The ninth day of August, 1861, found the Confederate army under General Ben. McCulloch, camped on Wilson’s Creek, ten miles south of Springfield, in south-west Missouri. It consisted of a Louisiana regiment under Colonel Louis Hébert (a well-drilled and well-equipped organization, chiefly from the north part of the State); Greer’s Texas regiment (mounted); Churchill’s Arkansas cavalry, and McIntosh’s battalion of Arkansas mounted rifles (Lieutenant-Colonel Embry), under the immediate charge of the commanding general; General Price’s command of Missouri State Guards, with Bledsoe’s and Guibor’s batteries, and my three regiments of Arkansas infantry, with Woodruff’s and Reid’s batteries. More than half the Missourians were mounted, and but few of the troops in the whole command were well armed. The army numbered in all about 11,500 men,— perhaps, 6000 to 7000 of whom were in semi-fighting trim, and participated in the battle.

The Federal forces under General Nathaniel Lyon, between 5000 and 6000 strong, occupied the town of Springfield, and General McCulloch was expecting them to advance and give him battle. General McCulloch’s headquarters were on the right of the Springfield road, east of Wilson’s Creek, rather in advance of the center of the camp. General Price occupied a position immediately west, and in the valley of the creek, with his command mostly north of the Springfield road. I had established my headquarters on the heights east and south of Wilson’s Creek and the Springfield road, with my forces occupying the elevated ground immediately adjacent. Detailed reports as to the strength and movements of Lyon’s command were momentarily expected, through spies sent out by General Price, as McCulloch relied upon the native Missourians to furnish such knowledge; but it was not until late in the afternoon that two “loyal” ladies succeeded in passing out of the Federal lines, by permission of General Lyon, and, coming in a circuitous route by Pond Springs, reached General Price’s headquarters with the desired information. General McCulloch at once called a council of war of the principal officers, where it was decided, instead of waiting for the enemy, to march with the whole command, at 9 o’clock that night, and attack General Lyon at Springfield. As soon as the orders of General McCulloch had been properly published by his adjutant-general, Colonel McIntosh, the camp was thrown into a ferment of suppressed excitement. It was ordered that the advance be made in three divisions, under the separate commands of General Price, Adjutant-General McIntosh, and myself. The scene of preparation, immediately following the orders so long delayed and now so eagerly welcomed by the men, was picturesque and animating in the extreme. The question of ammunition was one of the most important and serious, and as the Ordnance Department was imperfectly organized and poorly supplied, the men scattered about in groups, to improvise, as best they could, ammunition for their inefficient arms. Here, a group would be molding bullets — there, another crowd dividing percussion-caps, and, again, another group fitting new flints to their old muskets. They had little thought then of the inequality between the discipline, arms, and accouterments of the regular United States troops they were soon to engage in battle, and their own homely movements and equipments. It was a new thing to most of them, this regular way of shooting by word of command, and it was, perhaps, the old-accustomed method of using rifle, musket, or shot-gun as gamesters or marksmen that won them the battle when pressed into close quarters with the enemy. All was expectancy, and as the time sped on to 9 o’clock, the men became more and more eager to advance. What was their disappointment when, as the hour finally arrived, instead of the order to march, it was announced that General McCulloch had decided, on account of a threatened rain, which might damage and destroy much of their ammunition, to postpone the movement. The men did not “sulk in their tents,” but rested on their arms in no amiable mood. This condition of uncertainty and suspense lasted well through the night, as the commanding officers were better informed than the men of the risks to be encountered, and of the probable result, in case they should make an aggressive fight against disciplined forces when only half prepared. Daybreak, on the 10th of August, found the command still at Wilson’s Creek, cheerlessly waiting, many of the troops remaining in position, in line of march, on the road, and others returning, to camp to prepare the morning meal.

