Multiplying benefits and blessings have followed the triumph of Equal Suffrage in Colorado. The campaign of 1893 was a most notable one in the universal contest for equal rights for women. The victory was complete, and in its brilliant train of happy results are the substantial trophies of conquest which stand as a pledge for the final redemption of society. Now, after the experience of five years in the use of the ballot, the women of Colorado have come to a realization that the exercise of suffrage is but the open way of opportunity to their noble aspirations and their wider sphere of usefulness as equal factors with men in all human affairs.

This practical understanding of the privileges of citizenship has stimulated the women of Colorado to a wonderful activity along all lines of public and private improvement, an activity that gives the most hopeful promise of future good to the community and furnishes the most satisfactory refutation of the dark prophesies of unbelievers.

What was first, by custom termed the “Woman's Rights” movement began in America in the middle of this century, in connection with the anti-slavery agitation, with which it at first identified itself. The first Woman's Rights Convention was held at Seneca Falls, N. Y., July 19-20, 1848. An event in connection with the anti-slavery movement, transpiring in the city of London, eight years previous, is stated by Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton as the prime incentive to this first convention. The American delegation to the great World's Anti-Slavery Association Convention, held in London in 1840, 0064included eight American women noted for their intelligence and refinement and more particularly for their courageous work for universal freedom, especially in behalf of the Southern slaves. These delegates were Lucretia Mott, Sarah Pugh, Abby Kimber, Elizabeth Neal, Mary Grew, Ann Green Phillips, Emily Winslow and Abby Southwick. At the very beginning of convention proceedings these ladies were confronted by a resolution declaring their ineligibility to speak, vote or serve on committees, for the reason only that they were women. They found almost the entire English delegation and many of their American brothers arrayed against them. The strong plea of the English was that such a precedent was calculated to create a social revolution which would weaken the whole system of government in church and state. It was the Rev. Henry McGrew of Philadelphia, who voiced the sentiment of the American male delegation in saying it was “against the usages of England and the ordinances of God.” The women were defeated, and thus, in their noble battle of twenty years for humanity, they had the double battle to fight against the tyranny of sex and color at the same time.

Mrs. Stanton and Susan B. Anthony are authorities for the statement that the movement for woman suffrage, both in England and America, may be dated from the “World's Anti-Slavery Convention.” Though these women and their associates in America continued to work with unabated zeal for the abolition of slavery, the London incident had quickened their impulse and strengthened their resolution to move in behalf of their own liberty, and this intensified feeling, after the growth of eight years, resulted in the Seneca Falls convention. The persistent agitation of the cause and the long series of events incident to the work during this period of fifty years is now a part of the history of the nation.

Thus endowed with all the rights and privileges of citizenship, at the earliest opportunity the women performed the requisite duty of registration and then began to prepare themselves for the full and intelligent exercise of their rights. Very appropriately, Mrs. John L. Routt was the first woman registered in the state. The greater number of them have registered and voted at all subsequent elections. Many of them have become adepts in the knowledge of state craft and political affairs and not a few have been elected to office, though as a rule, the women who fought the battles for equal suffrage have not sought public preferment. Apathy and a somewhat misguided sense of feminine delicacy have deterred some women from voting, a comparative few declare their aversion to the principle of equal rights in politics. Those who appreciated the gift as a blessing, full of promised benefits to their sex, went immediately into training for the more effectual exercise of the privileges and duties of their new position. But little time passed after their enfranchisement are the women began the study of political history, political economy and the science of practical political work.

In this primary school, “Fisk's Civil Government in the United States” and “Parliamentary Law” were the popular studies. During the first eight months one firm in Denver sold a larger number of books on political economy than they had sold in twenty years before. As a result of their investigations, when woman made her first appearance in the political arena of Colorado she was not unarmed for the conflict, and her 02826effective work in the campaigns and in matters of legislation has proved her capability as an important factor in public affairs.

