Press Releases

United States Assistant Secretary for Western Hemisphere Affairs on U.S. Policy Toward Cuba

August 25, 2006

 

Thomas Shannon, United States Assistant Secretary for Western Hemisphere Affairs in a briefing at the Washington Foreign Press Center August 23 discussed with Latin American and Caribbean journalists U.S. Policy Toward Cuba.  Shannon noted that recent events in Cuba have provoked interest in developments in Cuba and raised questions about how the United States and the rest of the international community should respond to help promote a transition to democracy in Cuba.  He stressed the U.S. view that "Cuba's future has to be determined by the Cuban people," adding that it was "imperative that the Cuban people be able to choose their future."

Shannon said a "slow motion transfer of power" has begun, and observed that it was "a very propitious moment" for the international community to discuss a transition to democracy and the importance of finding a way to show solidarity with the Cuban people.

Shannon called on the international community to make clear to the current regime that it must begin a process of political opening that would lead to a transition to democracy in Cuba.  He also encouraged the international community to demonstrate its political support for the Cuban people by providing resources to Cuban civil society that could develop political space inside of Cuba and allow a national dialogue among the Cuban people.

Assistant Secretary Shannon reiterated the offer made by President Bush in May of 2002 to consult with Congress to lift the embargo if the Cuban regime were prepared to release political prisoners, respect human rights, permit the creation of independent organizations such as political parties, trade unions, and civic associations, and create a mechanism and a pathway towards elections.   Shannon said the U.S. looks forward to deepening relations with Cuba once it has begun a political opening and transition to democracy. 

Shannon emphasized that all countries in Latin American and the Caribbean live in a hemisphere that has made a commitment to democracy through the Inter-American Democratic Charter.  The first article of that charter says that all the peoples of the Americas have a right to democracy and their governments have an obligation to promote and defend it.

Shannon said the United States would like to see a Cuba that could reintegrate itself into the inter-American community, return to the Organization of American States, become part of the Inter-American Development Bank and play a useful role in all the other institutions of the Inter-American system.  In order for that to happen, he said, Cuba must have a transition to democracy because democracy is the fundamental requirement to be a member of the OAS and the Inter-American System and to participate in the Summit of the Americas process.

Below is full text of the Foreign Press Brief by Assistant Secretary Thomas Shannon.

 

FOREIGN PRESS CENTER BRIEFING WITH ASSISTANT SECRETARY FOR WESTERN HEMISPHERE AFFARIS THOMAS A. SHANNON

TOPIC: "U.S. POLICY TOWARD CUBA"

THE WASHINGTON FOREIGN PRESS CENTER, WASHINGTON, DC
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 23, 2006, 3:00 P.M. EDT

MODERATOR:  Good afternoon and welcome to the Foreign Press Center.  This afternoon Assistant Secretary of State Tom Shannon will be giving a briefing on U.S. policy towards Cuba.  He'll open with a short statement and then be happy to take your questions.  He's got somewhat of a tight schedule this afternoon, so I'd ask you to try to make your questions short and we'll get through as many as we can.  Thank you.

ASSISTANT SECRETARY SHANNON:  Good afternoon and thank you all very much for your time.  I'm happy to take your questions.

I just wanted to start by making a couple of quick remarks.  First, obviously events in Cuba over the past several weeks have provoked a lot of interest in what's happening in Cuba, how the United States and the rest of the international community would respond and ultimately what the results are going to be of Fidel Castro's health crisis and what it means for the Castro regime in Havana.  And from our point and more importantly what it means in terms of the possibility of a transition to democracy in Cuba.

We believe that, you know, what we're seeing in Cuba today is effectively a slow motion transfer of power that Fidel Castro given his age and given the kind of health crisis he went through is really -- does not appear at least to be in a position to return to the kind of day-to-day management of affairs that he had effectively enjoyed for so many decades.  And that as a result of this, what is happening is the institutions of the totalitarian state, the institutions of the Cuban state, are in a process or period of negotiation as they attempt to determine what the power-sharing arrangements will be. 

From our point of view, this is actually a very propitious moment to begin to talk aloud about the importance of a transition to democracy in Cuba and the importance of finding a way to show solidarity with the Cuban people.  It is our view that Cuba's future has to be determined by the Cuban people.  That ultimately no political solution can be imposed from the outside, neither from the United States nor any other country.  But that it's imperative that the Cuban people be able to choose their future.

