LCRBMRP-T0F10

Speech of Hon. James M. TownsendRecorder U.S. Land Office.Wash. D.C.

1891.With Malice towards none, but Charity to all:--LINCOLN.

FREEDOM HONORED!!

The colored citizens of Alexandria, Va., turned out en masse, on New Year's night, January 1, 1891, to celebrate the 28th, anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation. Lannon's Opera House was the place selected for the great observance, and the handsome edifice was crowded, both floors groaning under the weight of the assemblago. Every orchestra chair was filled with the fair sex--never have there been before such an array of Afro-American ladies at a public meeting, giving grace and beauty to an occasion which is sacred to every true Afro-American. The grand stage was well arranged; the scenery being grand and imposing; the arranging being under direction of Mr. Alexander Howard. Upon the stage was seated the orators: Hon. James M. Townsend of Indiana; Mr. H.J. Europe of Alabama; Magnus L. Robinson, editor of the Weekly Leader, chairman of the 00034meeting; Mr. Wm. A Carter, secretary; Rev. Dr. Fields Cook, Pastor Ebenezer Baptist Church; Rev. S.M. Johnson, Pastor Zion Baptist Church; Rev. H. H.. Warring, Pastor Shiloh Baptist Church; R.B. Robinson, Editor Atlantic City Star; Messrs. John H. Harrison, Chairman of the colored League of the 8th district, Childs and Allen of Alabama, and others. At 8 o'clock Editor Magnus L. Robinson, the chairman, arose and stated the object of the meeting in a few pointed remarks, and called upon Rev. Dr. Fields Cook to offer prayer. The vast audience arose and the Rev. Dr. Cook delivered an impressive invocation. Miss Maria Dudley then sang the Star Spangled Banner, accompanied by Miss Maggie Conway, who presided at the piano; Miss Dudley was raptuously applauded. Chairman Robinson, in a clear and distinct voice, then read the letters of regret, which the Washington Post said "had more significance than the usual perfunctiary reading of such letters"--see letters appended. Miss Dudley was again introduced, and sang charmingly, "Erin on the Rhine." The Emancipation Edict as proclaimed by President Lincoln, was read by Mr. Wm. A. Carter, being heartily applauded. Chairman Robinson then introduced the Hon. James M. Townsend of Indiana, our distinguished guest, eminent divine, and the first colored citizen whom President Harrison honored by an appointment to an honorable position in the General Land Office. Recorder Townsend was received with applause. He spoke as follows:

Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen: I sincerely regret the absence of the Hon. gentleman who was to have delivered the address on this occasion, for certainly I feel my inability to fill the place of Prof. Langston, than whom there is no more eloquent, gifted and talented orator among us, (applause). That is right, we should honor such men, and let me say that as a race we will never reach the acme of true manhood and womanhood until we consent to recognize and appreciate our great men. They may not be great in the opinion of some, but they should be great with us because they are ours. I have made no preparation, therefore what I say will be impromptu and hence disconnected. The purposes of this meeting are timely and commendable. We are not met as traitors to the flag of our country, as Nihilists or Communists, opposed to law and order, as vile schemers against the institutions of the republic, nor as plotters against the lives, the peace or the prosperity of our fellow citizens, but we are here as freemen, as patriots, and as Americans. We assemble on this 28th Anniversary of the 00045Emancipation of the American Negro, to thank God for our deliverance, to review the past, to tell of the present and to forecast the future, here to commend the right, to condemn the wrong, and to enter our solemn protest against the conspiracy of silence on the one hand, and of outrage and high handed murderous assaults of our fellow countrymen on the other. In these gatherings we plead for justice, for fair play, for the equality of opportunity for every man in this broad land. We appeal to reason and conscience and law, and counsel moderation and prudence, rather than excite the passions and prejudices of the black Sampson who does not know, as surely as he will know his power for revenge and evil. The vile and base treatment of the negro by the white race during the days of slavery we thought quite sufficient, to say nothing of the absolutely perfidious and hellish practices of reconstruction and Klue Klux times. But is it not strange, that now, 28 years after Emancipation --after the Amendments to the Constitution--after settling as we thought forever the question of our citizenship, in this country we helped to make and save, that insult is added to injury by the traitorous men who sought to destroy this government, banding themselves together for the avowed purpose of disfranchising, ostracising, and by some means or other, getting rid of 8,000,000 of the most loyal, patriotic, and inoffensive people on this continent, simply because of their color. Under the restraining influences of southern civilization in years past, the presence of the negro did not excite the fears or even the disgust of the white men of that section. Indeed his presence was thought to be necessary at the south; blood poisoning was then in its incipient stages, and white men were not alarmed at the thought of "social equality." The best blood of the south mingled with that of the negro, and he was regarded none the less by reason of his Caucasian reinforcement. Much is today being said upon this subject. We loose no sleep over the question of social equality, this matter will regulate itself. There are thousands of white men whom I would not admit to my home, and I presume there are some who would not admit me to theirs; all they have to do is to signify it and I will stay away with a vengeance. It is political and civil equality which is our right, and for which we will ever contend. Freedom ought to mean for us an equal chance before the law, and in the business world, and if we don't have it, we ought to raise a howl. We are here to ask and answer questions. I ask first, what did freedom mean for the colored American? Second, what does it now mean? I for one will try to make 00056it mean something. I stand here in a large sense as the creator of the world in which I live; every man or woman is in this sense the creator of the world in which he or she lives. You must determine very largely the circle in which you move--the plane you occupy. I do not believe that every colored boy in the laud can be President, Cabinet officer, or go to Congress, but every lad here may be a man, and to be a man is to be something. Every girl--every miss may be a lady, and to be a lady is to be something. There are some people who say that because your skin is black you cannot be a gentleman, or a lady. Whoever thus belies and slanders my people in that way misstates the truth, and he is a liar. In our peculiar situation, the fate of one is the lot of all. Whenever a colored man, by his own meanness and wrong doing goes down, I go down with him; and whenever a colored man, by his own ingenuity and effort goes up, I go up. Whenever a colored girl spits in the face of a white scoundrel who insulted her, she elevates, dignifies, glorifies negro womanhood, (great applause) and there ought to be more spitting in the face than there is. Indeed it is time for us to say to the slanderers and vilfiers of our race, to the robbers who steal our labor and our votes, and murder and lynch our kindred, that it is time for them to call a halt; that we are here not from our choice in the first instance, but brought here through the avarice and greed of white men, and here we will stay until God, who has this matter in charge, shall decree otherwise. "God visits the iniquities of the fathers upon the children unto third and fourth generation." This nation seems to forget that while the colored people were, and are the immediate sufferers at the hands of the slave power, the white people will surely be the remote sufferers, and that the institution of slavery entailed pains and penalties which must be met and endured in the generations following. Slavery divided this nation in opinion, in sentiment, in education, in religion, in government; it nursed into life and fostered rival civilizations as opposite and terrible in their purpose, until their clashings were lulled into a calm by repeated compromises, and finally culminated in a most bitter civil war. The part we played was purely incidental. The war, as Mr. McCollouch has truthfully said, was not a war between freedom and African slavery--this only entered as a war measure. The logic of events proves that it was only a temporary, success which the north gained into the late war, for it is completely in the power of the south as it was in 1859 and '60. The destruction of the chattel feature of slavery, the war debt, and the yet unhealed 00067wounds and vacant chairs of the dead are about all that is left of the war. The pernicious doctrine of states rights, the insolent demands of the master class, and the determination to rule or ruin, were never more rampant than today. They have changed in form and methods, but their meaning and purpose are the same. By the faith that I have in the unchanging love of God towards all people, I am led to believe that there is a better and brighter future before us, viewed in the light of recent discussions--political economists would have us believe that the negro is fundamentally and essentially inferior, and can never be equal to his white neighbors. My neighbor is as good as I, and I am as good as any man that God has made, whether he be white or black. Too long have men argued that one class was born to rule, and another class to be ruled. Too long have my people felt that there was some sort of a distinction. I always wish for a pair of No. 12 stogy boots with nails in them when I see a colored man in a public place, where good breeding does not require it, take off his hat with one hand, and scratch his head with the other, acknowledging thereby the presence of his master. With equal protection and equal privileges we may be and ought to be the equals of our fellows. Bancroft, the great historian, says: "In will, affection, intellect, every member of the human race is consubstantial with every other, and no emotion, passion, or capability of one, however base or blessed, but exists potentially, in every human soul." Our white fellow citizens--many of them are beginning to respect us. These letters of regret, which I hold in my hand speak volumes. Only a quarter of a century removed from slavery, and the President, Cabinet officers, and other great men of this great Republic, stop the wheels of government to write you, Mr. Chairman, to give expressions of their good will, and regrets that they cannot be present. There was a time when your communications would have been regarded as insults, or found their way to the waste basket unanswered. But, remember ladies and gentlemen, you will only be respected as you respect yourselves. Freedom does not mean to do as you please. Liberty does not mean license. Liberty should mean the right to think, to act, to be just as others under proper restrictions, and just and equal laws, no more, certainly no less. "The Gods help them who help themselves." I have little faith in any sort of legislation that is to settle and fix our status. Legislation and political parties will not do it. These are only helps. The negro must take up his own case and work out his own destiny. Our white friends will help us, but in the main the work is to be 00078done by ourselves. God never does for a man what that man can do and ought to do for himself; we must exert ourselves to the last extremity, then is God's opportunity. Without fault finding, we have a goodly heritage, and there are many noble christian men and women in this land ready to help and cheer us on in our advancement. There has always been "salt" enough in the earth to save it; enough of Godly influence to prevent the hounds of hell from tearing us to pieces. There is much to encourage us. The President, heads of departments, a majority in Congress, a more liberal sentiment among the mass, all show friendliness to the cause of our general advancement, and in the end, with God's favor, I believe that things will balance up and adjust themselves.

