On April 4, 1968, an assassin took the life of Martin Luther King Jr. He was 39 years old. Forty years after his death, Americans honor King with a national holiday celebrated on the third Monday of each January. Above, DJ Lewis (left) and his father, Dennis Sr., join in a January 2006 march in honor of King in Oklahoma City. |
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Washington -- On April 4, 1968, in Memphis, Tennessee,
an assassin’s bullet took the life of Martin Luther
King, the main architect and the leader of the nonviolent
civil rights movement in the United States. He was 39 years
old. The medical examiners said King died with the heart
of a 60-year-old, because he had for so long carried the
burden of so many. Some 100,000 Americans stood outside
the church at the time of his funeral.
The day before, as part of his “poor people’s
campaign,” King was campaigning on behalf of striking
-- and primarily black -- sanitation workers. His last address
drew strongly on his lifelong study of the Bible. It would
prove prophetic:
Well, I don’t know what will happen now; we’ve
got some difficult days ahead. But it really doesn’t
matter with me now, because I’ve been to the mountaintop.
And I don’t mind. Like anybody, I would like to live
a long life -- longevity has its place. But I’m not
concerned about that now. I just want to do God’s
will. And He’s allowed me to go up to the mountain.
And I’ve looked over, and I’ve seen the Promised
Land. I may not get there with you. But I want you to know
tonight that we, as a people, will get to the Promised Land.
And so I’m happy tonight; I’m not worried about
anything; I’m not fearing any man. Mine eyes have
seen the glory of the coming of the Lord.
The year 1968 was one of political upheaval throughout
the world. In the United States, just two months later,
on June 5, another assassin took the life of Senator Robert
Kennedy, who as attorney general had provided timely assistance
to civil rights activists.
DAYS OF ANGER
The murder of Martin Luther King sparked riots in Washington
and more than 100 other American cities, threatening to
turn a peaceful struggle of African Americans into a violent
racial confrontation. Even before the tragic event, the
movement seemed to be undergoing a transformation that many
of King’s closest associates watched with apprehension.
By May 1966, Stokley Carmichael, veteran of numerous voter
registration drives, had established himself as the new
head of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC),
the principal student organization of the civil rights movement,
whose leadership was growing increasingly impatient with
the gradualist strategy of Martin Luther King and his associates.
In a speech at Greenwood, Mississippi, Carmichael raised
a call for “Black Power.” Where people like
Thurgood Marshall and Martin Luther King had sought integration,
Carmichael instead sought separation. Integration, he said,
was “an insidious subterfuge, for the maintenance
of white supremacy.”
Meanwhile, the Black Panther Party (some accounts trace
the name to a visual emblem for illiterate voters used in
an Alabama voter registration drive), founded in Oakland,
California, in October 1966 by activists Huey P. Newton
and Bobby Seale, employed armed members -- “Panthers”
-- to shadow police officers who, they believed, unfairly
targeted blacks.
While the party briefly enjoyed a measure of popularity,
particularly through its social services programs, armed
altercations with local police resulted in the death or
jailing of prominent Panthers, turned many Americans against
its violent ways, and fragmented the Panther movement. It
petered out in a maze of factionalism and mutual recriminations.
Many feared, however, that King’s assassination would
increase the influence of militant elements within the movement.
At that time, some questioned King’s life work. But
the “Promised Land” that King described was
in many ways far closer than it seemed during the riots
of April 1968.
AMERICAN CONSENSUS
The African-American historical experience will always
be unique. But meaningful federal enforcement of the right
to vote equipped black Americans with the tools that immigrants
and other minority groups long have used to pursue -- and
achieve -- the American Dream. In the United States, people
who vote wield real political power. With the vote -- and
over time -- legal and political equality for African Americans
has produced gains in nearly every walk of life.
John R. Lewis, for example, was one of the Freedom Riders
beaten bloody by a Montgomery, Alabama, mob in 1961. Today
he represents Georgia’s 5th Congressional District
in the U.S. House of Representatives. Nearly 50 of his congressional
colleagues are African Americans, and several of them wield
great political power as chairpersons of in?uential congressional
committees.
In 1963, Denise McNair was among the girls killed when
racist vigilantes bombed Birmingham’s Sixteenth Street
Baptist Church. In 2005, her friend Condoleezza Rice took
office as the nation’s secretary of state.
Black secondary school graduation rates have nearly tripled
since 1966, and the rate of poverty has been nearly halved
in that time. The expansion of the black middle class is
a widely noted social development, as are the many successful
entrepreneurs, scholars and literary and artistic achievers
who are African American.
Although Americans continue to wrestle with issues of race,
those issues differ profoundly from those addressed by Thurgood
Marshall, Martin Luther King and the civil rights movement
generation.
Unquestionably, the civil rights movement forced the American
people to confront squarely the contradiction between their
ideals and the reality of segregation and inequality. In
doing so, it launched the nation far along the path to full
racial equality, a road it is still traveling.
Probably the most important measure of progress is the
emergence -- not least among the younger Americans who will
build the nation’s future -- of a broad and deep consensus
that the shameful histories of slavery, segregation and
disadvantage must be relegated to just that: history.
The materials above are adapted from Free
At Last: The U.S. Civil Rights Movement, a book to
be published on America.gov
during summer 2008.