President Oscar Arias of Costa Rica in a comment several days ago said that after 47 years of socialism and revolution now might be the time to allow the Cuban people to choose their leadership.  We agree with President Arias.  And we think that this is a moment in which the international community can, number one, make it clear to the current regime that in order for it to continue to enjoy the benefits of associating with the international community it really needs to begin a process of political opening that would lead to a transition to democracy in Cuba.  But that also now is the moment for the international community to make clear to the Cuban people both through its political support but also to providing resources to Cuban civil society; that now is the moment to begin to develop a political space inside of Cuba to allow a national dialogue among the Cuban people so that those people may indeed determine what their own future is.

You might recall that in 2002 President Bush in a speech in May of 2002 effectively made an offer to the Cuban regime.  He said that if the Cuban regime were prepared to free political prisoners, respect human rights -- especially those rights most important for the effective exercise of democracy -- if he were prepared to permit the creation of independent organizations such as political parties, trade unions, civic associations that were dominated by the state, and if he were prepared to create a mechanism and a pathway towards elections that we would look in consultation with our Congress for ways to lift the embargo and begin a deeper engagement with the Cuban state.

In 2002, obviously that offer was rejected by the Castro regime.  But from our point of view, the offer's still on the table and we believe that if the Cuban Government were to begin a political opening and a transition to democracy, we could be in a position following the offer made in 2002 to begin to look at ways to deepen our own relationship with Cuba. 

I'd like to stop there and take your questions.

MODERATOR:  Please wait for the microphone and state your name and organization.

QUESTION:  Paulo Sotero from O Estado de Sao Paulo, Brazil.  Mr. Secretary, I'd like to ask you two questions regarding this offer that you mentioned is on the table.  It is, given the changes of the situation that you described initially, is this an offer the same -- it's on the table the same way it was before, like take the offer or -- and if you don't, we don't talk?  Or is this now an offer that relates to the beginning of a process that could lead Cuba to the objectives that you described in terms of more political participation, freeing prisoners, et cetera?

And the second thing is many analysts I've talked to say that the problem for the United States, in view of what's happening in Cuba, is that you really -- because of the embargo and other things, you don't have a horse in this game.  You don't play.  And that the United States has taken itself out of the possibility of influencing in a positive way the democratization of Cuba.  I'd like to have your reaction.

ASSISTANT SECRETARY SHANNON:  Yeah.  Thank you very much for both of those questions.  I mean, obviously, we have a horse in this race or obviously you wouldn't be here.  I mean, we wouldn't be here if we didn't have a horse in this race.  And the kind of interest that is generated in the U.S. position obviously wouldn't be the case.  And given, you know, the historic interest the United States has had in creating a transition to democracy in Cuba, given the demographic linkages between the United States and Cuba, but also more broadly, given the effort made to work towards democratizing the Americas, our interest in Cuba is profound and we believe we have a significant role to play in a transition.  But that said, it's important to note that this is not about the United States and Cuba.  This is about the United States and the Americas.  We live in a hemisphere that has made a commitment to democracy through the Inter-American Democratic Charter.  It is, if you recall, the first article of that charter, it says that all the peoples of the Americas have a right to democracy and their governments have an obligation to promote and defend it.  We believe that. 

And from our point of view, what we would like to see is a Cuba that could reintegrate itself into the inter-American community, that could return to the Organization of American States, that could become part of the Inter-American Development Bank and could play a useful role in all the other institutions of the Inter-American system.  But in order for that to happen, Cuba must have a transition to democracy because ultimately a democracy is the fundamental requirement to be a member of the OAS, to be a member of the Inter-American System and to participate in the Summit of the Americas process.

And in that regard, the nature of the offer made in 2002 remains the same in the sense that it is through a transition to democracy that Cuba solves its problems, not just with the United States but with the rest of the inter-American community, with the rest of the Inter-American System. 

Now, obviously political openings and democratizations can take a variety of forms.  And we'd be very interested in hearing from the Cubans themselves about how they would -- how they envision that happening, if they envision it at all.  The initial comments that we have received don't seem to indicate a whole lot of interest, but we're listening. 

MODERATOR:  Go to the middle.

QUESTION:  Jesus Esquivel from Proceso magazine of Mexico.  I have two questions for you.  The one on Cuba...  According to some people who know Raul, even some U.S. military officials, they say Raul is more open to talks with the U.S. than Fidel.  And since the fact that in this few days when Fidel was in bed that he took the power and nothing happened inside of Cuba, except in Miami with the Cubans making noise and everything.  Do you think it's time for the U.S. to have more direct talks or conversations with Raul instead of trying to get another conversation with the old regime?  And especially with Cuban military officials who are the supporters of the ways -- the political ways of Raul Castro? 