At the outset of woman's career in politics there was no little speculation as to her partisan affiliation when the time should come for her to make her choice. Among the more enlightened concerning party politics were women as firmly grounded in their political convictions as the best of men, who were as able to expound the doctrines of their respective parties or give a reason for their faith. But among the masses the wide-spread teachings of Populism was as seeds sown upon fruitful soil, and the Populist women, being the first to form a partisan organization, and that very early in the memorable state campaign of 1894, it was feared by the leaders of the old parties that there would be a serious defection through the women's vote from the strength upon which they had reckoned for their ranks, and by the same estimate, the Populist leaders expected the women's vote to make up in some measure for the disaffection that had become apparent among the men in that party. Subsequent events proved these hopes and fears to have been groundless. There was another source of doubt as to the probable course of the women. It was feared that their first effort would be to purify politics by their immediate insistence upon the many measures of reform that have for generations been the perpetual scare-crow of the politician. Inasmuch as the Republican Party had always been in the ascendancy in Colorado, until it was defeated by the People's Party and the Democrats in 1892, and as there had for many years existed a factional feud between the element called “the gang,” charged with corrupt practices, and the other element styling themselves “respectable Republicans,” there could be no doubt that the Republican women would unite with the latter, or, if need be, to carry out their purposes of reform, cast the balance of power with another party. But 02927the women were not concerning themselves with such useless problems. They were only trying to find out where they could put their vote to do the most good. From the beginning of the campaign it was very clear that the Democrats could accomplish nothing, and it was conceded by them that the contest for the state ticket would be between the Republicans and the People's Party. Therefore, attracted by the motto of the Republican Party, which was at the same time the outcry of “Down with Waiteism and Misrule” and a pledge of “good order, good government and prosperity” under a return to Republican administration, a majority of the women were induced to cast their first votes for that ticket. In this way it was inferred that, for the most part, under force of peculiar conditions, they voted in harmony with their husbands and male relatives, the Republicans adhering solidly to their party and many Democratic women casting their votes for the Democratic nominees as an expedient in behalf of good government—according to their view of the case. In their separate organizations, the women as a rule, in their first campaign, were tenacious of party principle, and for the sake of that principle were unswerving Republicans, or Democrats or Populists, according to choice. It is only natural to assume that many of the new voters had not had time within this novitiate period of a few months to fully analyze the intricate differentiation of party doctrine. And then, it was in the midst of a time when many of their elderly brethren, more advanced in political wisdom were themselves puzzled in their attempt to define their own political convictions. But whatever their choice of party, there can be no doubt the women were sincere and that they participated with understanding and an enthusiastic loyalty in the election.

However, their partisanship, along the strict lines of fealty to old party principles was destined to be of short duration, 03028for the campaign of 1896 was a peculiar one in that free silver was the dominant issue and drew both men and women away from old party allegiance.

In the national campaign of that year, which will go into history as the “Bryan Silver Campaign,” the Democratic ticket was supported in Colorado by Republicans, Populists and the new organization known as the “National Silver Party,” all these, with the Democrats, having a fair division of the woman's vote. Their vote for the National Republican (McKinley) ticket was inconsiderable. In the state campaign there was a fusion in the state and county tickets by the Democrats with the Silver Republicans, and the Populists with the National Silver Party. There were five other tickets in the field, and the result of the election for governor was as follows: Democrat-Silver Republicans, 86,881; Populist-National Silver Party, 71,808; Republican (McKinley), 23,845; Middle of the Road Populist, 3,421; Social Labor, 221; National, 360; Prohibition, 1,807.

Thus, between all these political organizations the vote of the women was divided. In the very nature of these divisions they have had an extraordinary and valuable experience. Through all the complicated and ever-changing situations they have been active, enthusiastic participants. Starting first in the secret councils of the ward, they have acquired knowledge and skill in the mysterious workings of the primaries, have presided and controlled in caucus, have contended successfully for their rights in committee and upon the platform, held their own in the conventions, won victories at the polls, have held seats in the halls of legislation and taken position in offices of state. It would seem that their enfranchisement came at a time that was most auspicious for their intellectual development and their advancement upon the political plane. Had they been absorbed in the beginning by 03129the supremacy of either of the two leading parties under the old order of things, they would have been carried along simply by the majority with little reason for the exercise of their own genius or will. As it is, they have neither been probationers in political faith nor the proteges of party. The very nature of conditions thrust upon them has compelled them to close investigation and serious study of all the complicated questions of political government and social order in state and nation.

Concerning that uncertain number of Colorado women who have never voted, who will not register, who will not participate in public affairs, whether they concern the state or the home, and who disavow any interest in politics, nothing save words of regret can be said, unless it may be added in passing that there is probably a still larger number of men in the whole number of voters who are utterly indifferent to matters political and that no one thinks of bringing them forward as an argument against male suffrage.

Though the woman voter has been greatly benefitted, as shown, by her experience with complicated political conditions, her status as a voter has been affected in a way that leaves an open question as to the good or evil of her future course. Under the influence of party demoralization, there has been ever since the first year of her participation, a very decided drifting from old attachments and a tendency to consolidation for independent action. By her first move in this direction she scored a victory in behalf of good local government. In several instances her vote has been effective where the aim was that of wholesome measures of reform, and in such instances the claims of party fealty have been ignored. Party division continues to grow; therefore her attitude is unchanged to-day. How she has reached this status is best related in a brief review of her career from the day she won the ballot.

In the early summer of 1894, the new voter having learned her first lessons in the political school, found herself ready for organization and work in the field. In June of that year Mrs. J. Ellen Foster came to Colorado under commission from the National Republican Committee. Phoebe Cousins came as a missionary among the Populists; Helen Gouger represented the Prohibition cause, while local Democratic women of talent undertook the work of organization for that party. The Populist women were the first to organize within party lines. Even before the right of the ballot was bestowed, the women believing in the teachings of that party had formed societies for its aid in the campaign of 1892. February, 1894, the Woman's Industrial Legion, a Populist secret order, opened headquarters in Denver and organized branch societies throughout the state. The Woman's Populist League of Denver was their leading organization. It continued its work through the municipal and county campaigns of 1895, and the state and national campaign of 1896, with Mrs. Alice W. Faulkner as its president. In practical campaign work the Populist women, for the most part, concentrated their efforts with the men in the committee and club organizations of the party, though they maintained numerous clubs of their own in the state.

