minister of Education and Sports, Government of Uganda
Justine Lukala, parent/guardian
Doreen Lanyero, parent/guardian
Ralph Ochan, Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Gender, Labor and Social Welfare, Government of Uganda
Mark Ovola, Program Manager, Save the Children/Denmark
Charles Watmon, Director, Gulu Center for Children of War,World Vision
U.S.YOUTH DELEGATES Representing John F. Kennedy High School
Udara, Freshman
Adam, Sophomore
Andrew, Sophomore
Christella, Sophomore
Michelle, Sophomore
Nabila, Sophomore
Ben, Junior
Pelu, Junior
Stephanie, Junior
Veronica, Junior
Yasmine, Junior
Christia, Senior
Daniella, Senior
Laurel, Senior
Jake, Senior
PARTICIPATING ORGANIZATIONS
Academy for Educational Development
Afghan Communicator
AFL-CIO
AFL-CIO Solidarity Center
Africa Center for Strategic Studies
American Federation of School Administrators
American Federation of Teachers
American Institutes for Research
Amnesty International USA
ANSER
Association of the U.S.Army
Aurora Associates International
Brookings Institution
Burundian League for Youth and Childhood
Burundi Youth Council
CARE
Carr Center for Human Rights Policy, Harvard University
Carter Children Initiative
Catholic Relief Services
Center Don Bosco
Center for Defense Information
Center for Emerging Threats & Opportunities
Christian Children’s Fund
Church World Service
Center for Multicultural Human Services
Commission for Labor Cooperation
Computer Frontiers, Inc.
Creative Associates International, Inc.
Defensoría del Pueblo
Delegation of the European Commission
Department of Foreign Affairs & International Trade/Canada
Embassy of Colombia
Embassy of El Salvador
Embassy of Japan
Embassy of the Republic of Yemen
Embassy of Sweden
Ethiopian Community Development Council
FAFO Applied International Studies
Family Health International
Foundry United Methodist Church
Government of Burundi
Government of Canada
Government of Colombia
Government of El Salvador
Government of Italy
Government of Norway
Government of the Philippines
Government of Sierra Leone
Government of Sri Lanka
Government of Uganda
Human Rights Watch
Institute for Conflict Analysis and Resolution
Institute on Religion and Public Policy
International Children’s Dream Foundation
International Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers
International Committee of the Red Cross
International Initiative to End Child Labor
International Labor Organization
International Labor Rights Fund
International Organization for Migration
International Program on Refugee Trauma, Columbia University
International Rescue Committee
JAMAA Gardons Contact
John F. Kennedy High School
La Sorbonne
Lutheran World Relief
Mercy Corps
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Government of Italy
Montgomery County Public Schools, ESOL Program
National Peace Corps Association
National Research Council
Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General
for Children and Armed
Conflict, United Nations
Refugees International
Research Triangle Institute
RUGMARK Foundation
Salvation Army World Service Office
Save the Children/Denmark
Save the Children/US
Search for Common Ground
Social Science Research Council
The Futures Group International
The Justice Project
The Protection Project, Johns Hopkins University-SAIS
U.S.Agency for International Development (USAID)
U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics
U.S. Department of Labor
U.S. Department of Commerce
U.S. Department of Education
U.S. Department of Homeland Security
U.S. Department of State
U.S. House of Representatives, International Relations
Committee
U.S. Office of Management and Budget
U.S. Senate, Office of Senator Mike DeWine
U.S. Senate, Republican Policy Committee
Ugandan Children of Conflict Education Fund
University of Iowa, Center for Human Rights
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)
United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF)
Universal Standard College
University of San Francisco
Washington Office on Latin America
Watchlist on Children an Armed Conflict
Winrock International
Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children
World Bank
World Veteran’s Federation
World Vision, Inc.
Worldwide Strategies, Inc
Youth Advocate Program International
Youth Empowerment Alliance
YouthNet
U.S. LABOR SECRETARY ELAINE L. CHAO CONVENES
INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON CHILD SOLDIERS
Announces $13 Million U.S. Initiative on Prevention and Rehabilitation
WASHINGTON – U.S. and foreign officials gathered here today for a two-day conference at the
invitation of Secretary of Labor Elaine L. Chao to take action to eliminate the use of child soldiers and to
rehabilitate those caught in such forced recruitment. Chao announced a $13 million initiative to support programs
to counter the problem and to help former child soldiers rebuild their lives.
“This goal of this conference is to bring international attention to the atrocity of child soldiers in the
world today. The forced recruitment and use of children as combatants is one of the worst forms of child
labor. It is a moral outrage and must be stopped. All nations have got to come together to put an end to
this evil. The profoundly sad truth is we can’t give these child soldiers back their childhoods but we can and
we must help rebuild their lives,” said Chao in her remarks opening the conference.
In 1999, the U.S. was one of the first countries to ratify International Labor Organization (ILO)
Convention No. 182, which declared the compulsory recruitment of children for use in armed conflict as
one of the worst forms of child labor. The International Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers’
conservative estimate places over 300,000 children under the age of 18 fighting as soldiers in more than
30 countries for government forces or armed groups. Some of these child soldiers are as young as seven,
and many are between the ages of 10 and 15. The majority are between 15 and 18.
Some 500 representatives from government, nongovernmental organizations, media and research
institutions are attending the conference. The conference will examine strategies to solve the problem –
from prevention to disarmament, demobilization, reintegration and rehabilitation at the community level.
This holistic approach is featured in the $13 million Labor Department global initiative, which has three
parts: a $7 million global project through the ILO’s International Program on the Elimination of Child Labor
(IPEC), a $3 million project focusing on education needs of former child soldiers in Northern Uganda; and
a $3 million project focusing on education needs of former child soldiers in Afghanistan [to be implemented
by UNICEF].
World Vision will host a luncheon during the second day of the conference that will include a Keynote
Address by John D. Negroponte, U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations. Nine former child soldiers also
will participate in the proceedings. They will offer first-hand knowledge and unique insight to help
participants develop practical solutions.
FOR MORE INFORMATION,
PLEASE CONTACT:
Bureau of International Labor Affairs
U.S. Department of Labor
Phone: (202) 693-4843
Email: Globalkids@dol.gov
Web: www.dol.gov/ILAB/
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