And the second question has to do with Mexico.  Are you -- I mean, the U.S. Government is it worried that the situation in Mexico City with the people of Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador could result in some political fights on the streets in Mexico or violence in the streets of Mexico, especially from the embassy in the next few days when there's going to be the celebration of the Mexican independence and the last State of the Union by President Fox?

ASSISTANT SECRETARY SHANNON:  Okay.  Let me deal with the first question first and then I'll answer the second.  In regard to Raul Castro or whomever might be representing the regime in Cuba -- and as I indicated earlier, I think what -- in a moment in which the future leadership structure still has not been defined, obviously for public purposes, Raul Castro has been designated as the heir apparent.  But as I indicated, I really think what we're seeing here is a transfer of power to institutions and not to individuals and that there will be, to a certain extent, negotiations among those institutions as they try to come to some kind of power-sharing arrangement with Fidel Castro being some kind of ultimate arbiter.

That said, where the conversation, we think, needs to take place right now is not between us and the regime; it's between the regime and the Cuban people.  Because ultimately, what we're looking at is a sign of political opening.  We're not looking for a diplomatic opening to the United States.  Ultimately, our goal has never been to fix our bilateral relationship with Cuba.  Our goal has been to free the Cuban people and to create a democracy, recognizing that in that process will be the solution to the bilateral problems.  Now as I indicated earlier, there are different manners and forms of opening and we're not sure what to anticipate at this moment, so we're watching intently, we're listening intently.  But at the end of the day, this is something that is not going to be solved between Cuba and outside parties.  Ultimately, Cuba's future is going to be decided inside of Cuba by Cubans and the most we can do is create a context in which that solution can be democratic.

And in regard to Mexico, we continue to underscore our support for Mexico's electoral institutions and its democratic institutions.  We have a lot of confidence in those institutions.  We have a lot of confidence in Mexico's leadership.  And we recognize that this is a moment in which Mexico is waiting for final results to be released by the Supreme Electoral Council and that until those results are announced, that there is no formal winner.  And we plan to respect Mexico's timetable and to wait for those announcements.

You know, Mexico has gone through profound political changes in a very short period of time and it has done so in a peaceful and, I think, a very positive and productive fashion.  It is a tremendous compliment and tribute to Mexico's institutions and, we believe, to the larger commitment of the Mexican people to those institutions.  And therefore, we're confident that Mexico and its institutions will find a way through this period and will emerge with a government that is effective and efficient and democratic.

QUESTION:  Aren't you worried *about violence*?

ASSISTANT SECRETARY SHANNON:  I am not.

MODERATOR:  We have a question from New York.  We'll take that one.

QUESTION:  Mr. Shannon, Diego Senior from Caracol Radio in Colombia.  I have two questions also for you.  The first is about Cuba and the second one about Colombia. 

You just mentioned that you plan to create a context in which you want Cuba to find its way into democracy.  How much is the U.S. willing to give in to create this context? 

And the second question about Colombia is a recent article in the New York Times mentioned that Plan Colombia had basically failed.  We saw a pronouncement by John Walters and Anne Patterson about it, also that they're leaving less money for Plan Colombia.  Do you think that Plan Colombia definitely failed or what do you -- what's your answer to the New York Times also in this very important article?

ASSISTANT SECRETARY SHANNON:  In regard to the first question, again what we're looking for is a political opening in Cuba that begins to create conditions that would allow a democratic transition to take place.  And we kind of sketched out some of the basic components of that such as releasing political prisoners, respecting human rights, allowing the creation of independent organizations, and creating mechanisms and pathways towards free and fair elections.

We think that this is kind of the basic structure that's required to kind of suck the venom and the fear out of the Cuban system and create an environment in which people can begin having conversations with a degree of confidence about what the future of Cuba can be and should be. 

And in this regard it's important to understand again that the international community's role in this, what it can usefully do, is really through its solidarity with the Cuban people.  It's really about sending clear political messages to the regime about the unacceptability of political repression.  It is about sending clear messages to the Cuban people about the willingness to help Cuba move through this transition period, and also in terms of solidarity making it clear that the international community wants Cuba back into the fold, back as part of a community of democratic nations. 

And in this regard we would certainly not see a response to a political opening and to a beginning of a transition process as a giving in; quite the contrary, we would see it as part of a covenant or a contract that we have effectively made with the Cuban people.  And in fact, when the second report of the Commission for Assistance to a Free Cuba was released, also released with it was a compact with the Cuban people in which we made clear kind of what we were prepared to do in the event that a transition would begin. 

