Yessica Islas and Jelena Radovic

Anthro 146 – Prof. Skowronek

June 9, 2004

Death in the Age of Anza: Spanish and Ohlone Rituals and Beliefs

            The expedition of Juan Bautista de Anza took place in 1776, bringing around 197 people to what is today California from their starting point in Tubac, Mexico.  These people traveled some 1,210  miles over a period of five months as part of efforts made to expand Spanish control in the region.  They began on their journey on October 23^rd, 1775 and arrived at Monterey on March 10^th, 1776.  During this journey only one woman is recorded to have died; three babies were born along the trail.  No doubt that funeral was simple, consisting of a shallow grave, a few mumbled prayers and then the column proceeded. 

When they arrived at their destination in the San Francisco bay area of Alta California (Monterey), the expedition members became the founders of The Presidio of San Francisco, The Mission of San Francisco de Asís and Santa Clara de Asís, and the Pueblo of San José.  Each of these establishments would need houses for the living and a campo santo (burial grounds) for those who died.  These were Roman Catholics whose seventeen hundred year-old religion was about to be introduced to the Ohlone of the San Francisco Bay Area who similarly had an ancient religion.  How did their burial practices differ and what did it mean to the people of that age?

The Ohlone

The Ohlone viewed death with enormous grief and it affected everyone within the village and in nearby villages. This was due to closeness that existed between each member of the village, since these were tiny villages in which everyone knew each other and held a special place within it (Margolin 1978: 145). The Ohlone believed that although the body dies the soul goes into another world that they call “The Island of the Dead”, and it was here that all of the souls of the dead would go to after death (Ibid). Due to this belief in a spiritual world, the Ohlone carried out the fundamental rituals with the body so that the soul could transcend in peace. It is believed that the deceased’s ghost demanded the rituals to be conducted upon the death of the person; not complying with them would only anger the ghost. According to Ohlone culture, they believed that once a person died, figures from the spirit world would mix closely with the villagers, making this a dangerous time. The Ohlone made sure that the body had been disposed of, but knew that they could not dispose of the ghost, which was strongly feared by the Ohlone (Margolin 1978: 147). For this reason rituals were carried out by the family and villagers.

            The weeping and sobbing began even prior to the actual death and this not only involved the relatives, but all of the village members. Once death arrived, the widow reacted by breaking into a shrill, a wail that rose in waves of anguish. Her reaction was strong and she demonstrated her pain through a series of rituals that include cutting her hair with a knife or burning it off with live coals, smearing her face and head with ashes or asphalt, and beating herself on the head and breast with pestles (Levy 1978: 222). Soon after the death, messengers were sent out to nearby villages to announce the death and members of the other villages would come and join in the wailing (Margolin 1978: 145).

Meanwhile, friends and relatives would gather firewood and heap it into a funeral pyre in which the corpse of the deceased was burned along with and his/her belongings. The preparation of the body was not conducted by the family members; instead, it was done by other people of the village. They adorned the body with feathers, flowers, and beads in addition to closing the eyes of the deceased. The Ohlone had a special manner of positioning the body; for which, they flexed the body by placing the knees under the chin and hands against the cheeks (Margolin 1978: 145). Once the body was wrapped in this flexed position, it was wrapped in blankets and skins and laid upon the pyre where the body would be burnt. However prior to the burning of the body, the possessions of the deceased were gathered throughout the village. For example, if the deceased was a man his bow and arrows were collected in addition to blankets, skins, deer-head decoy, dance regalia, medicine mortar were all collected throughout the village (Ibid).

Everything that the deceased owned was broken, cracked, or disfigured in some way, in other words “killed” and was thrown onto the pyre with the body (Margolin 1978: 147). Prior to the fire being lit the widow tore at her face and breast with her fingernails until she is covered with blood and then the fire will be lit (Ibid). These rituals resulted in great injury or even in some instances in death (Levy 1978: 222). The guests mourned piteously and stopped from time to time to dance around the pyre with a slow measured tread and then continued wailing. As the fire burned more wood was added in order to keep it burning strong; people then proceeded to throw their valued possessions, such as beads, baskets, or featherwork garments into the pyre as gifts to the deceased person (Margolin 1978: 147).