Perhaps it was 6 o’clock when the long-roll sounded and the camp was called to arms. A few minutes before this, Sergeant Hite, of my body-guard, dashed up to my headquarters, breathless with excitement, hatless, and his horse covered with foam, exclaiming hurriedly, “General, the enemy is coming!” “Where?” said I, and he pointed in the direction of a spring, up a ravine, where he had been for water. He had been fired at, he said, by a picket of some troops advancing on the right flank. I ordered the sergeant to ride in haste to General McCulloch with this information, and proceeded to place my command in position. I was the better enabled to do this without delay, because I had on the day before, with Colonel R. H. Weightman, made a careful reconnaissance of the ground in the direction from which the enemy was said to be approaching. The colonels commanding were immediately notified, and the regiments were formed and posted so as to meet his advance. Captain Woodruff’s Little Rock (Ark.) battery was ordered to occupy a hill commanding the road to Springfield, and the 3d Arkansas Infantry (Colonel John R. Gratiot) was ordered to support him. I placed Captain Reid’s Fort Smith (Ark.) battery on an eminence to command the approaches to our right and rear, and gave him the 5th Arkansas Infantry (Colonel T.P. Dockery) as a support. I then advanced the 4th Arkansas Infantry (Colonel J.D. Walker) north of this battery to watch the approach down the ravine, through which Sergeant Hite had reported that the enemy was coming. Thus, the Arkansas troops under my command had all been placed in favorable position, ready for action, within a very short time after the first alarm.

While these events were taking place under my immediate notice, General McCulloch had been actively making disposition of the troops more nearly opposed to the first advance of the enemy, under General Lyon. He had posted the 3d Louisiana Infantry (Colonel Hébert) and McIntosh’s 2d Arkansas Rifles (dismounted) to meet the earliest demonstration from the direction of Springfield. General Price had also been industriously engaged in placing his troops to intercept the advancing foe. General Rains’s (Missouri) command had the honor of giving the first reception to the main column under General Lyon. He was ably supported by the gallant Missouri generals, Slack, McBride, Parsons, and Clark, with their respective brigades. The fighting at this juncture — perhaps about 7 o’clock — was confined to the corn-field north of Wilson’s Creek, where the Louisiana infantry, with Lieutenant-Colonel Embry’s 2d Arkansas Mounted Rifles (dismounted), all under the immediate command of Colonel McIntosh, effectually charged and drove back the enemy. Simultaneously the battle opened farther west and south of Wilson’s Creek, where the Missouri troops were attacked by the main column or right wing of the enemy. Totten’s (Federal) battery was pushed forward, and took its first position on the side of Oak Hill, north of where the main fight afterward took place. I had directed Captain Woodruff, who was posted within easy range, to give attention to Totten, and the two batteries were soon engaged in a lively artillery duel, being well matched in skill and mettle. Lieutenant Weaver, of Woodruff’s battery, was killed, and 4 of Totten’s men were killed and 7 wounded in this engagement. General Lyon’s right, although it had gained a temporary advantage in the early morning by surprising the Missourians, was roughly handled when they had recovered themselves. They were reinforced by Churchill’s regiment, which had moved up from the extreme right, and the battle raged several hours while they held their ground. At this juncture a gallant charge was made by Greer’s and Carroll’s mounted regiments on Totten’s battery, but it was not a complete success, as the gunners turned about and recovered their guns.

In the early morning, perhaps simultaneously with the advance of Lyon, General Sigel, commanding the left column of the advance from Springfield, came upon our right and rear, first attacking Colonel Churchill’s camp, as the men were preparing for breakfast, obliging them to retreat to an adjacent wood, where they were formed in good order. The surprise resulted from the movement of the night before, when pickets had been withdrawn that were not re-posted in the morning. Sigel did not wait for a fight, however, but advanced to, and had his battery unlimbered near, the Fayetteville road, west of Wilson’s Creek, opposite and within range of Reid’s battery as it was then in position as originally placed. Before he had discovered us, and perhaps in ignorance of our position, Reid attacked him, under my personal orders and supervision. Sigel’s movement was a bold one, and we really could not tell, on his first appearance (there having been no fight with Churchill), whether he was friend or foe. An accidental gust of wind having unfurled his flag, we were no longer in doubt. Reid succeeded in getting his range accurately, so that his shot proved very effective. At this juncture, General McCulloch in person led two companies of the Louisiana infantry in a charge and captured five of the guns.*General Sigel was himself in command, and made vain attempts to hold his men, who were soon in full retreat, back over the road they came, pursued by the Texas and Missouri cavalry. This was the last of Sigel for the day, as his retreat was continued to Springfield. As a precaution, however, not knowing how badly we had defeated Sigel, I immediately posted the 4th Arkansas Infantry (Colonel Walker) along the brow of the hill, commanding the road over which he had fled, which regiment remained on duty until the battle was over.