Mr. H.J. Europe of Alabama, was then introduced, and delivered a 10 minutes speech, with great force and eloquence. Miss Dudley was then requested to sing "Margunette," which carried the house by storm. At the conclusion of the soul-stiring songster, Rev H. H. Warring, advanced to the foot-lights and pronounced the benediction, and thus closed one of the largest, enthusiastic and grandest meetings ever held in the city of Alexandria. May the great act of the great Lincoln never be forgotten by Afro-Americans and their descendents.

PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S CABINET OFFICER:HON. HUGH MCCULLOCH ON EMANCIPATION.WASHINGTON, D.C., December 30, 1890.MR. MAGNUS L. ROBINSON,CHAIRMAN EMANCIPATION CELEBRATIONAND EDITOR WEEKLY LEADER, Alexandria, Va.

I am sorry that I shall be unable to be present at the Emancipation Meeting on the 1st proximo; but I have pleasure in complying with your request, that I should send a letter to be read at the meeting on the 1st day of January, 1891. On the 22nd day of September, 1862, President Lincoln announced his determination to declare, that on the first day of January, 1863, in all states or parts of states which should then be in rebellion against the United States, all persons held in bondage should be free. On that memorable day, ever to be held sacred by the freedmen of the United States and their descendants, the President in the exercise0008

HON. HUGH McCULLOCH,Member of President Lincoln's CabinetTwice honored with the Secretaship of the U.S. Treasury.