In regard to the second question, I mean, obviously we don't think Plan Colombia has failed.  If you look at where Colombia is today compared to where it was five years ago, the differences are striking.  They are profound.  Not only in terms of the ability of the Colombian state to project itself throughout its national territory and its ability to eradicate coca where it was never eradicated previously, such as in the national parks, but also in terms of the kind of confidence that Colombians have expressed themselves about their ability to conduct their business, to travel on their highways, but also the degree to which Colombia moves more easily in the international community. 

One of the clearest signs from our point of view of successful domestic and internal policy is greater influence externally.  And what's evident is that as Colombia has consolidated its democratic security policies, as it has improved its ability to attack not only coca leaf production but also the production of cocaine and its movement, but also as Colombia has gotten kind of deeper control of its larger security problems, it has become a much more influential country outside of Colombia.  And in this regard we see it in Central America, we see it in the Caribbean and we see it in the Andean community.

So from our point of view, Plan Colombia has been a success.  And more importantly, as we engage with Colombia in the future, our job is going to be to make sure that we can consolidate that success and deepen it over time. 

QUESTION:  Thank you.  Sonia Schott with Radio Valera Venezuela and Selecta from Panama. 

Mr. Shannon, I would like to know in couple of days ago the U.S. Administration announced a kind of project mission toward Cuba and Venezuela.  I will like to know what is the meaning of that?  It is more of the old policy toward Cuba, toward Cuba, now Cuba and Venezuela, or it's a kind of new policy toward Cuba and Venezuela, and what do you expect from this new policy?  Thank you.

ASSISTANT SECRETARY SHANNON:  I'm sorry.  But by the new project, what are you referring to? 

QUESTION:  It is kind of -- I don't know.  It is -- it was announced a couple of days ago.  That's why my question.  It's a kind of mission or project.

ASSISTANT SECRETARY SHANNON:  You're referring to the announcement made by the Director of National Intelligence John Negroponte?

QUESTION:  Yes.

ASSISTANT SECRETARY SHANNON:  The position he created was effectively kind of a team chief or mission chief that would manage the analysis of -- effectively creating kind of a Cuba-Venezuela office to manage analysis of information related to both Cuba and Venezuela.  It's part of our effort to understand better the relationship between Cuba and Venezuela and I'm afraid I can't say much more than that at this point.  I think the press release, you know, from the Director of National Intelligence has said about as much as can be said.

But I would like to point out, obviously, that there is a special relationship between Venezuela and Cuba and there is a special relationship between President Hugo Chavez and the Cuban regime, especially the leadership of that regime.  And as I've said in other fora, this is an important moment for Venezuela.  Venezuela has an opportunity, we believe, to play an important and useful role in Cuba's future if it chooses to associate itself with a successful democratic transition, if it chooses to recognize its obligations under the Inter-American Democratic Charter to promote and defend democracy.  And we hope that that's the decision that Venezuela and President Chavez are prepared to take. 

It would be a sad thing indeed, at this particular time in the history of the Americas, after so much effort has been extended to make this a democratic hemisphere, to find ourselves within reach of consolidating that -- the promise of the Americas and making the entire Americas democratic, to find a state prepared to side with a totalitarian regime. 

QUESTION: Gabriel Elizondo from Al-Jazeera International.  Mr. Secretary, can you speak to specifically the importance, in your view, of -- or not thereof of U.S. business interests in the hastening of democracy in Cuba, number one?  Specifically, do you think U.S. business interests are important at all in a potential future transition in Cuba?  And secondarily, is the State Department working at all or consulting at all with any sort of U.S. business interest companies or organizations to help hasten a move to democracy in Cuba?  Thank you, sir.

ASSISTANT SECRETARY SHANNON:  Okay.  Thank you for that question.  Cuba is a country caught in a time warp economically in terms of its infrastructure.  And as Cuba makes a transition to democracy, it also has to make a transition to modernity.  And it has in front of itself some huge challenges, huge environmental challenges, as I mentioned, infrastructure challenges, housing and construction challenges, not to mention everything that would be involved in creating private markets and managing the flow of investment that we believe would be prepared to enter a democratic Cuba.

And in that regard, U.S. business obviously would have a role to play, but what's important to understand here is that as we look at ways to promote a democratic transition in Cuba, this is much more than a U.S. project.  It's a project of the Americas and it's a project of a community of nations that is committed to democracy.  And there are companies now already invested in Cuba that, if they chose to, could play a useful role in a transition.  And we believe that the kinds of opportunities that would be present in a democratic Cuba would be the kind of thing that would sustain a very robust relationship between businesses throughout the world and the Cuban people.  And therefore, you know, while obviously U.S. business would want to be part of that, that there would be an opportunity, I think, for the Cuban people to enjoy prosperity based on investments from many different countries and many different companies. 