There seemed now to be a lull in the active fighting; the bloody contest in the corn-field had taken place; the fight “mit Sigel” had resulted satisfactorily to us, but the troops more immediately opposed to General Lyon had not done so well. General Price and his Missouri troops had borne the brunt of this hard contest, but had gained no ground. They had suffered heavy losses, and were running short of ammunition. I had watched anxiously for signs of victory to come from the north side of the creek, but Totten’s battery seemed to belch forth with renewed vigor, and was advanced once or twice in its position. The line of battle on our left was shortening, and the fortunes of war appeared to be sending many of our gallant officers and soldiers to their death. There was no demoralization —no signs of wavering or retreat, but it was an hour of great anxiety and suspense. No one then knew what the day would bring forth. As the sun poured down upon our devoted comrades, poised and resting, as it were, between the chapters of a mighty struggle not yet completed, the stoutest of us almost weakened in our anxiety to know the outcome.

Just at this time, General Lyon appeared to be massing his men for a final and decisive movement. I had been relieved of Sigel, and Reid’s battery was inactive because it could not reach Totten. This was fortunate, for my command, in a measure fresh and enthusiastic, was about to embrace an opportunity— such a one as will often win or lose a battle—by throwing its strength to the weakened line at a critical moment and winning the day. Colonel McIntosh came to me from General McCulloch, and Captain Greene from General Price, urging me to move at once to their assistance. General Lyon was in possession of Oak Hill; his lines were forward, his batteries aggressive, and his charges impetuous. The fortunes of the day were balanced in the scale, and something must be done or the battle was lost. My men were eager to go forward, and when I led the 3d Arkansas Infantry (Colonel Gratiot) and the right wing of the 5th Arkansas Infantry (Lieutenant-Colonel Neal) across the creek, and pushed rapidly up the hill in the face of the enemy, loud cheers went up from our expectant friends that betokened an enthusiasm which, no doubt, helped to win the fight. Colonel McIntosh, with two pieces of Reid’s battery, and with a part of Dockery’s 5th Arkansas Infantry, supported my right; the Federal forces occupied two lines of battle, reaching across the crest of Oak Hill; and at this juncture our troops in front were composed of the Missouri forces, under General Price (occupying the center); Texas and Louisiana troops, under General McCulloch (on the right), and my forces thrown forward (on the left), when a combined advance was ordered by General McCulloch. This proved to be the decisive engagement, and as volley after volley was poured against our lines, and our gallant boys were cut down like grass, those who survived seemed to be nerved to greater effort and a determination to win or die. At about this time (11:30 A. M.) the first line of battle before us gave way. Our boys charged the second line with a yell, and were soon in possession of the field, the enemy slowly withdrawing toward Springfield. This hour decided the contest and won for us the day. It was in our front here, as was afterward made known, that the brave commander of the Federal forces, General Lyon, was killed, gallantly leading his men to what he and they supposed was victory, but which proved (it may be because they were deprived of his enthusiastic leadership) disastrous defeat. In the light of the present day, even, it is difficult to measure the vast results had Lyon lived and the battle gone against us.