000910of his authority, as Commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy, as a necessary war measure, for the suppression of the rebellion, issued his proclamation, the most important act that was ever performed by Executive authority declaring that in all the slave holding states, except the western part of Virginia, some counties in the eastern part of that state, and certain Parishes in Louisiana, all persons held as slaves, should then and thenceforward, be Free. The Proclamation closed with the following impressive language "upon this act, sincerely believed, to be an act of justice, warranted by the Constitution, upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate judgement of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God." In 1865, in order that all doubts in regard to the perpetuity of the freedom bestowed by the President's proclamation, might be removed. And freedom made comprehensive the 13th Amendment of the Constitution was adopted, by which involuntary servitude, except as punishment for crime, was absolutely abolished throughout the Union. Thus by the President's proclamation, and an amendment of the Constitution, some four millions of people who had been held in bondage, and owned and treated as property, were endowed with all the rights and privilleges of freemen except the vote. This was not then granted, because the elective franchise was under the control of the states, and because of the unfitness of recent slaves to properly exercise it. Subsequently, however, the apprehension that perfect freedom might not be secured in the right to vote, having become prevalent throughout the Eastern, Middle and Western States, the 15th Amendment of the Constitution was adopted, which prohibited all discriminations on account of race and color, by the following language, "the right of citizens of the United States to vote, shall not be denied or abridged by the United States, or any state, on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude." This amendment of the Constitution put the recent slaves and their descendants upon a political equality with other citizens. Whether or not this absolute and unconditional infranchisement of a race, which had never enjoyed the rights which are considered necessary for the intelligent use of the ballot, was wise or not, is an open question. It was, I know, the opinion of Mr. Lincoln, and other friends of the colored race, it certainly was mine, that some qualification such as the ownership of taxable property, or ability to read and write, or both should have been required for the exercise of the right to vote as an inducement for the acquisition of what is needful on the part of self 001011governing people. The ballot in the hands of those who have an interest in the public welfare, and the intelligence to use it discreetly, is an all important and beneficial power, in the hands of ignorant, poverty-stricken men who are the dupes of those who make politics a trade, it is an instrument of mischief and mischief only. It is the fear of the governing class that the colored vote, will be controlled by bad men, for pernicious purposes, that presents a full and free ballot in most of the Southern States. The franchise, as used by a large part of naturalized citizens, is a menace to the very life of our free institutions. It is to be hoped that our state laws will soon be so changed as to put restrictions upon the voting power of immigrants, but it is neither possible or desirable that the right to vote should be taken from the native born colored people. Whether the unconditional right to use of the ballot was wisely bestowed upon them, whether they were only nominally freemen or free men in fact, depends upon themselves. There is a prevailing opinion that the African are naturally an inferior race, that if they had not been, the dark clouds of ignorance and barbarism, which have for ages, rested upon a great and fertile country, would long since have been dispelled, and she would have been ranked among the civilized nations of the world. These are good, but not conclusive grounds for this opinion. Other races, especially those of European origin, have had superior advantages for enlightment and culture; there was a time when they also were barbarians. How the differences between them were brought about cannot now be fully determined. A partial explanation only may be found in the fact that the whites have always been a warlike and courageous race. To enslave or to exterminate the weak or less civilized people with whom they have come in contact, seems to have been their province--not so with the Africans. There are in the interior of Africa tribes of people not excelled by Europeans in natural capacity, who although frequently at war among themselves, have not waged war of extermination against the inferior people upon the coast, thus opening the way to civilization from abroad. Now, at last, the way is being opened, and the time is at hand, for the lifting of the heretofore impenetrable clouds that have rested upon Africa and for its being opened to light with which Christianity is slowly but surely enlightening the rest of the world, that Africans are not different in natural capacity, is proven by those who have had opportunities for its development. In England, where no prejudice bars the way to their business and social intercourse with the whites, I have met 001112colored men well fitted to play an honorable part in all the walks of life. In the United States there are hundreds who are gifted with eloquence and distinguished by their attainments, thousands who are giving evidence of their possessing, in a large manner, the ability now so highly regarded for money making. Changes in the condition of mankind have been the results of apparently hostile causes; but for slavery the light of civilization might not now be shining upon Africa; but for slavery colored men would not have been in the United States to show in numerous instances that the inferority of their race might be circumstantial--not natural. It is now for the millions in the United States to show that they are not only worthy of freedom, but that the race to which they belong, has the natural capacity for high civilization. The work before then is not of easy accomplishment. A majority of the ruling classes in most of the states, regards them as not only being inferior in mental capacity, but scarcely fitted for the use of the privilleges that have been bestowed upon them. This prejudice against them is too deeply rooted to be speedily overcome, but it will be if their privileges are rightly used. To this end they must cease to form themselves into seperate communities, as they now do in some states, where, instead of improving, they are becoming degraded to such an extent, that they practice in the name of religion, the rites which christianity is intended to uproot. They must send their children to the free schools, to be taught not only the elementary branches, but so to be instructed, that they will become trustworthy citizens. They should not attempt to obtain supremacy in the government of states, in all the states, except South Carolina and Mississippi the whites are in the majority; in all states they are the large property owners, and the best fitted to exercise the governing power. This the colored people should not undertake to prevent; if they do, they will be unsuccessful, and antagonism will be ruined, and the advancement retarded. The South will cease to be politically solid when the colored vote is divided, as it will be, when the voters do their own thinking and vote according to their party feelings and principles. The whites have always been divided, and pretty evenly divided upon political questions when not united in defending common rights; so will blacks be when freed from outside pressure; they will become members of the two great parties into which the country has ever been divided; some will be Republicans, and some Democrats; to neither party are they indebted for their freedom; this was bestowed as a military necessity to save the Union and it 001213should be used for the common good and the preservation of free institutions. As they become independent voters, they will stand practically, as well as legally, on political equality with the whites. As they become intelligent, they will share in the governing power. They will be found in all halls of legislatures as they now are in some--in Congress and other prominent places. There need be no solicitude on their part in regard to the franchise. They can never be deprived of it. In some states and cities they hold the balance of power and their votes are anxiously sought after in many instances, unfortunately bid for by both parties. They can prevent hostile legislature if any should be attempted. Happily, however, they are a part of the great body politic, and there can be no legislature that will not be equal in its bearings, beneficial or prejudicial to all constituents alike. The welfare of the colored people in the United States is in their own keeping. That it will be carefully preserved and advanced I do not doubt. Such meeting as the one I address can not fail to do great good. In the character of their members, they disprove the doctrine of natural disparity in the races. The first of January must ever be memorable to the colored people of the United States. If it is proper to celebrate the Fourth of July as the day in which the United Colonies proclaimed their independence of their mother country, how much more fitting is it that the First of January should be celebrated as the day in which President Lincoln proclaimed freedom from servitude to millions of people. May the day be ever honored by the freedmen and their descendants, and thrice honored the name of the man by whose act it was made memorable.HUGH McCULLOCH.

