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"They Want to Accept Baptism Very Much": An Abortive Orthodox
Mission to the Ahtna Indians, 1850s-1930s
Andrei A. Znamenski,
Alabama State University
Native dialogues with Christianity in Alaska and Siberia
were and continue to be multifaceted. They have ranged from
resistance, as among the Chukchi, and selective borrowing,
as for instance, among the Tlingit, to embracing Christianity,
when natives turned "white man's" religion into an indigenous
church as the Aleuts and Sugpiaq did. The purpose of my paper
is to emphasize that no matter what response native populations
came up with, its nature was defined first of all by internal
developments in a given indigenous society rather than by
colonial hegemony or by efforts of individual missionaries.
The story, which follows below, deals with the Ahtna Indians'
failed attempts to bring Orthodoxy to their country. Available
nineteenth-century records that chronicle activities of Russian
missionaries among the Ahtna and other Athabaskan-speaking
groups suggest that from the very beginning in this area
Orthodoxy did not face too much ostracism from native populations.
Sparse hunting-oriented populations, which were newcomers
to essentially Yupik and Alutiiq areas, Athabaskans had loose
clan structure and lacked excessive social control over individual
behavior. I assume that these factors made them susceptible
to new ideas in the first place. Attitudes of many Ahtna
and Athabaskans in general toward Orthodoxy and Catholicism,
especially at the end of the nineteenth century, could be
described as "self- Christianization." Historian Jurgen Osterhammel
introduced this expression to emphasize an initiative of
native peoples to accommodate the Christian religion to their
own ideology.
The Ahtna's attitudes toward Orthodoxy provide us with an example
of such "self- Christianization," and show that in indigenous
borderlands the initial drive to start a dialogue frequently
came not only from clerics, but also from native populations
themselves. So here we essentially have a society that sought
contacts with missions. I want to stress this again simply
because at least here in the United States in popular and semi-scholarly
literature, which likes to victimize Native Americans, Christianity
is frequently treated as a colonial imposition that supposedly
robbed native peoples of their traditional culture. Of course,
we always should keep in mind that there is an opposite trend
that tends to emphasize only positive accomplishments of missionaries.
The latter scholarship manifests itself, for instance, in present-day
Russia, where the growth of state Orthodoxy and nationalist
sentiments encourage some scholars to romanticize Siberia and
Alaska missionaries and treat them as cultural heroes.
Before I get to the story itself, let me give you a few facts
about the Ahtna Indians This Athabaskan-speaking group resides
in the Copper River area. Because of the rumors of abundant copper
deposits in their country, in Russian America the Ahtna were
labeled as "Mednovtsy" ("Copper people"). Their overall number
never exceeded 600-700 people, at least in the second half of
the nineteenth century. I want to stress that in Russian America "Mednovtsy" were
officially treated as natives completely independent from the
Russian-American Company (RAC), and the latter was not in a position
to enforce any regulations on them. The Copper River natives
were not exposed to intensive contact with Euro-Americans until
the end of the 1880s. The geography of Ahtna country including
hardships of traveling by the Copper River partially might explain
their weak contacts with the Russians and later with the Americans.
Prior to the 1880s all their relations with the outside world
were primarily restricted to trade.
On top of this, until the 1890s the Ahtna had little direct
access to trading posts. They had either to use the services
of Dena'ina middlemen traders (Ahtna neighbors) or to descend
from the mountains to the Cook Inlet area or the delta of the
Copper River to exchange furs for Russian and later for American
merchandise. To be exact, prior to 1867 Russians did make random
attempts to penetrate "Mednovtsy" country. Between the 1820s
and 1850 there even existed a tiny trading post called Mednovskaia
odinochka, which worked on an irregular basis and became the
only evidence of Russian presence in Ahtna country. Because of
the Ahtna sovereign status, RAC leadership sought to cultivate
the their partnership through regular presents, which were provided
to the Ahtna headmen each time, when a trade deal was successfully
completed.
Due to the irregular work of the Mednoskaia odinochka, many
Ahtna found it easier to trade by ascending to the delta of the
Copper River or more frequently to the Knik and Toyonek areas.