General McCulloch, myself, and our staff-officers now grouped ourselves together upon the center of the hill. Woodruff’s battery was again placed in position, and Totten, who was covering the retreat of Sturgis (who had assumed command of the Federal forces after the death of General Lyon), received the benefit of his parting shots. We watched the retreating enemy through our field-glasses, and were glad to see him go. Our ammunition was exhausted, our men undisciplined, and we feared to risk pursuit. It was also rumored that reinforcements were coming to the Federal army by forced marches, but it was found the next day that the disaster to the retreating army was greater than we had supposed, and a few fresh cavalry troops could doubtless have followed and captured many more stragglers and army stores. Next day the enemy evacuated Springfield, and Price, with his Missouri troops, occupied it, and had his supplies and wounded moved to that point.

The Arkansans in this battle were as brave, as chivalrous, and as successful as any of the troops engaged. They bore out, on many a hard-fought field later on in the struggle, the high hopes built upon their conduct here.

*General McCulloch’s report says: “When we arrived near the enemy’s battery we found that Reid’s battery had opened upon it, and it was already in confusion. Advantage was taken of it, and soon the Louisianians were gallantly charging among the guns and swept the cannoneers away. Five guns were here taken.”

(Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, Volume I, Pages 298-303)

Precisely at 6:30 o’clock the brigade moved out of its camp; after following the Yokermill road for about five miles we turned south-west into the woods, and found our way, with difficulty, to a point south of the enemy’s camp, where we arrived between 11 and 12 o’clock at night. There we rested. It was a dark, cloudy night, and a drizzling rain began to fall. So far no news of our movement had reached the enemy’s camp, as the cavalry in advance had arrested every person on the road, and put guards before the houses in its neighborhood. At the first dawn of day we continued our advance for about a mile and a half, the cavalry patrols in front capturing forty men who had strolled into our line while looking for food and water, and who said that twenty regiments of Missouri, Arkansas, and Louisiana troops were encamped not far distant in the valley beyond. Moving on, we suddenly found ourselves near a hill, from which we gained a full view of the camp. We halted a few moments, when I directed four pieces of our artillery to take position on the top of the hill, commanding the camp, while the infantry, with the other two pieces and preceded by Lieutenant Farrand’s cavalry company, continued its march down the road to the crossing of Wilson’s Creek.

It was now 5:30 A.M. At this moment some musket-firing was heard from the north-west, announcing the approach of General Lyon’s troops; I therefore ordered the four pieces to open fire against the camp, which had a “stirring” effect on the enemy, who were preparing breakfast. The surprise was complete, except that one of the enemy’s cavalrymen made good his retreat from Lieutenant Farrand’s dragoons and took the news of our advance to the other side (General Pearce’s headquarters). I became aware of his escape, and believing that no time should be lost to lend assistance to our friends, we crossed Wilson’s Creek, took down the fences at Dixon’s farm, passed through it and crossed Terrel (or Tyrel) Creek. Not knowing whether it would be possible to bring all our pieces along, I left the four pieces on the hill, with a support of infantry, and continued our march until we reached the south side of the valley, which extends northward to Sharp’s house, about 3000 paces, and from west to east about 1000. We took the road on the west side of the valley, along the margin of the woods, and within a fence running nearly parallel with the open fields.

During this time a large body of the enemy’s cavalry, about 2500 strong, was forming across the valley, not far distant from its northern extremity; I therefore halted the column on the road, sent for the four pieces left on the other side of the creek, and, as soon as their approach was reported to me, I directed the head of our column to the right, left the road, and formed the troops in line of battle, between the road and the enemy’s deserted camp,— the infantry on the left, the artillery on the right, and the cavalry on the extreme right, toward Wilson’s Creek. A lively cannonade was now opened against the dense masses of the hostile cavalry, which lasted about twenty minutes, and forced the enemy to retire in disorder toward the north and into the woods. We now turned back into the road, and, advancing, made our way through a number of cattle near Sharp’s house, and suddenly struck the Fayetteville road, leading north to that part of the battlefield on which General Lyon’s troops were engaged. We were now on the principal line of retreat of the enemy, and had arrived there in perfect order and discipline. Up to this time we had made fifteen miles, had been constantly in motion, had had a successful engagement, and the troops felt encouraged by what they had accomplished. It is, therefore, totally false, as rumor had it after the battle, that “Sigel’s men” gave themselves up to plundering the camp, became scattered, and were for this reason surprised by the “returning enemy.”