At the Peoples' Party Arapahoe County Convention in September, 1894, Mrs. H. S. Stansbury, Mrs. Marian Sheridan and Mrs. Nellie E. Matteson of Denver, were nominated candidates for the general assembly and these were the only legislative 03331nominees among the women in the state by that party. The Republicans nominated Mrs. Clara Cressingham, Denver; Mrs. Carrie C. Holly, Pueblo; Mrs. Frances S. Klock, Denver, all of whom were elected.

In March, 1894, the women, irrespective of party, performed their first work in the political field under appointment as canvassers to register the female vote. The first woman to aspire to office, was Miss Carrie West, who was nominated by the Republicans for Town Clerk of Highlands, then a suburb of Denver, but defeated.

June, 1894, the annual convention of the National Republican League clubs was held in Denver. At that time there was no organization of the Republican women in the state. The Republican leaders, realizing the need of such organization, selected Mrs. Frank Hall, whom they persuaded to take charge of the woman's department of the campaign work, under the general direction of the Republican State Central Committee. It was a position without a designating title, but Mrs. Hall's duties made her virtually the Vice-Chairman of the State Central Committee. This assignment was made distinctively for work in the state campaign then pending. Her first and most important duty was that of organizing women's Republican clubs in all the counties of the state. This work being finished in due time, the more complicated duties of managing her part of the compaign and attending to the business of the combined organizations came to her hands. She was, therefore, confined to headquarters in Denver, and a very busy woman throughout the contest. During this time, however, Mrs. Hall made one trip of special significance, which resulted in the organization of the Republican women of Pueblo, where organization had been delayed, and starting among them the practical work of the campaign, and inducing them for the first time to take an active interest in the affairs 03432of the party. Among the more active and effective organizers thus under direction from headquarters were: Mrs. Alma Lafferty, Dr. Sarah May Townshend, Mrs. Florence Morse, Mrs. A. Guthrie Brown, Mrs. Hattie S. Hauser, Mrs. Hattie E. Fox, Miss Isabella Steck, Mrs. H. C. Warren, Mrs. J. R. Hanna and Mrs. Olive Wright. Very few counties were omitted in the work. In the larger towns and cities numerous auxiliary clubs were formed, and thus the women furnished the Republican Party a large and well disciplined host of recruits. But their work did not cease with the club. In the larger cities they effected complete ward and precinct organizations. In Denver, women's Republican campaign clubs were formed in every ward, and while the party organization was complete, the women organized their own ward and precinct committees, distinct from the men, and in like manner under control of the woman's department of the central committees. These committees were selected from the leading women of the respective wards, and many of them were prominent in the society of Denver. Thus, in their first campaign they took advantage of the opportunity to put into vigorous, practical use all the tactical knowledge which they had acquired, and they performed their part with surprising skill and courage. Their first experience at the primaries was a conflict with the “champions of corrupt practices,” commonly designated as “the gang.” Although this faction were their co-workers for party success, the women without hesitation or ceremony interposed in behalf of honesty, exposed all tricks and schemes for unfair dealing and scored a victory for a fair election. In places where there were no clubs, the Republican women acted with the regularly constituted city and county committees and with the various club associations of the male voters. Mrs. J. Ellen Foster was making a tour of the state and arousing great enthusiasm and courage among the Republican 03533hosts by the magnetic charm of her eloquence and the convincing logic of her argument. Mrs. Foster was accompanied by Mrs. Frank Hall in one of her trips and the two ladies succeeded in organizing a meeting in one of the important mining towns where they had been previously informed it would be impossible for them to get a respectful hearing because of the bitter Populist opposition. Nevertheless, they addressed a good audience and made a number of converts in the town. Mrs. A. J. Peavy visited the towns and cities in the state to assist in organization and instruct the women in campaign work. Wherever they were organized they sprang at once to the front and became enthusiastic and effective workers to the close of the contest.

During the summer of 1894 a powerful organization was founded in Denver, which became famously known as the East Capitol Hill Woman's Republican League. This organization was affiliated with the National League and was an outgrowth of the June convention of that association. Mrs. H. B. Stephens, a partisan of the Republican faith, undertook the work of party organization among her sex. After a canvass of two weeks she secured a meeting of Republican women at her house, where the club was organized with seventy-five charter members. The officers were: President, Mrs. H. B. Stephens; First Vice-President, Miss Martha Pease; Second Vice-President, Dr. Mary Barker Bates; Secretary, Miss Mary E. Hyatt. In a short time the club grew to 1,000 members. The influence of this club extended far beyond the limits of Denver and forced recognition as a powerful instrument in winning a large Republican majority in Arapahoe County. Such work, in fact, was characteristic of the Republican women generally in their service under the central committees, while another organization, conspicuous for its effectual work—the East Denver Woman's 03634Republican Club—Mrs. Alma Lafferty, President, did valiant service for the Republican cause. The Women's Republican Clubs were the leading spirits in nearly all popular demonstrations, and the several mammoth meetings organized and managed by them had a telling effect in bringing together and arousing the enthusiasm of the Republican women of the city in general. For their faithful services they were justly accorded a large share of the credit for the victory on election day.