And in regard to a consulting with U.S. business, right now, the kinds of consultations we're really involved in, and these have been managed largely through our Secretary of Commerce Carlos Gutierrez, have been about providing humanitarian assistance in the event of a -- the beginning of a transition to democracy.  Because one of the things we want to do along -- you know, working with our partners in the international community is make sure that as Cuba goes through a transition, that the international community can help provide some kind of social safety net so that Cubans do not find themselves in a situation, as big changes take place in their country, where they're suddenly without the kinds of services that they might have expected.  And we think in that sense, U.S. business could play a very important role.

QUESTION:  Yes, thank you.  Maria Pena with EFE News Services.  You made references, at least two or three references to the fact that you want the -- whatever changes happen in Cuba to happen from within the island, no outside parties.  However, the Cuban exile community has played a significant role in, for instance, maintaining the U.S. embargo towards Cuba since 1962.  So you don't see any role for them at all in that transition period?  I mean, the Cuban exile community is the first one to want those changes in the island.  Thank you.

ASSISTANT SECRETARY SHANNON:  There are many people who want the changes in the island and actually it's the U.S. Congress that's maintained the embargo over time and the U.S. Congress represents all 50 states.  And the Cuban-American population is a highly concentrated population, so as important as the Cuban-American population has been to promoting democracy in Cuba, it's important to understand that this has been something -- this is something over time, over many decades, over many administrations and across many political parties has enjoyed broad support.

But in terms of who has an influence on the island, the demographic links between Cubans in Cuba and Cubans outside of Cuba is significant.  And it's not only to the United States; there are large Cuban populations in Spain, there are large Cuban populations in Venezuela and in Mexico and elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere.  And we would certainly see the communication between these different groups as important during a transition simply in terms of the ability to kind of break down a larger information blockade that this regime has sought to impose on the Cuban people.  But ultimately, it is the people inside of Cuba who are going to have to make the decisions and take the actions regarding a transition.  They can expect help.  They can expect solidarity from outside of Cuba from all kinds of different groups.  But ultimately, it is the Cubans in the Cuba who are going to determine Cuba's fate. 

MODERATOR:  We have time for one more.  Yes, sir. 

QUESTION:  Hugo Alconada from La Nacion, Argentina.  On Cuba, clearly, elaborate a little bit more about how your feedback about internal affairs in Cuba, given that, for instance, while Chavez is able to travel over there and talk over there or fund all the projects from Cuba the United States is about to improve now its intelligence about Cuba and Venezuela?  What's your real feedback about what is going on over there? 

ASSISTANT SECRETARY SHANNON:  Well, you have to remember Cuba as a totalitarian regime is very opaque.  This is a regime that does not believe in sharing information.  It believes in guarding information and then using it for political purposes, oftentimes to manipulate.  But we feel that we have a decent understanding of what's happening inside of Cuba.  I mean, we have Interests Section in Havana.  We've had an Interests Section in Havana for quite some time.  And so we have the ability to get out and about and to see what's happening in Cuba.  And again because of the demographic links, there's lots of communication between Cubans on the island and Cubans outside of Cuba. 

And so in that regard, although it's an opaque, opaque regime, it's not necessarily an opaque country.  But I think that this is a moment kind of fraught with possibility, but also fraught with anxiety inside of Cuba because a regime that finds itself in a moment of power transfer, especially a transfer from a leader such as Fidel Castro to effectively institutions, to bureaucrats, is one which is going to be inherently unstable.  These transitions are never easy to make as we've seen throughout the history of communist countries and they almost certainly require greater repression if the regime is to maintain itself. 

And so I think that in Cuba today you have a moment in which there is a degree of hope and desire to have a future which really does involve freedom and democracy and really does allow the Cuban people on an individual basis not only to determine their national destiny, but also to have greater control over their individual destinies.  But at the same time, an anxiety or a fear that the interests of the state, interests that have been created over 47 years of single-party rule, are going to be enormous and that the desires are very small political -- small groups of political elites to maintain those privileges is going to be so intense that they're prepared to use great repression on their own people.  And therefore we're at this kind of crossroads between hopefulness and fear. 

And one of the reasons why it's so important for the international community to speak up today, for the community of democratic nations to speak up today, is to accentuate the hopefulness and to let the Cuban people know that outside of Cuba there is also a hopefulness that Cuba indeed will be democratic, that it will begin a transition to democracy and that through that transition, Cuba will once again become part of the Inter-American community and the Americas can say that we have truly indeed fulfilled our promise as a democratic hemisphere. 

Anyway, thank you all very, very much for your time.  I really appreciate it. 

MODERATOR:  Thank you for coming.

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