When we had taken our position on the plateau near Sharp's, a cannonade was opened by me against a part of the enemy’s troops, evidently forming the left of their line, confronting Lyon, as we could observe from the struggle going on in that direction. The firing lasted about 30 minutes.*

Suddenly the firing on the enemy’s side ceased, and it seemed as if we had directed our own fire against Lyon’s forces. I therefore ordered the pieces to cease firing. Just at this time—it was between 9 and 10 o’clock — there was a lull in the fight on the north side, and not a gun was heard, while squads of the enemy’s troops, unarmed, came streaming up the road from Skegg’s Branch toward us and were captured. Meanwhile a part of McCulloch’s force was advancing against us at Sharp’s farm, while Reid’s battery moved into position on the hill east of Wilson’s Creek, and opposite our right flank, followed by some cavalry.

All these circumstances — the cessation of the firing in Lyon’s front, the appearance of the enemy’s deserters, and the movement of Reid’s artillery and the cavalry toward the south — led us into the belief that the enemy’s forces were retreating, and this opinion became stronger by the report of Dr. Melcher, who was in advance on the road to Skegg’s Branch, that “Lyon’s troops” were coming up the road and that we must not fire. So uncertain was I in regard to the character of the approaching troops, now only a few rods distant, that I did not trust to my own eyes, but sent Corporal Tod, of the 3d Missouri, forward to challenge them. He challenged as ordered, but was immediately shot and killed. I instantly ordered the artillery and infantry to fire. But it was too late — the artillery fired one or two shots, but the infantry, as though paralyzed, did not fire; the 3d Louisiana, which we had mistaken for the gray-clad 1st Iowa, rushed up to the plateau, while Bledsoe’s battery in front and Reid’s from the heights on our right flank opened with canister at point-blank against us. As a matter of precaution I had during the last moment brought four of our pieces into battery on the right against the troops on the hill and Reid’s battery; but after answering Reid’s fire for a few minutes, the horses and drivers of three guns suddenly left their position, and with their caissons galloped down the Fayetteville road, in their tumultuous flight carrying panic into the ranks of the infantry, which turned back in disorder, and at the same time received the fire of the attacking line.

On our retreat the right wing, consisting mostly of the 3d Missouri Infantry and one piece of artillery, followed the road we came, while the left wing, consisting of the 5th Missouri Infantry and another piece, went down the Fayetteville road, then, turning to the right (north-west), made its way toward Little York and Springfield; on its way the latter column was joined by Lieutenant Farrand’s cavalry company. Colonel Salomon was also with this column, consisting in all of about 450 men, with 1 piece and caisson. I remained with the right wing, the 3d Missouri, which was considerably scattered. I re-formed the men during their retreat into 4 companies, in all about 250 men, and, turning to the left, into the Fayetteville road, was joined by Captain Carr’s company of cavalry. After considering that, by following the left wing toward Little York, we might be cut off from Springfield and not be able to join General Lyon’s forces, we followed the Fayetteville road until we reached a road leading north-east toward Springfield. This road we followed. Captain Carr, with his cavalry, was leading; he was instructed to remain in advance, keep his flankers out, and report what might occur in front. One company of the 3d Missouri was at the head of our little column of infantry, followed by the piece of artillery and two caissons, behind them the remainder of the infantry, the whole flanked on each side by skirmishers. So we marched, or rather dragged along as fast as the exhausted men could go, until we reached the ford at James Fork of the White River. Carr had already crossed, but his cavalry was not in sight; it had hastened along without waiting for us; a part of the infantry had also passed the creek; the piece and caissons were just crossing, when the rattling of musketry announced the presence of hostile forces on both sides of the creek. They were detachments of Missouri and Texas cavalry, under Lieutenant-Colonel Major, Captains Mabry and Russell, that lay in ambush, and now pounced upon our jaded and extended column. It was in vain that Lieutenant-Colonel Albert and myself tried to rally at least a part of them; they left the road to seek protection, or make good their escape in the woods, and were followed and hunted down by their pursuers. In this chase the greater part of our men were killed, wounded, or made prisoners, among the latter Lieutenant-Colonel Albert and my orderly, who were with me in the last moment of the affray. I was not taken, probably because I wore a blue woolen blanket over my uniform and a yellowish slouch-hat, giving me the appearance of a Texas Ranger. I halted on horseback, prepared for defense, in a small strip of corn-field on the west side of the creek, while the hostile cavalrymen swarmed around and several times passed close by me. When we had resumed our way toward the north-east, we were immediately recognized as enemies, and pursued by a few horsemen, whoso number increased rapidly. It was a pretty lively race for about six miles, when our pursuers gave up the chase. We reached Springfield at 4: 30 in the afternoon, in advance of Sturgis, who with Lyon’s troops was retreating from the battle-field, and who arrived at Springfield, as he says, at 5 o’clock. The circumstance of my arrival at the time stated gave rise to the insinuation that I had forsaken my troops after their repulse at Sharp’s house, and had delivered them to their fate. Spiced with the accusation of “plunder,” this and other falsehoods were repeated before the Committee on the Conduct of the War, and a letter defamatory of me was dispatched to the Secretary of War (dated February 14th, 1862, six months after the battle of Wilson’s Creek). I had no knowledge of these calumnies against me until long after the war, when I found them in print.