CORRESPONDENCE.Treasury Department,Washington, December, 26, 1890. Mr. Magnus L. Robinson,Chairman, Etc., Alexandria, Ta.

My Dear Sir:--I regret that my engagements, and the necessity for reserving my strength, as much as possible, for the performance of my official duties, will prevent me from accepting your invitation to attend the 28th celebration of the Emancipation Proclamation, to be held in your city on Thursday evening, January 1st. It is with feeling of deep 001314gratification that I contemplate the changed conditions of the colored race resulting from the great event which is to be commemorated. It is a subject of sincerest congratulations with every true American, that a people, who suffered bondage for hundreds of years, whose yoke was so strong and cruel, that only a war with untold and unutterable sacrifice could throw it off, have, in little more than a quarter of a century, by forbearance, by patience, by strength of purpose, by industry and toil, stood erect and borne the burdens and honors of citizenship with credit to themselves and benefit to their fellow man. The occasion will be rich in retrospect. You will have eloquent speakers, who will recount to you in entertaining terms the advance made since the days of the martyred president, as in all reforms, the most-self satisfying element is that of progress; but they will not look to the past alone, they will tell you of the work yet to be done, of the educational field, of a higher standard of moral stamina to be attained, of greater self-reliance to be required, of spiritual and material advantages to be gained, and advise the continued exercise of lawful and peaceable endeavors to secure in all the United States the entire privileges and protection which the Constitution guarantees alike to all our citizens. There is one name which, above all others, will be in the minds of the assemblage. As these anniversaries recur, I am more and more impressed with the fortitude, the heroic conduct, the grandeur of that man, and I can express no better sentiment than to wish that not only your proceedings, but the future of your race may be guided by the spirit of Lincoln.

Very truly yours,WILLIAM WINDOM.

DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR, GENERAL LAND OFFICE.Washington, D.C., December 12, 1890.MR. M.L. Robinson,Alexandria, Va.

Dear Sir:--Your invitation to be present Thursday evening January 1, 1890, is at hand and in reply I have to state that I appreciate the honor confer and D. V., I shall be with you.

Very Respectfully,J. M. Townsend.

