Religion and the American Revolution
by Jon Butler, Yale University
Religion was not a major cause of the American Revolution.
But the Revolutionary struggle subtly interacted with religion, then quickly
produced changes that transformed traditional European relations between
government and religion and made America a beacon of religious freedom
for people everywhere.
Historians once emphasized
that religious revivals during the so-called "Great Awakening" of the 1740s helped usher in the
Revolution. Pennsylvania's Gilbert Tennent and New England's James Davenport
invited laypeople to reject established religious leaders, much like Revolutionaries
questioned the monarchy. But Tennent repudiated his own early enthusiasms,
courts in Hartford and Boston each declared Davenport "non compos
mentis," and Revolutionaries themselves never used the revivals of
the 1740s as models for Revolutionary protest in the 1760s and later.
The Declaration of Independence
of July 1776 emphasized politics as the cause of the Revolution,
especially disputes about representation,
taxes, and the effects of British imperial policy in America.
The Declaration referred to religion only generally--to "nature's God" and "Divine
Providence"--and never mentioned Christ or cited Biblical texts to
support independence.
Religious issues figured only occasionally in the
protests leading to Revolution. Opposition to naming a bishop for the
Church of
England mixed with protests over the Stamp Act in 1763 and 1764,
when New England
Congregationalists and Baptists claimed that a Church of England
bishop would threaten their religious liberty. But the claim
was exaggerated, and the bishop never was appointed, although
the issue lingered
on up
to 1776.
Some clergymen became
active in anti-British protests, and the Massachusetts Loyalist,
Peter Oliver, bitterly blamed New England's
drive for independence on "black coated mobs." The New England
clergymen who did support protest usually fulminated against
the same British authorities
and policies local politicians opposed. Liberals like Jonathan
Mayhew supported the people's right to withdraw from contractual
government, and conservatives like Joseph Emerson linked the Revolution
to
a revival
of piety and even the apocalypse, the end of the world, and the
second coming of Christ.
They were not alone. New
York's Abraham Keteltas called the Revolution "the
cause of heaven against hell," and the Presbyterian John Witherspoon,
president of the College of New Jersey (later Princeton), attended the
Continental Congress as a delegate. In Virginia, even a Church of England
minister supported the Revolutionaries, shouting out "God preserve
all the just rights and liberties of America" to a stunned congregation.
Yet most ministers waited
out the Revolution and viewed it cautiously. As late as 1775
the Presbytery of Philadelphia assured
followers
that it was "well known . . . that we have not been instrumental in inflaming
the minds of the people" and rejected "such insults as have
been offered to the sovereign."
The Church of England, the second largest denomination
in the colonies (behind New England's Congregationalists), suffered
most disastrously during the Revolutionary war because the King
headed the Church. More
Loyalists belonged to the Church of England than were affiliated
with any other social or religious group, and many Anglican ministers
left
the colonies. As a result of Revolutionary upheavals, most Anglican
congregations lost members, while others disbanded.
As the Revolution ended,
both states and the federal government stimulated changes that
guaranteed freedom of worship and largely
removed government from religious affairs. New York, Maryland,
Virginia, North
Carolina, and South Carolina abolished their colonial Church
of England legal establishments. Virginia's Patrick Henry sponsored
a measure that
would have provided tax support and legal privileges to several
Christian denominations, but George Washington worried it might "rankle, and
perhaps convulse the state." Instead, Virginia approved Thomas Jefferson's
bill "for Establishing Religious Freedom," which outlawed government
aid to religion generally and protected freedom of worship for
all religious groups in the state, not just for Christians.
In 1791 the first amendment
to the new federal constitution opened with sixteen now-famous
words: "Congress shall make no law respecting
an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof." Congress
spoke about religion generally, not just of churches. The first amendment
recognized the wide range of religious belief and practice that typified
America before and after the Revolution, and by prohibiting "an establishment
of religion," it created a new model of relations between government
and religion that gave individuals and voluntary groups, not
government, responsibility for religious practice and belief
among America's peoples.
To learn more:
Jon Butler, Becoming America: The Revolution
Before 1776 (Cambridge, Mass.:Harvard University Press,
2000) Edwin
S. Gaustad, Neither King nor Prelate: Religion and the
New Nation, 1776-1826 (Grand Rapids, Mich.: W. B. Eerdmans,
1993)
Nancy L. Rhoden, Revolutionary
Anglicanism: The Colonial Church of England Clergy during the American
Revolution (New York: New
York University Press, 1999)
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