The latter two settlements were populated by the Dena'ina Indians,
who were also Athabaskan-speaking group and who became totally
Orthodox by the 1880s. The Ahtna always maintained close relations
with the "Kenaitze" (a Russian name for the Dena'ina). During
their trade trips to Knik the Ahtna depended on the hospitality
of the Dena'ina in whose homes they stayed and whose meals they
shared. For some Russians, who lacked a detailed knowledge of
the ethnic mosaic of the area, such contacts appeared as a blood
link. For instance, the engineer Doroshin stressed that the Copper
River natives maintained on a regular basis connections with "the
Kenaitze, their fellow-tribesmen."
Descending to Knik or Tyonek, the delta of the Copper River
or sometimes even St. Nicholas redoubt, the Ahtna interacted
with Orthodox mixed-bloods and Dena'ina, many of whom became
Orthodox as early as the 1840s. We may assume that the "Kenaitze" frequently
acted as informal carriers of popular Orthodoxy to the Ahtna.
Formal missionary work among the Ahtna began in the late 1840s,
when Hegumen Nikolai, the first missionary to this area, baptized
in Knik and Kenai visiting Ahtna. Nikolai's successors were also
interested in spreading their activities to the "Mednovtsy," but
never had a chance to visit them in their country until the 1930s,
despite the Ahtna's desire to establish a dialogue with Orthodoxy.
Although the first recorded instance of the Ahtna's contact with
Christianity took place in 1797, when Russian officer Dmitrii
Tarkhanov tried to preach Orthodoxy to them, available sources
suggest that missionary work among the Copper Indians did not
start until 1849. The register of parishioners of the Kenai area
prepared by Hegumen Nikolai for this year for the first time
mentioned fourteen Orthodox Ahtna. Two years later their number
increased to 46 people. Nikolai's records also show that Ahtna
visitors invited him to come to their "habitats." Yet, referring
to the obstacles of such a trip, the missionary answered to them, "I
am not a bird and do not have wings." Once Nikolai was all ready
for the journey, but the canoe with Ahtna rowers who were expected
to fetch him was crashed over rocks by a rapid current. At first
he repeatedly postponed his trip to Ahtna country until the "determination
to accept the true faith and salvation be inflamed with a large
fire of desire," and then dropped the whole idea and continued
to work only with the Ahtna who visited Knik and Kenai.
We may assume that a desire of some Ahtna to accept baptism
in the 1850s was to strengthen reciprocal relationships with
Russian trade centers and Christian Dena'ina, who lived in their
vicinity. It was obvious, for instance, in the behavior of Vasilii
Tinal'tet, one of the Ahtna headmen. RAC wanted to make him a
company's middleman in the Copper River country, the role he
evidently adopted and successfully performed. In 1858 he and
his fellow tribesmen sold a large number of furs to the company,
for which RAC awarded him goods in the amount of 20 rubles. In
the same year Tinal'tet adopted Orthodoxy, which was specially
noted in the RAC documents.
On the surface, not much changed for the Ahtna with the transition
of Alaska to Americans. The same mixed-blood Russian-speaking
people or their relatives continued to serve trading posts in
Knik, Tyonek and Kenai. Yet the choice of merchandise became
more diverse and therefore the taste of the Ahtna for American
goods increased. Thus, after an Ahtna Indian killed an Alaskan
Commercial Company agent in Knik in 1886, his fellow-tribesmen
approached Vasilii Stafeev, a Russian-born trade agent in Tyonek,
wishing to pay redemption money. The natives especially stressed
that they were so used to tea, gunpowder, and other "white men's" merchandise
that they did not want the Knik trading post to be closed.
Incidentally, Stafeev left evidence of how the Ahtna initiated
requests for baptism during trade meetings. For example, in 1887
in Tyonek, he traded with three "Mednovtsy" natives, two of whom
asked Stafeev about the opportunity to accept baptism. Then in
the evening of the same day, when Stafeev almost forgot about
this request, the Ahtna again reminded him that "they want to
accept baptism very much." As a result, the next day, on December
15, 1887, Stafeev baptized these two natives and gave them new
names, Pavel and Karp. Two Dena'ina from the Tyonek village,
Pavel Shitachka and Karp [Nukhdichugin], acted as their godparents.