0014

HON. SHELBY M. CULLOM,Legislator, Governor, Congressmanand U.S. Senator.The Negro's Staunch Friend.A Stalwart of Stalwarts.

001516

Office of the Postmaster General.Washington, D.C., November 21, 1890. Mr.Magnus L. Robinson,Chairman, Alexandria, Va.

Dear Sir:--I thank you for your cordial invitation to attend the 28th anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation, and very much regret that my other engagements on that day will prevent its acceptance.

Very truly yours,JNO. WANAMAKER.

Anacostia, D.C. Dec. 29, 1890.Mr. Magnus L. Robinson,Chairman of the Committee.

Dear Sir:--Your kind invitation to be present at the 28th anniversary of Emancipation, January 18, 1891, has been received. I thank you for the honor, and regret my inability to be with you in person-in spirit I am always with you. We have travelled a long-long distance, from the depths of the hell black system of slavery-we are young in liberty, and old in slavery. It will take no little time to work out the many evils that our condition heaped upon us. We cannot forget the past if we would; the many obstructions which are continually being placed in our path, are constant reminders of our past and present condition. The efforts that you and your association are making, tends to show the progressive spirit of our people. "Forward" is the word.

Respectfully yours.FREDERICK DOUGLASS, JR.

Office Director,U.S. Geological Survey.Washington, D.C., Dec. 12, 1890.Mr. Magnus L. Robinson,Chairman, Etce, Alexandria, Va.

DEAR SIR:--It is with pleasure that I acknowledge receipt of your letter of invitation to attend the 28th celebration of the Emancipation Proclamation in the city of Alexandria, Va. I regret to state by reason of a previous engagement, I will be unable to be present. The Emancipation which gave liberty to the American citizen of African descent of the United States was a great boon, and will be more highly appreciated as decades and centuries pass. It should ever be remembered, that with freedom and complete citizenship, 001617a great responsibility is imposed upon your race; you have been instructed with the higher gift of civilization by being made the custodian of your own welfare; to fulfil this trust, industry, intelligence, integrity, and justice must be cultivated. This is the task set your people, and by its proper performance you may be made worthy of the boon conferred upon you by Lincoln-the good, the just, and the wise. With earnest wishes for your prosperity on the journey to higher civilization.

I am yours cordially,J. W. POWELL.

Department of Justice.Washington, D.C., December 15, 1890.Mr. Magnus L. Robinson,Alexandria, Va.

DEAR SIR:--Yours, asking me to attend the 28th celebration of the Emancipation Proclamation, at Alexandria, on the First of January, is received. It would give me pleasure to be present on that occasion, but it is impossible for me now to make a promise to do so. It is quite uncertain whether I will be here at that time. Please accept my thanks for your invitation.

Very Truly Yours,W. H. H. MILLER.

American Security and Trust Company.Washington, D.C., November 26, 1890.Magnus L. Robinson, Esq.,Alexandria, Va.

Sir:--I acknowledge invitation of the 24th instant to attend the 28th anniversary of the "Emancipation Proclamation," at a celebration on first of January,1891. I take great interest in the well being of the Afro-American, and sincerely trust that your celebration will be not only as successful as may desire, but, that the principle of the Emancipation Proclamation, hereafter, may be carried into ultimate effect, as affecting your citizenship. I regret however, that I shall be unable to be present as the day in question is quite a festal day in my family, it being the birthday of my eldest son..

Yours Truly,A. T. BRITTON.

001718

Office of the Boston Courant,Boston, Mass., Dec., 16, 1890.

Magnus L. Robinson, Esq.,Alexandria, Va.

My Dear Sir:--Your invitation to be present at the celebration of the Emancipation Proclamation in January, came to hand in due season. In reply, permit me to express my sincerest thanks and appreciation for the honor done me. I apprehend that I shall be prevented from being with you on account of pressing business. I share the opinion held by many of our sires, that it is eminently fitting that we gather together in our different communities on the recurrence of each anniversary, and speak of the great day that brought personal liberty to our race in the nation. It is a day when we should tell the country in plains terms that the freedom which came to us at that day shall be preserved even if its preservation required the sacrificing of our lives; that we intend to contest every inch of ground until we secure all the rights of freemen and American citizens. I see that the Hon. John M. Langston is to be the orator. You could have no grander man than he to speak for the race on that occasion; he always strikes a high key, the refrain of which is invariably heard throughout the republic.