While all of these rituals were preformed by the various family members, friends, and other villagers, the person who was in charge of the fire prodded the corpse with a long stick, scrapping off flesh and moving the corpse into the hottest parts of the fire until the body was consumed and the ashes could be buried (Margolin 1978: 147). Once the ceremony was finalized, the corpse handlers were given gifts and underwent a ritual of cleansing that consisted of ceremonies of bathing, fasting, and chanting that lasted for days until their bodies were “made new” (Ibid).

            The cremation of the deceased was common in the San Francisco Bay Area, unless the deceased had too few friends and relatives to gather the necessary firewood. According to Margolin, if this was the case, the body, along with the deceased possessions would be buried and not cremated. However the ritual of cremation was not common in the Monterey Bay Area, where burial was more common and cremation was only reserved for shamans, chiefs, warriors, and others of great power (Margolin 1978: 147).

Whether the body was cremated or buried, the Ohlone believed that the soul began its journey westward across the ocean to the Island of the Dead (Ibid). It is at this destination where the soul was greeted and dances, ate, and sang with the other spirits; however, it is not considered as a happy land and some Ohlone believe that the soul did spend an eternity there. The family members feared the soul of the deceased could stay amongst its relatives and village instead of going on the Island of the Dead and cause serious damage (Margolin 1978: 147). The ghost was thought to be roaming due to loneliness and wanting to be close to his/her family and friends; it is for this reason that the house and possessions were destroyed and burned so the ghost would not recognize it.  It was the widow who was in greatest danger from the ghost, due to the closeness to her husband and was considered by the village as a conduit for evil powers. For this reason the widow preformed the singed hair and the pitch and ashes on her face to make her unrecognizable to her husband if his ghost were to return and look for her (Margolin 1978: 148). A widow remained in confinement for a year after the husband’s death, as if contaminated.  After a year the widow would return to her normal living, allow her hair to grow, and was able to remarry (Margolin 1978: 148).

            As a cultural norm the Ohlone regarded mentioning the names of the deceased a taboo. According to Margolin, the Ohlone believed in great magic in a name that one never address a person by name at all, but rather by a nickname or by a relationship word such as grandfather, cousin, friend, etc (Margolin 1978: 148-149). To the Ohlone the pronunciation of the name of a dead person was to court disaster and for this reason it was not mentioned. This cultural practice brought many problems when the Spanish arrived to California, such as Father Amoros of Mission San Carlos expressed the frustration of not being able to trace their ancestors, since the Ohlone were not able to mention the name of their dead and had no way of recording (Margolin 1978: 148-149). It was very difficult for the Ohlone to trace their ancestry due to the ceremonial practices of destroying and burning of almost all of the decease’s possessions. This added to the cultural clash that occurred between the two cultures that held different views about death and the spiritual world.

The Spanish

            Within the Spanish colonial world, attitudes towards death were intrinsically tied to the Roman Catholic Church.  The Church was one side of the coin with which colonization took place (the other side being military power).  Because colonization was inherently tied to the Catholic Church, the attitudes, beliefs and rituals regarding death in the missions closely reflected these same practices that were taking place in Spain and other of its colonies: “Like much of Latin America, the presidio communities were integrated into the larger Roman Catholic world” (Williams 2000: [4] 1 ).

            Death was viewed as a transition from which the soul, which at one point inhabited the physical body, began living a spiritual life.  It was not the end of existence, but rather the beginning of an eternal one.  It is interesting to note that the soul had a physical component to it.  This can be seen in the practice that takes place commonly during the wake in the removal of a roof brick, or the opening of a door, in order to allow the spirit of the deceased to leave the dwelling. 