Being a lay Orthodox leader, Stafeev did not restrict himself
to the formal baptism procedure, but also tried to indoctrinate
them.
Stafeev described in detail how he introduced these two Ahtna
to Orthodoxy: "I baptized them at my home. After the baptism
I took them to the chapel, showed them icons with images of major
feasts, and explained to them the meaning of baptism, the Nativity
and other feasts. I also spoke about and showed them the icon
depicting martyr Nestor. The old man liked icons so much that
he did not want to leave the chapel for a long time. He especially
enjoyed looking at the images of the Savior and Kazan Mother
of God. After this I treated them with tea and cakes (prianiki).
Then the Mednovtsy passionately thanked me for everything, first
for the baptism, then for my talk in the chapel and finally for
the tea and cakes. Yet, these two savages somehow had already
learned quite enough earlier, specifically how to make the sign
of the cross and even knew how to recite the prayer 'Glory to
the Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy Spirit." We may assume
that they had received this rudimentary knowledge of Orthodoxy
from their Dena'ina neighbors.
Until the 1880s a desire to maintain beneficial trade relations
with Russian/Creole and Dena'ina Christians might have explained
the Ahtna's wish to accept conversion. Yet in the 1880s there
appeared another factor that might have also drawn the Ahtna
to Russian Orthodoxy. Although the Ahtna had entered a period
of dramatic changes as late as the end of the 1890s, epidemic
diseases and the first American advances into Copper River country
during these years perhaps created an anxiety and prompted "Mednovsty" to
reassess their ideology and status in the changing social and
economic environment. In 1886, a story spread about an Ahtna
who died and, while his friends were making a coffin, was miraculously
resurrected for only six days before "falling back asleep" again.
During these six days this Ahtna Indian shared with his fellow-tribesmen
a vision, in which an old man, a messenger from God, instructed
the Ahtna to denounce shamanism and accept Orthodoxy. Moreover,
the resurrected Indian assailed a shaman who happened to be nearby.
The messenger of God supposedly asked the resurrected man to
convey the following words to all shamans: "I would have said
to you how you will be punished for your vocation, but you will
not hear it from me. I will only say that you will face big trouble
in the other world" and also "in the other world you will feel
worse than others because you spoil people with your devil tools,
force us to live and act in a bad manner." The resurrected Indian
then added that he "was raised just to tell people how they should
live and that they should abandon all old things." Having delivered
this message, the native instructed his friends to finish making
his coffin. The vision and the events that followed demonstrate
a typical response quite common among preliterate indigenous
groups having to cope with expanding Euro-American societies.
In anthropological literature such events sometimes are called
religious revitalization after Anthony Wallace's brilliant study Death
and Rebirth of the Seneca and a few articles. Sergei Kan
in his recent book Memory Eternal has described similar
visions among the Tlingit. This spiritual encounter stirred a
wide movement among the Ahtna, and in 1886 many of them were
ready to go to Knik and Susitna in order to accept Orthodox baptism.
Unfortunately, Hieromonk Nikita, who was responsible for missionary
work during this time, had alcohol problems, treated his proselytizing
assignments as a drudgery and did not respond to the Ahtna's
initiative. In 1886 the number of the Ahtna converts did not
exceed twelve people. Two years later the Ahtna, through Knik
Dena'ina, sent a message to Mitropol'skii, an acting Kenai missionary
who replaced Nikita, asking him to come and enlighten them about
Orthodoxy.
It appears that, far from being a sudden revelation, the "dead
man's" prophesy fell on ground that was already planted with
the seeds of Orthodoxy brought by Nikolai, Dena'ina and Creole
Christians. A year before the above-mentioned miracle Lieutenant
Henry Allen, who visited the Ahtna, had already indicated that
among the Copper River natives there existed people who were
ready to bolster their traditional powers with new "spiritual
medicine." According to Allen, an Ahtna "influential chief" named
Nicolai [Nikolai] did not tolerate shamans and successfully competed
with them by using new Orthodox spiritual medicine: "His power
is supposed to come from the church (Greek), of which he is an
apostle. He wears on a hat a Greek cross as talisman, and has
a small quantity of paper and a pencil, with which he pretends
to keep a record of all matters of importance to his people." We
also learn that natives in the lower part of Ahtna country believed
in Nicolai's spiritual remedies: "Some have such confidence in
his healing power as to send the garment of a sick child many
miles to him in order that he may sleep on it." This evidence
suggests that Nicolai reinterpreted his role as a shaman. To
boost his healing skills he seems to have packed the old "medicine
power" into Orthodox wrap.