For the Democratic women the campaign presented a complex state of affairs. Owing to a division in their party and the acknowledged impossibility of its success in that race, the women realized that they were in an uncertain attitude, unorganized and without leaders. But it was this condition that created leaders among them, developing an unknown wealth of latent talent with which they had been peculiarly endowed for use in the time of need. Circumstances had made them important factors in politics and afforded them the ready opportunity for effective work. Their first act as partisans was rewarded with victory. The two divisions of the Democratic Party at that time were known as the “Silver” Democrats and the “White Wings” (or Cleveland Democrats), each maintaining its separate state and county central committees, and thus they were determined to maintain the Democratic organization, each faction claiming to be the regularly constituted party, though it was conceded that even were they united they could accomplish nothing in that campaign. Under this condition of things the Democratic women declined to attach themselves to either body, practically disowning the authority of either wing as a part of the national organization. To them a divided Democracy was an anomaly which they did not care to understand, and they plainly stated to the chairmen of the respective factional committees that they were Democrats only and would recognize no prefixes to the name.

The first Democratic women to take action upon this decision were Mrs. Anna Marshall Cochran and Mrs. Mary C. C. Bradford of Denver. By arrangement between these two, the first meeting of Democratic women was held at the residence of Mrs. Bradford in May, 1894, and the first women's Democratic club was organized. “The Colorado Women's Democratic Club” was the name given this organization, and it started on its mission with a membership of only nine. Mrs. Mary V. Macon was chosen President, Mrs. Anna Marshall Cochran, Secretary, and Mrs. Mary Holland Kincaid, Treasurer. The membership of the club rapidly increased, and, to the honor of its promoters, in a short time it was accepted by the National Democratic Committee as the only straight Democratic organization in Colorado. By this authority Mrs. Mary C. C. Bradford was appointed as state organizer. Mrs. Cochran in her capacity of Secretary, raised the necessary funds to pay the expenses of the organizer and started her upon her mission. Mrs. Bradford canvassed the state, making a number of speeches. In this tour she added to her reputation the highest encomiums of the press for her delightful oratory and her superior reasoning powers. Taking letters from each chairman of the two State Central Committees, wherever she appeared she usually succeeded in drawing both factions to her meetings. She organized twelve strong clubs in the state and started them to work under her own instruction. Mrs. Cochran was practically at the head of the Democratic women's campaign, and she and her able assistants did more than the men to reunite the factions.

Both conventions of the two wings of the divided Democracy had been called to meet in Denver on the same day. The women's clubs sent delegates to each convention and they were duly recognized. In order to bring about the issue for which they had prepared, the women refused to sit as delegates 03836in the separate bodies and declared their intention to co-operate with the party only in a united convention. This proposition was for some time held in abeyance, but finally, due in great part to the attitude of the women, the two bodies came together in one convention and nominated a joint ticket, choosing Mrs. Bradford as candidate for State Superintendent of Public Instruction, she being the first woman ever nominated in Colorado for a state office. Mrs. Mary V. Macon was nominated for Regent of the State University. In organizing the state central committee, one woman was admitted from each county. For an unusual reason the Democratic women were not so ardent in their work in the ensuing campaign as were their sisters of other parties. The Democrats generally, having foreseen their own defeat and many of them having united their efforts with the Republicans in their crusade against the Populists, the women realized the futility of any party effort and many of them followed the example of their Democratic brethren, though without exception, retaining their party affiliation. In August preceding the election, Mrs. Macon resigned and Mrs. Bradford was elected President of the Woman's Democratic Club.

Among the many advantages gained by their initial work, the women derived one special benefit from the campaign of 1894. It placed them in line of action with the parties of their choice, where they worked with a clearly defined purpose and an intelligent understanding of the principles which they espoused, while understanding as well the motives and the general conditions that impelled their sister citizens in the ranks of the opposition. Hence they gained an insight into methods and affairs that makes their later course as citizens and voters easily understood. Much of this has been explained in another chapter. The subsequent tendency to separation and independent action is due to many causes. 03937From all parties in every campaign thus far certain complaints have been made in all probability not without good reason.

The men still hold the balance of power in all the committees and control all the machinery of party and the government. However, there has been no rupture or undue clamor among the women on this account; but nothing has been more conducive to apathy among both men and women voters than the long series of internal dissensions, of factions within factions and the repeated divisions in every organization bearing a party name. Thus far the greatest difficulty with a majority of the women has been the question of conformity with dishonest methods and corrupt practices in the prosecution of campaign work, and it was claimed by the separatists that this was the motive that impelled the first movement partaking of the nature of a revolt against party discipline after the campaign of 1894. In the state campaign of that year and in the municipal elections of 1895, the women found that their political clubs formed a very effective part of partisan machinery for evil as well as good so long as they willingly abetted the various schemes and methods of their masculine coadjutors. But the women felt that the demands made upon them were far below their ideals of honest dealing, and sometimes they were called upon to do the things which they believed it to be their mission to war against in behalf of good government and purity in politics.