            Another characteristic of death is that it permeated into every aspect of the lives of those living in the colonies. “Colonists were frequently reminded that the saints and the angels live in the present, not just the past.  The saints, and all the people who had died, inhabited that parallel existence, which overlapped to some extent the one that enveloped the living” (Williams 2000: [4] 3).  In the world that humans would go to after death is one of a new and better existence, where the goods wins a struggle against evil.  In order to ensure that the dying will move on to a better existence, the priest was fundamental in aiding that transition.

            During the late 18^th – early 19^th century period, when a person was close to death a priest would be called in for the final rituals.  As was previously stated, his is of absolute importance for the dead and his or her family, because without the presence of a priest (maximum authority of the Church) to perform the final rites, the process of dying is incomplete.  During the final rites, a crucifix was placed in the hands of the dying person (Foster 1960: 143).  The rites that were offered are confession, penance, absolution, communion, and extreme unction.  All these were done to prepare the soul for its journey into heaven.  When the dying person has stopped breathing, the church bells ring their toque de muerte (toll of death), which informs the entire community of the death (Foster 1960: 145). 

            After this, the wake takes place, during which members of the village came to pay their respects.  The body was kept in the house where death took place and was illuminated with candles.  The body was then washed, clothed and prepared for the funeral.  Similar to the Ohlone culture, it was very important that family members did not take part in the washing of the corpse (Foster 1960: 145).  During the wake, the entire village and members of the community came to the house to pay their respects to the deceased and his/her family. 

The funeral generally took place the following day.  The body was usually carried on a litter (palajuela) to the church where a brief ceremony took place (Williams 2000: [4] 5).  The procession then proceeded towards the cemetery.  On the way there, the priest would stop at the pozas; a poza  The lloronas, women mourners expressing their grief over the death by sobbing loudly, were an integral part of the funeral procession.  Wailing was seen as a symbol of grief and affection for the deceased.  In addition, the number of wailers was an indication of social status – the more that are present, the higher the social status of the deceased and his or her family.  is “any spot where a stop is made for the priest to pray during which prayers were offered” (Foster 1960: 148).

Cultures Colliding

In Santa Barbara, coffins have been uncovered in digs, which have allowed archaeologists to find out how the dead were buried.  “The redwood boards were apparently nailed together with at least two different sizes of square nail” (Costello and Walker 1987: 14).  The lid of the casket was covered in coarse fabric that was held over the wood with flat-headed copper tacks (Costello and Walker 1987: 14). 

In digs that have been conducted at the Santa Clara Mission, there have also been finds of nails and tacks; “numerous square cut nails also were found”  (Skowronek and Wizorek 1997: 80).  This pattern can be found in mission sights around the country.  In mission St. Augustine Florida, for example “Spanish coffins … were simply decorated with iron and brass tack and nails” (Koch 1983: 223).  Another interesting fact is the presence of personal adornment items.  Although “the presence of grave goods is not common amongst the California mission burials”, the mission cemeteries that were excavated in Santa Clara contained high numbers of them (Skowronek and Wizorek 1997: 81). 

As we have observed in the previous pages, there are unique rituals and attitudes towards death in the Ohlone and Spanish societies.  During the era of Spanish colonization and establishment of the missions on California, the missions were a site in which both cultures came together.  Not only were members of two very different cultures exposed to each other, but one lifestyle and culture (Spanish) was imposed on the other (Ohlone).  The Indians, who were regarded by the Spaniards as gente sin razón (people without reason), were expected and forced to adopt Spanish customs and death rituals, which were viewed as the only correct way to salvation.  Only in assimilating and adopting Spanish culture and activities, would the Indians become gente de razón. 

            One example of an Ohlone ritual which was prohibited by the Spanish upon establishment of the missions is the burning of the corpse upon death with all the deceased’s personal possessions.  The Ohlone believed very strongly and feared the presence of the ghost of the deceased; therefore, the funeral pyre was built upon death, where the corpse was burned with all of his or her belongings. This even included the home in which he/she had lived.  There are accounts written in which priests reacted in surprise to the burning of possessions and the conflicting beliefs of both cultures emerged.