In support of my statements, I would direct attention to my own reports on the battle and to the Confederate reports, especially to those of Lieutenant-Colonel Hyams and Captain Vigilini, of the 3d Louisiana; also to the report of Captain Carr, in which he frankly states that he abandoned me immediately before my column was attacked at the crossing of James Fork, without notifying me of the approach of the enemy’s cavalry. I never mentioned this fact, as the subsequent career of General Carr, his cooperation with me during the campaigns of General Fremont, and his behavior in the battle of Pea Ridge vindicated his character and ability as a soldier and commander.

*Colonel Graves, commanding the First Brigade, Mo. State Guards, says in his report: “Colonel Rosser, commanding the 1st Regiment and Fourth Battalion, with Captain Bledsoe’s artillery, being stationed on the extreme left, was attacked by Colonel Sigel’s battery, and his men exposed to a deadly fire for thirty minutes.”--F.S.

(Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, Volume I, Pages 304-06)

In an old package of papers, yellow with age, is found a substantial copy of the report of the Pulaski battery’s participation in the battle of the 10th of August. It has never been published within the knowledge of this writer, and it appears now, as having been made when matters were fresh in mind:

Camp on Wilson’s Creek, Mo., Aug. 11, 1861

Col. Joseph Hebert, Commanding Advance:--

Sir:—My battery having been assigned to your command, it becomes my duty to report its participation in the action of yesterday on the ground it occupies. If I am in error, please forward to proper headquarters.

On the morning of the 9th inst., I was ordered to be in readiness to move promptly against the enemy, at 9 p. m. Later, in consequence of the rain, I was ordered to be “ready to move at a moment’s notice.” My officers and men were ordered to remain at and near their posts, with teams harnessed and hitched, parked at full distance, and remained so all night.

About 6 a. m. on the 10th, just as my men had finished breakfast, a great commotion was observed on the Springfield road, in a direction northwesterly (as I take it) from my camp. Men, horses and other animals, with and without wagons, carriages, etc., were seen rushing hurriedly and confusedly in great numbers down the roads and to the fords on the west and south. It seemed to be a repetition of the affair at Crane Creek a few days ago, and we were not greatly disturbed. Nevertheless, I ordered officers and men to posts and mounted drivers while awaiting orders. A minute or two later, on the hill five or six hundred yards northwest a rush of teams was observed, which rapidly developed into a light battery, that quickly unlimbered and commenced firing, seemingly in the direction of General McCulloch’s headquarters, or of the crowd flying down the main road towards Sharp’s house. Almost simultaneously a second battery or section rushed forward to the right and in front of the first, about 200 yards, unlimbered and commenced firing, apparently in the direction of McRae’s battalion, or Third Louisiana regiment.* My men had been held a minute or two in expectation of orders, but satisfied the situation was grave, I passed my caissons to the rear and ordered “in battery,” at the appearance of the first mentioned force. The second battery or section of the enemy observed my movement, and opened fire on us. We were able to answer the enemy’s third or fourth shot. Generals Pearce and McCulloch were soon on the ground and approved the action taken. Within a few minutes after the enemy opened, the report of a few shots of artillery to the southwest was heard, or at both extremities of our camp. Feeling the importance of staying the assault until our infantry lines were established, the cannonade with the hostile battery was continued half an hour or more, with the double purpose of checking it and for effect on his infantry lines behind.