Whether from this cause or from a combination of events, there was a great falling away from partisan organization in 1895 and 1896. Most of the large and influential political clubs disbanded and many of the more active leaders among the women who still retain state and national affiliations, became imbued with the idea that the highest aims of local government could best be served by non-partisan means. Out of this idea, in the spring of 1895 there came into existence the 04038Civic Federation of Denver, an organization of women without regard to political belief. While its purpose and its work has been for reform in Arapahoe County, its influence has spread to all urban populations in the state, and at the time of this writing the spirit of municipal reform upon non-partisan lines has assumed a national character. Prior to this organization, similar ideas and motives gave rise to the “Taxpayers' Party,” an organization of men and women designed to correct abuses and create reforms in municipal government. Then came the Independent Citizens' movement and other associations in the name of party, in that and the subsequent municipal campaign of 1897, all drawing the adherence of women to their ranks, However, these associations were brought about by local affairs, peculiar to the larger cities, and are not taken into account as affecting loyalty of the women to party principle.

The organization of the Women's Republican Association in February, 1895, was one illustration of the desire to cling to party while aiming to cut loose from association with and the domination of a certain set of men. But in the very nature of things this became a factional movement, which led to the organization of the Civic Federation. When the Republican Party returned to power in 1895, its Denver leaders were early at work in making the slate for the April city election. They were the same set of men who had been in control for many years, and usually furnished or attempted to furnish a “ready-made” administration. For this and other abuses, the independent movement of both men and women began, and the spirit was contagious among the women of all the parties. As Vice-Chairman of the Republican State Central Committee in charge of the women's department, Mrs. Frank Hall called for a conference of the several presidents of the women's Republican clubs of the city. In the discussion of the situation at this conference it was declared to be the purpose of all 04139earnest women to use every advantage of their right of suffrage to secure such reforms as would purify the ballot, correct the evils and corrupt methods in politics, secure legislation for good government and endeavor to secure the nomination and election of competent and trustworthy persons for office. This was declared to be demanded by existing conditions, and upon such declarations the Women's Republican Association was formed, with Mrs. Hall as its President. The new association started in the campaign with the determination to make a vigorous fight. “Within the party if we can; out of it if we must,” was the wording of the notice which they served on the leaders, notwithstanding the Republican women for the most part adhered to their party organization in that election or refrained from voting. The East Capitol Hill Women's Republican League Club fairly maintained its membership and working force and contributed largely to the success of the Republican ticket. In March, Mrs. H. B. Stephens was elected Vice-Chairman of the Republican City Central Committee, and thus, as chairman of the two organizations there was a strong consolidation of the Republican women. During the campaign, many of the women in the private ranks of the party came to the front as very enthusiastic and successful workers. That many of them thoroughly conformed to the order of things in “running” elections, goes without saying, and not all of them escaped the imputation of the same corrupt practices that had been the standing accusation against the men. During the summer of 1895 there began a serious defection from the Republican women's clubs and before the arrival of election day there was left scarcely a nucleus of club organization, while most of the clubs in all parties had entirely disbanded. This campaign and its results developed an entirely new element and a new phase in politics among the women. The disintegration of the political clubs 04240did not imply the total abandonment of party principle on their part. Individually, they are still Republicans, Democrats or Populists. The Democratic women, for the most part, stand firm with their party. The silver issue, the division of the Republican party, which created the Silver Republican wing, and the fusion of the Silver Republicans with the Democrats in the state and national campaign of 1896, were the prime causes of the dissolution of the women's Republican clubs. At the election of 1896 it is estimated that 5,000 women in Colorado voted the straight Republican ticket. After the election there was the question as to who or what constituted the Republican party in the state. The only organization acting under authority of the national party was then, as now, the “McKinley” Republican State Central Committee. Therefore, the Republican women who voted with that organization co-operate with the committee, besides organizing in Denver “The Woman's Eagle Republican Club,” with Mrs. Emma Johnson as President, and this club stood as the parent organization for the associated work of the “straight” Republican Party women of the state. Other officers of this club are: First Vice-President, Miss Olive Foster; Second Vice-President, Frances S. Klock; Secretary, Mary A. Ingersoll; Assistant Secretary, R. E. England; Second Assistant, Margaret Johnson; Treasurer, S. M. Beckwell.