Clearly, the Russian Church at first decided to capitalize
on this favorable situation and selected the Knik area, the area
most visited by Ahtna traders, as the major center of their proselytizing
work. Three missionaries, Nikolai Mitropol'skii, Alexander Iaroshevich
and Ivan Bortnovskii wintered in this locality in 1888/89, 1894/95
and 1897/98 respectively. By 1889 local Dena'ina and missionaries
erected St. Nicholas chapel in the Knik village, which later
was removed to Eklutna. Eventually, the overall number of the
Ahtna converts reached 127 people, whose godparents were Dena'ina
Indians. Given such sudden "catch," church authorities even played
for a while with the project of removing the center of the mission
from Kenai to Knik. Yet the Ahtna's own attempts to start a dialogue
with Orthodoxy did not receive further support. Bortnovskii was
busy with his Dena'ina parishioners and did not have time for
the Copper River natives. In 1901 400 Ahtna petitioned Bortnovskii
and church authorities to help them build chapels in their country
and send a missionary. Still, for financial reasons this request
did not receive a response. Moreover, Paul Shadura, who succeeded
Bortnovskii in 1907, wrapped up all missionary work among the
Ahtna, and the names of the Copper River natives completely disappeared
from his church registers by 1922. A chronic lack of resources
prevented clerics from establishing a permanent mission among
the Ahtna.
The third and last attempt to revitalize missionary work among
the Ahtna was made in the 1930s. Capitalizing on the improved
roads, the church started to assign to Ahtna country missionaries
from Cordoba. Thus, in 1937 Valerii Povarnitsyn, one of these
clerics, visited the Copper River natives' country. His notes
suggest that the initiative for contact again came from the "Mednovtsy" themselves.
Povarnitsyn was struck by the fact that the Ahtna had accepted
Orthodox faith "gladly without any material considerations." Moreover,
by the 1930s the Ahtna had already built several Orthodox chapels
in their country. The remains of one of them can be seen in Copper
Center until the present day. During my visit to the Copper Center
I was able to retrieve a prayer (molitvennik) and memorial
(pominal'naia kniga) books used by Ahtna and missionaries.
Still, the Russian Church again failed to provide adequate support
for its own mission.
Although the history of the Ahtna's contacts with the Russian
church needs further research, to my knowledge, Orthodoxy, especially
after all Ahtna chapels were destroyed in fires in the 1950s,
gradually lost its significance, and was replaced by other Christian
denominations. Middle-aged and young Ahtna hardly know anything
about encounters of their ancestors with Orthodoxy. Moreover,
many Ahtna who belong to the middle-aged generation cannot explain
the origin of Russian Orthodox crosses and "spirit houses" on
the graves of their deceased relatives, although this practice
was clearly borrowed from the Christian Dena'ina. During my field
trip to Ahtna country in summer of 2000 I saw native cemeteries
where neglected and ruined old Ahtna Orthodox "spirit houses" stood
side by side with Protestant graves, which were well taken care
of.
Yet it is not my intention to lament the failure of Orthodox
mission to the Ahtna Indians.
What can we learn from this story? Returning to the point I
made in the beginning: we see a native group that repeatedly
attempted to attach Christianity to its ideology. Similar stories
we may find both east and west of Mississippi throughout the
eighteenth and nineteenth century. In my view, research of similar
failed attempts of native "self-Christianization" may provide
more convincing evidence in support of conclusions of recent
scholarship that tribal peoples' interest in Christianity or
lack of such interest should be ascribed more to internal developments
within native communities and cannot always be explained as a
colonial imposition.
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