Early in the action, the Missouri cavalry regiment of Colonel Graves reported, in support of the battery. The colonel was requested to take position on our flanks and rear, if he approved. A considerable force of the enemy was observed in the cornfield near one-half mile immediately north of our position. Foreseeing that it was intended to attack our position and dislodge us, the appearance and position of this force, regulars, infantry, cavalry and a battery, was quickly reported to General McCulloch, who speedily opposed it with McRae’s battalion, part of the Third Louisiana, and, I think, Flanagin’s regiment, all under Colonel McIntosh. They had to pass under the fire of our guns, stationed at a higher level, to reach the enemy. With the rest of the Third Louisiana regiment, General McCulloch, in a little while, moved rapidly to the west or southwest. Our infantry line being formed, and the threatened attack from the hill north checked, our fire was thereafter directed where it could be advantageously used without injury to our own troops, sometimes at the opposing battery, at others against the assaults of the enemy on the hill to the northwest, in support of Colonel McIntosh, and after in support of our infantry line on the enemy, when the latter was uncovered. About 9 a. m., Colonel Gratiot’s Third Arkansas reported in support, and was requested to take the position vacated by Graves’ Missouri cavalry. An hour later the Third Arkansas, Colonel Gratiot, passed down the hill to the left of our position, directed by General Pearce, and crossed the creek, and in a little while went into action. Observing a Federal regiment, uniformed in gray, advancing in fine order to meet Gratiot, and having an excellent opportunity to enfilade it while Gratiot was uncovered, we opened on it with the effect of breaking its beautiful line and scattering it its full length, to the depth of a company front or more, when Gratiot met and dispersed it gallantly. The enemy commenced falling back about noon, to the northwest, in good order, their rear covered by artillery and cavalry. We opened on the retreating force, which gave our artillery antagonists opportunity to send a few spiteful shots at us in return.

Casualties. I have to report a loss of four officers and men, killed, wounded and missing. First Lieutenant Omer R. Weaver and Private Hugh Byler were killed by cannon shot; Private Richard C. Byrd, Jr., was wounded in the leg by a minnie ball, sufficiently to disable him from service for some time; two horses were also killed. The death of Weaver is an irreparable loss to the battery and the cause. Byler was a brave and useful and exemplary soldier. Their loss is all the more deplorable, because if a surgeon had been attached, their valuable lives might possibly have been saved. The missing man had gone to the corral without permission at dawn, and was cut off from return by position of the enemy and his line of fire.

During a lull in the action, by General Pearce’s order, the battery was limbered up and moved to more elevated ground some one hundred yards to the right and rear of the first position.

Very respectfully, etc.,

W.E. Woodruff, Jr.,

Captain Pulaski (Arkansas) Light Battery

The average excellence of behavior of the company was very high. There was only one absentee, and he, a boy, caught away from camp when the battle opened, had no exemplar to point the way to duty. His name is not mentioned. The army roll is challenged for superiors or peers of Tom Cavanaugh, Pat Connolly, Higgins, Cook, Lowe and Quinn, as cannoneers. They were all artists in the service of the piece. The names of a few others are given alphabetically, special mention of whom will excite no jealousy: Blocher, Brodie, Button, Campbell, Curry, Davis, W. R. Douglass George, Halliburton, Hugh Hardy, Jennings, Kimbell, Lewis, Marshall, Mears, Merrick, Mills, Osborne, the two Parks brothers, Pollock, Visart, Watkins, Williams and Woodard, as deserving of commendation. Judgment forbids extending the list, lest the heart run away with the pen and cause it to copy the roll. Ten or more were boys between 15 and 17, and their youth alone prevented some from being placed as sergeants and corporals. All seemed to vie as if each member felt desirous of averting from the State of Arkansas, the odium of an overwhelming disgrace, responsibility for which might be settled upon each.