The practical work of the Civic Federation has been that of selecting and presenting candidates for nomination or the endorsement of candidates of their preference after they have been nominated by the several parties. During the summer and fall of 1895 the Federation was active in the campaign and the result was the election of several of their candidates to the more important positions. In the campaign of 1896 its main endeavor was to secure proper representatives in the legislature and afterward to work in behalf of wholesome 04341legislation. Upon the approach of the Denver city election in 1897 the Federation undertook measures to put a ticket of its own in the field. Invitations were issued to 125 men and women, irrespective of party affiliations, whom the Federation women believed to be in sympathy with their movement. Thus a convention was held, but instead of nominating a ticket distinctly their own, they united with the Taxpayers upon a ticket composed of candidates from different branches of the Republican, Democratic and Populist parties, thus making a non-partisan consolidation. This entire ticket was elected.

It has been asserted that in this departure from partisan lines, the influence of women in politics has been more sensibly felt than in all her zealous devotion to the party of her faith. The example that was set by them in Denver has many followers in the state at large.

The Educational Alliance was an outgrowth of the Civic Federation. The alliance was formed by a union of the educational departments of all civic organizations in the city. Its main purpose was to keep the school board free from the influence of partisan politics, and in this its work has been effectual. The Civic Union was formed by one delegate from each organization in the city, its purposes being those of general reform, and its work in many respects similar to that of the Civic Federation. Thus the influence of women has become a power in public affairs.

Every bill introduced or urged by them in the two sessions of the legislature following their admission to suffrage was designed for an improvement of social conditions. In the session of 1895 the law raising the age of protection from sixteen to eighteen years, the law giving the mother an equal right to her children, and the law creating a home for friendless and incorrigible girls were secured by the women; and they aided in securing the home for dependent children. The bills 04442introduced and advocated by them, but failing of passage were: Initiative and referendum, civil service reform, state control of the liquor traffic, Guttenburg system of license, indeterminate sentence, the new primary law, which was designed to abolish the convention and its attendant evils. In 1897 they secured the Curfew law, an appropriation for the Home for Dependent Children and advocated many measures for the improvement of domestic and industrial conditions.

The women of Colorado are enthusiastic voters and it is claimed that they cast fifty-two per cent of the total vote, though there are in the state, 30,000 more men than women. Though they have not enjoyed their full rights of representation, the women have not been over-clamorous for elective office, though they lay just claims to a larger share in the appointive positions, and thus far feel that they have not received the recognition to which their status as citizens and their work entitle them. As county and state school superintendents they have shown a high degree of proficiency.

Following is a list of those who have been elected and appointed to state office:

Elected 1894—Superintendent Public Instruction, Mrs. Angenette J. Peavy, Republican. Members of the Legislature: Mrs. Clara Cressingham, Republican, Denver; Mrs. Carrie C. Holly, Republican, Pueblo; Mrs. Frances S. Klock, Republican, Denver. Appointed—Assistant State Librarian, Helen M. Wixson. State Board of Agriculture, Eliza P. Routt. Board of Control State Industrial School, Emma G. Curtis of Canon City. State Board of Horticulture, Mrs. Martha A. Shute, Secretary, Denver. State Normal School Board, Mrs. Thalia A. Rhoads. Board of Charities and Corrections, Dr. Ida Noyes Beaver, Mrs. Frances Belford. State Board of Pardons, Dr. Ida Noyes Beaver. State Home for Neglected and Dependent Children, Mrs. Louisa Arkins, Denver; Luna A. Thatcher, Pueblo; Dora E. Reynolds, Denver. State Home and Industrial School for Girls, Frances S. Klock, Alta B. Mayfield, Alice 04644M. Ruble, Mary C. C. Bradford. Elected 1896—State Superintendent Public Instruction, Miss Grace Espy Patton. Members of the Legislature, 1896: Mrs. Olive C. Butler, National Silver Party, Denver; Mrs. Martha A. B. Conine, Non-partisan, Denver; Mrs. Evangeline Heartz, Populist, Denver. Assistant State Librarian, Hattie E. Stevenson. State Board Agriculture, Eliza P. Routt. Trustee Colorado School for Deaf and Blind, Mary S. McDonald. State Board of Horticulture, Mrs. Martha Shute, Secretary. State Normal School, Mrs. T. A. Rhoads. Board Charities and Corrections, Mrs. Sarah S. Platt, Dr. Ida Noyes Beaver. State Board Pardons, Dr. Ida N. Beaver. State Home for Dependent and Neglected Children, Mrs. Rodney Curtis, Mrs. Anna Marshall Cochran, Mrs. Louisa Arkins, Mrs. Dora E. Reynolds. State Home and Industrial School for Girls, Frances S. Klock, Alta B. Mayfield, Alice M. Ruble, Mary A. Ingersoll.

In June, 1895, Mrs. Alma Lafferty and Mrs. H. B. Stephens were selected as delegates to represent the Republican women of Colorado at the annual convention of Republican league clubs at Cleveland, Ohio, Mrs. Lafferty being especially deputed to urge the insertion of a resolution favoring the free coinage of silver in the platform.

In 1896, Mrs. Carrie O. Kistler, Vice-Chairman of State Central Committee of the Silver Republican Party, by the resignation of the chairman, became acting chairman, presiding over the first state convention of that organization. It was a stormy session, but for six hours Mrs. Kistler stood her ground, to the wonder and admiration of the warring delegates and many interested spectators from different parties who were in the galleries.