Yours for the race,J. GORDON STREET,Editor Boston Courant.

Committee on Post Offices and PostRoads, United States Senate,Washington, D.C., Dec 22,1890. Magnus L. Robinson,Chairman, Etc..

My Dear Sir:--Yours of the 20th, inviting me to take the honorable position on the stage at the anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation, held in Alexandria, in January 1, 1891, received. I thank you for the high honor, and did not other engagements prevent, would certainly avail myself of the privilege to be with you on the occasion, and the surrounding would certainly be of interest to me; there it was where my kinsman, Col. Elmer Ellsworth, met his untimely death early in the great struggle for the preservation of the liberty of our country, and though he sleeps in a quiet grave 001819in a little hamlet in our native state, New York, it is fitting that his friends should meet to celebrate the anniversary of the event made doubly sacred, not only in giving liberty to an oppressed race, but by being baptized in the blood of such great and noble men as he. God grant that the sacrifice then made, may never be lost or surrendered is the wish of your writer.

Yours truly,W. T. ELLSWORTH.

Office The New York Age,New York, Dec. 1, 1890.

Magnus L. Robinson, Esq.,Alexandria, Va.

Dear Sir:--Your favor of the 28th ultimo was received. In reply permit me to say I have to regret that I am unable to accept the invitation you so kindly extended to me to attend the Emancipation Celebration in January 1st.

Yours very truly,T. THOMAS FORTUNE.

U.S. Senate,WASHINGTON, D.C., Dec. 30, 1890. Mr M.L. Robinson,Alexandria, Va.

Dear Sir:--I have your letter of the 27th inst., inviting me to the anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation on January 1st, and I regret exceedingly that it will be impossible for me to be present on account of previous engagement. Thanking you for the invitation, I am very truly yours,

GEO. L. SHOUPE.

NAVY DEPARTMENT,OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY,WASHINGTON, Dec. 18, 1890.

MR. MAGNUS L. ROBINSON,Alexandria, Va.

DEAR SIR:--In reply to your invitation the Secretary wishes me to express his regret that other engagements already made 001920will prevent him from being present at your 28th celebration of the Emancipation Proclamation.

Yours truly,H. N. RAYMOND,Private Secretary,

United States Senate.Washington, D.C., November 23, 1890.

Magnus L. Robinson, Esq.,Chairman Etc.,Alexandria, Va.

Dear Sir:--I have your favor of the 20th instant, inviting me to be present at the 28th celebration of the Emancipation Proclamation, January 1, 1891. I am not able now to say whether my engagements will be such as to render it practicable. If able to do so, I shall gladly be present. I thank you for the compliments of your invitation.

Yours Very Truly,JOHN C. SPOONER.

Freedman's Hospital.,Washington, D.C., December 15, 1890.

Mr. Magnus L. Robinson,My Dear Sir:--Your letter is at hand. I thank you for your kind invitation to be present at your Emancipation Celebration January 1st. Prior engagements will not permit me to accept. Trusting your meeting will be a success.

I remain Yours Truly,C. B. PURVIS.

Washington, D.C., December 27, 1890.

M. L. Robinson, Esq.,Chairman etc.,Dear Sir:--I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your kind favor of the 25th instant, in behalf of the Colored Citizens of Alexandria, inviting me to be present at the 28th anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation exercises at the Opera House of your city, on New Years night, 1891. In reply, I desire to express my regrets that my New Years engagements will prevent my acceptance thereof; and to say 002021that my heart sympathizes and rejoices with your people when they commemorate their escape from the bonds of slavery. Your people are now free, under the constitution and laws of your country, but that does not emancipate you as citizens from the prejudices of those who once held you as slaves, and their descendents, who regret your loss as property and would resist the passage of a law that promises to protect you in your voting rights as acknowledge citizens. The resistance that confronts the Election Bill on the part of the Ex-confederates in U. S. Senate, gives evidence of a hostilty to your enjoying free suffrage, and the law's protection that would, if it could, strip you of your citizenship, and if possible, relegate you in slavery. The Race hatred of the late slave states did not die with the Rebellion, but lives on to vex you if it cannot enslave you. It is to be hoped that the great Ruler of the universe who gave success to the union arms until the slaves was set free, will preserve your people with his protecting care, until their citizenship is respected as fully as is their freedom.