For example, when Father Magín Catalá died in 1830 at Mission Santa Clara, the Clareños (who were in part of Ohlone descent) wished to help the priest to the afterlife.  “Another witness, Felis Buelna, had obtained Catalá’s prayer book from and individual ‘who preserved it from fire, for it was customary among the Indians to burn all things that belonged to some person deceased’” (Skowronek 2002: 70).  It is important to note that this took place at 1830, fifty-three years after the establishment of the missions.  This shows that there are customs that still pervade amongst the neophytes which have been hard to forget. 

This contrasts greatly with the Spanish beliefs towards the dead.  They buried their dead and burning a corpse was seen as a grave offense to the memory of the deceased.  The personal belongings of the deceased, instead of being viewed as something which needed to be destroyed, were kept and cherished.  The belongings were the only connection to the dead that remained and allowed the family members to keep the memory alive.

            Another difference was the ideologies about life after death.  Although both cultures believed in the continuing existence of the soul after death, the beliefs of its destination greatly contrast each other.  The Ohlone believed that upon death the soul would travel to the Island of the Dead and live there temporarily.  “At some future time, perhaps when the soul lost all contact with living beings, if might (so it was said in some places) return to Earth in a new body” (Margolin 1978: 147).  The Spanish, on the other hand, did not believe in reincarnation.  If the deceased was a child, he or she would go straight to heaven.  Adults would go to purgatory, heaven, or hell, depending on their life and deeds on Earth. 

            What we would have seen in the missions is religious syncretism in many aspects of their daily lives; this includes the burials and death rituals that took place.  Roman Catholicism was the only accepted religion which Indians were expected to follow.  However, many aspects of the Ohlone religion and spirituality were maintained.  “The fact that Catholicism became part of the lives of the Ohlone and other California Native Americans cannot be denied, but there was a degree of syncretism throughout the mission era, in part because of the continuing movement of new recruits into the missions” (Skowronek 2002: 68).

            Syncretism took place, in part, because of similar activities in the death rituals in the Spanish and Ohlone religions.  This allowed the Ohlone to continue the specific ritual, even though its significance differed from that of the Spanish.  One such activity is the wailing carried out by women during the mourning period.  “Wailing in Catholic society was a sign of grief and affection for the departed, whereas in the Ohlone society the practice was meant to send the spirit of the departed away and, thus, protect the living” (Skowronek 2002: 70).  Here we can see how a death ritual continued to take place in the mission due to the fact that the Spanish performed the same activity. 

            Not only were similar practices maintained, but even those rituals that contrasted greatly with the Spanish ideology, continued to be practiced by the Indians.  One example is the Ohlone ritual of “painting their bodies red or black when they were in mourning.  According to La Pérouse, the priests compromised with them and forbid only the use of the red paint” (Skowronek 2002: 70).  The Ohlone were permitted to continue painting their faces in black.  This is just one example of various forms of syncretism that continued throughout the mission period, reflecting the resiliency of a culture that was forced to change its ways.  The attitude and prohibitions of the priests varied from mission to mission; therefore the degree of practices that were maintained also varied.  Some missionaries even found it beneficial to allow certain practices to continue, in order to draw more Indians for conversion.  Because of the clear power structures and the nature of the missions, Indians assimilated into Spanish traditions and rituals.  However, this did not happen without them maintaining some of their cultural beliefs and ideas.  “The conversion process did not strip away life-long beliefs, but set the stage for a compromise, one in which new ideas became fused with old ones” (Skowronek 2002: 71). 

Acknowledgements

            The research presented here was conducted as part of college-level course at Santa Clara University.  Anthropology 146 “Anthropological Perspectives on the Spanish and Native American Experience” taught by Russell K. Skowronek during the Spring of 2004.  We would like to take this opportunity to thank Meredith Kaplan, Superintendent, and David Smith, Park Ranger-Interpretive Specialist, of the Bautista de Anza National Historic Trail for their encouragement and support of the project.  Special thanks are due to Dr. Jack S. Williams of the Center for Spanish Colonial Archaeology for graciously sharing a draft of his monumental California Mission Studies Association manuscript title, Los Presidios: Guardians of Alta California’s Mission Frontier

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