In other ways—in higher and more benevolent avocations than that of the politician, the women of Colorado have far more gratifying achievements to their credit. The ballot gave them a right which they claimed, it gave them a degree of liberty which they did not have, it enlarged their field of opportunity and gave them a new power.

In all the courses of study, in the practice of all the arts, in the acquisition of all the accomplishments that refine human nature, and in all the attributes and deeds of philanthropy by which woman has relieved humanity and made the world better, the Colorado women have made great progress. The home has ever been her school of industry and domestic economy. There is no grade of society in which the practical affairs of life are not studied and put into practice. Loving wives and good mothers we will always have with us.

The custom among women of associating themselves together for learning and advancement along all these lines is not a necessity, but a mutually helpful means, to say nothing of the perpetual enjoyment it affords to the individual. There is not a city of its size in the land, nor perhaps a state in the union, where there is more activity and intellectual development through club association, nor more good deeds thus performed toward suffering humanity than in Denver and Colorado. In their individual spheres the women of Colorado are noted for their intelligence, their spirit of self-reliance, their industry, and withal their cosmopolitan character. Such are the women that are associated together in club work. This is not 04846an outcome of the circumstance of their enfranchisement and bears no relation to it, though there is no doubt that in this, as in all things else, their endowment of citizenship has stimulated them to greater effort and widened the scope of their work. The Colorado State Federation of Women's Clubs was organized two years subsequent to the enfranchisement of the women, but is in no wise connected with their political privilege, though it has in this brief time wielded a mighty influence in affairs where politics had claimed exclusive domain. In such cases the women's club, as a social and educational institution, have become a powerful factor in originating and shaping the course of reforms which have wrought noted improvements in the social and political life of the city and state. Prior to 1893 and before the Federation was organized, women's literary clubs were numerous, but the matters of government and the social and economic problems of the day had little place or time in their studies.

The Colorado Federation of Women's Clubs was organized April 5th, 1895, with a charter membership of thirty-seven clubs. The first officers were: President, Mrs. E. M. Ashley, Denver; Vice-President, Mrs. J. S. Gale, Greeley; Recording Secretary, Mrs. C. A. Eldredge, Colorado Springs; Corresponding Secretary, Mrs. M. D. Thatcher, Pueblo; Treasurer, Mrs. G. A. Scoville, Durango; Auditor, Mrs. Curtis Smith, Creede. The Federation has grown to large proportions, having now (1898) a membership of 111 clubs numbering over 3,000 women. Annual state and biennial national conventions are held, the last biennial convention having been held in Denver during the month of June, when nearly a thousand delegates were in attendance, representing all the great commercial, art and educational centers of the nation. The various clubs in Colorado have assigned to themselves different branches of study 04947in the general field of literature, though each and all of them interchangeably follow the same lines of educational work.

In the regular meetings of the separate clubs not only the weightier questions affecting every department of life are presented, but topics of current literature, history, science and philosophy receive attention and many of the papers read and discussed show a wide range of intellectual acquirement. Many of the superintendents and teachers in the schools throughout the state are club women. Thus it is observed that in the year books and calendars of the different clubs, civics, education and reforms are given place.

The Woman's Club of Denver is the leading association of the kind in the state, and it is a body of recognized power in public affairs as well as in its dispensations as a part of the general federation. In its seven departments it embraces all the practical work and the salient educational features of the general association. The Woman's Club was organized April 21, 1894, with 225 charter members, including at that time and during its subsequent growth the most representative women of Denver in respect of wealth, intelligence, social influence and estimable qualities of human nature. It also included many noble women possessing all these excellencies of mind and heart from the humbler walks of life where wealth does not prevail. Thus was formed a consolidation of the representative womanhood of the state. The club in 1898 numbers nearly 1,000 members. Its division into departments is as follows: Home, education, philanthropy, art and literature, science and philosophy, reform, a parliamentary auxiliary with 200 members and a department of music. Each department is controlled by a chairman and a full complement of officers.

The work of the several departments embraces all the advanced methods of teaching by practical demonstration in 05048the useful arts. The dispensation of charity by the most effectual methods, the systematic study of sociology, studies in science and philosophy, literature, etc. In the reform department the chief energies of the club have been directed toward securing better laws and seeing that those on the statute books were enforced. Special efforts have been made in behalf of a new primary law; it has devoted much attention to municipal civil service reform, and has done excellent work in suggesting and urging to a consummation certain measures that have made Denver a delightful city for cleanliness and health. Standing committees on public institutions, city improvement, temperance, public health, press, civil service and legislation were formed and much good work has been done by them. Out of the civil service committee grew the Civil Service Reform Association of Denver, composed of both men and women, and this department also gave origin to the City Improvement Society, whose power is acknowledged by the municipal administration.

The North Side Woman's Club of Denver is second only to the Woman's Club as one of the most powerful organizations in the state, embracing in its work all that is comprehended by the Federation.