Very Respectfully, etc.,A.M. CLAPP.

Washington, D. C, December 24, 1890.

Mr. Magnus L. Robinson,Alexandria, Va.

Dear Sir:--Your letter of the 27th ultimo was received by me on the 23rd instant. The invitation which your committee so cordially extended to me is as cordially accepted. It pleases me at all times to be participant in act or person, of all Anniversary Celebration in which the Negro plays a dignified part. I will be on hand without fail.

Yours for Success,CHAS. A. JOHNSON,Chicago "Appeal."

Department of Agriculture,WASHINGTON, D.C., December 5, 1890.

Mr. Magnus L. Robinson,Alexandria, Va.

Sir:--I have the honor to acknowledge with thanks receipt of your invitation to be present at your celebration of the 28th anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation. It is impossible 002122to state at this time what my duties may require, or will permit, so far in advance, but if possible I shall do myself the honor of being present.

I am yours very Respectfully,EDWIN WILLETS,ASSISTANT SECRETARY.

Alexandria, Va., January 1, 1891.

MR. M.L. ROBINSON.

DEAR SIR:--I essayed to read aloud the letters you sent me this afternoon and found that my hoarseness and cough must interfere with my reading, for that reason I must decline the honor of taking part in the exercises of to-night. I do this with regret, but I can not with justice to myself read under so difficult circumstances.

Respectfully,NORMAN B. PINN, TEACHER PUBLIC FREE SHOOLS.

Howard University,Washington, D.C., December 6, 1890.

Magnus L. Robinson, Esq.,

Dear Sir:--I shall be happy to be present on the 1st, and if you desire to say a few words.

Very Truly,J .E. RANKIN.

Department of State,Washington, D.C., December 22, 1890.

Dear Sir:--Mr. Blaine has received your letter of the 16th instant, a reply to which has been delayed in the hope that an opportunity might be found to comply with your request. He regrets that he now finds that the press of important official matters before his department requiring his personal attention, will make this impossible.

Very Respectfully Yours,LEWIS A. DENT,PRIVATE SECRETARY.

To Magnus L. Robinson, Esq.,

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executive Mansion,Washington, D.C., November 19, 1890.

Mr. Magnus L. Robinson,Alexandria, Va.

MY DEAR SIR:--The President directs me to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 17th instant, and to express his thanks to you for the courtesy of your invitation, but the day of which you speak will be a very hard one on him. The usual New Year's reception must be held, and it is not all probable that he can attend your meeting, much as it would please him to do so were it practicable.

Very truly yours,E W.. HALFORD,PRIVATE SECRETARY.

Washington, D.C., December 29, 1890.

Mr. Magnus L. Robinson,

Dear Sir:--It is with deepest regret that I now write you, for I find at the last hour that I will be unable to attend the Emancipation Celebration to be held in your city on January 1st, 1891. My desire is to be with you, as I well know that it will be a success. Hoping that the proceedings will stand as a bright monument to the race in the future.

I am very Respectfully,FRANK COLE.

Vice-presidents Chamber,Washington, D.C., December 12, 1890.

Dear Sir:--I regret very much that previous engagements render it impossible for me to accept your kind invitation in behalf of the colored citizens of Alexandria, to attend the celebration of the 28th anniversary of the Proclamation of Emancipation. The event is one in which I take much interest and it would afford me much pleasure to be present were it not for the reasons stated above.

Very Truly Yours,LEVI P. MORTON.To Magnus L. Robinson, Esq.,Alexandria, Va.

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MAGNUS L. ROBINSON,Editor Weekly Leader,Chairman of the Emancipation Committee andPresident of the S.M. CULLOM CLUB,of Alexandria, Va.