The cause of woman suffrage is now represented in Colorado by the Non-Partisan Colorado Equal Suffrage Association. This organization, formed in 1890, before the election, during which the question of Equal Suffrage was submitted to the qualified voters of the state, did not disband after the victory gained for Colorado women by the vote of Colorado men. To an urgent appeal from the National Suffrage Association for a continuance of associate work in Colorado, and a Macedonian cry from several sister states were soon added as arguments against disbanding, the new necessity of correcting false reports of the results of suffrage in Colorado persistently 05149circulated in other states by the enemies of the measure, and the reasonable expectation of the National Association, that Colorado should continue to send authorized delegates to represent the state and assist in the yearly National conventions. The present offices of this organization, now numbering 100 members, are: President, Mrs. K. A. G. Patterson; Vice-Presidents, Mrs. A. Guthrie Brown and Miss Martha Pease; Recording Secretaries, Miss Theodoria Ammons and Mrs. Louise M. Tyler; Corresponding Secretaries, Mrs. Helen Gilbert Ecob and Mrs. Nettie Edwards Caspar; Treasurer, Mrs. Angenette J. Peavey; Auditor, Mrs. M. C. C. Bradford; Executive Committee, Mrs. Susan Riley Ashley, Mrs. E. P. Ensley, Mrs. K. P. Johnson, Mrs. L. M. Stansbury. The presiding officers since 1890 have been in turn, Miss Georgianne Watson, Mrs. Louise M. Tyler, Mrs. A. W. Hogle, Miss Martha Pease, Mrs. Eliza Pickerel Routt and Mrs. K. A. G. Patterson.

The campaign of 1898 again afforded conditions that tended to make the women act along independent lines. Peculiar political complications brought fifteen tickets into the field in Arapahoe County, while throughout the state the masses of the voters were divided between the National Republican Party under Senator Wolcott, and a fusion of the Silver Republicans, Democrats and Populists under the leadership of Senator Teller, T. M. Patterson and C. S. Thomas. The result was an overwhelming victory for the fusion ticket. While the interests of the women were in a small degree divided among the several factional tickets, their choice stood between the two leading parties, with a vast majority on the side of the fusion elements. In these several divisions the women worked with an energy and enthusiasm which they had not shown since the memorable campaign of 1894, and to their work and their vote is due equal honor with the men for the overwhelming victory that was won by the fusion ticket in the cause of silver. It was a victory of state, county and legislative tickets throughout the state. The Republican women were no less zealous. They worked loyally and faithfully for their cause, and were instrumental in restoring large numbers of former adherents to the old party.

In the organization for practical work in the campaign a woman's department was created in connection with the State and County Central Committees, and the woman chosen as the manager for the women was designated as vice-chairman. The women adhering to the National Republican Party 05351formed a Woman's Republican Campaign Club. Mrs. John R. Hanna, of Denver, the president of this club, became vice-chairman for the State Central Committee, while Miss Olive Foster was vice-chairman for Arapahoe County.

The organization of the three parties composing the Fusion ticket in Arapahoe County represented similar work throughout the state. Mrs. Amos Bissel, one of the early advocates of equal suffrage, was chosen vice-chairman for the Silver Republicans; Mrs. A. G. Shields, as president of the Women's Democratic Association, was chosen vice-chairman for the work in the Democratic ranks, while Mrs. Evangeline Heartz, member of the Legislature in 1897, was made vice-chairman for the Populists. A woman's executive committee was organized within each party, and its members together with numerous volunteers, gave immediate assistance to their respective chairmen.

Women had been nominated for various offices on all the tickets. The result of the campaign to them was the election of Mrs. Helen M. Grenfell, Silver Republican, as State Superintendent of Public Instruction; for the Legislature, Mrs. Frances S. Lee, Democrat, Denver, Mrs. Harriet G. R. Wright, Populist, Denver, and Mrs. Dr. Mary F. Berry of Pueblo, all upon the fusion ticket.

Thus far, woman's course in politics has been for the most part free from imputation of dishonesty, while her useful endeavors along all the lines of social and industrial progress have made her a valuable acquisition to the body politic. In other states both men and women cling to the superstition that woman at the polls or wearing the badge of office must needs degenerate in personal worth and public esteem. This is the subterfuge which illy conceals the real objection. The men have not yet learned the true depths of human selfishness, nor have they applied the lesson to themselves. They 05452are simply unwilling to divide the privileges, the prestige and the power which they claim as theirs. The women acquiescing are simply misled and misinformed. It was feared by many men and by many women in Colorado who refused to vote for Equal Suffrage, that the exercise of the franchise, with all the degrading conditions the change would involve, would soon rob woman of her essential womanliness. Not a few of the men even, who voted for the women shared in the tremor which came from the imagined disaster. Some of them are not yet over their fright. It does not appear, however, that any valuable traits have been lost, while it has been shown by this record of her career as a citizen that the Colorado woman has developed nobler powers day by day and, though she is changing and will continue to change by the order of progress that makes it necessary, she is still and will ever be queen of the fireside, the confiding partner, the equal of man and the highest, most dear object of his love.