Many of the incidents of the fight are recalled. It had been arranged between the company officers long before, that in our first engagement each should take the post of gunner at designated pieces. Weaver to take No. 1, I to take No. 2 (to be near the center) Reyburn No. 3, and Brown No. 4, assisted and rested by the proper gunner of the respective pieces. From the shape of the gun, the tendency is to “over-shoot” the mark, the outer surface of the gun being much thicker at the breech than at the muzzle. The difference is more than an inch according to caliber, and in a distance of several hundred yards the overshot is considerable. Only experience can qualify a gunner to determine what elevation to give his piece, to strike with certainty a particular object. It was a fortunate incident that our overshots were effective on the Federal lines and reserve behind. I fired the first shot and the others followed. Weaver was struck within the first hour. He had just been relieved by his gunner, Sergeant Blocher, I believe, and, was struck a moment after with a solid shot, which broke his right arm and crushed his breast. Some one told me Weaver was wounded and wanted to see me. I went to him immediately, and he said, lying on the ground, his wounded arm across his breast: “I am done for; can’t you have me moved ?“ I said, “Yes, immediately, and I will try to get a surgeon.” He said, “All right; you had better go back to your gun or post.” I called Sergeant Button and told him to detail men to move Weaver, and to get a surgeon if he could. The fight was going on all the time. A little later Byler was struck by a solid shot above the knee. He was removed also. Within an hour Byrd was shot in the leg with a minnie ball and was also removed. Button managed to find Dr. Dunlap, of Fort Smith, who ministered to all while there was life. A wheel horse of the limber of Weaver’s gun, one of the “overland” white team, was also killed. All the casualties happened at the same gun and its caisson—a piece of shell splintered the latter and fell inside the chest—except another horse which was killed near us to the left—a sergeant’s horse hitched to a small tree.

During the “cornfield fight,” a battery, I think Bledsoe’s Missouri Battery, opened at a point considerably to the left, west and south of us, and fired apparently at the Federal regulars in the cornfield four or five shots. At the time I thought it was Reed. It may be, however, that it was Guibor’s Missouri Battery, which was camped over a mile to the left and rear of us as we fired. Neither Reed, Bledsoe or Guibor was in sight. This was the only participation in the fight by the Missouri batteries that I am aware of. It occurred to me at the time, that the missiles of this battery were as dangerous to McIntosh as to the enemy. I had partially discontinued firing in that direction for that reason. The guns sounded beautifully and inspiringly, however. Reed fired a few shots at Sigel’s battery, which we heard only, as he was out of sight. All the reports of the Pulaski battery “whipping Totten” are foundationless. He manifested himself a courageous and capable officer. He was in the fight from “end to end” and in the very forefront. He fired, I think, his last shot at us on the retreat, as stated in my report—though there was another regular battery, Du Bois’, in the close vicinity of the Federal force that made the cornfield fight. Totten’s guns were abandoned at one stage. Colonel De Rosey Carroll’s regiment (he told me) went over his, Totten’s ground, and found them abandoned. They were recovered, however and drawn away. I freely say that while our post was dangerous enough, I am glad the conditions were not reversed. He was afterwards dismissed from the army on account of dissipation, a weakness which President Grant might well have overlooked, as Totten suggested to him, when notified of that President’s approval of his dismissal. The unkindest thing I ever heard of Captain Totten was a remark of Captain C. C. Danley, in ‘60 or ‘61, who remarked: “T. was always a bosom friend of the man he drank with last.” Certainly a testimonial to his generous nature, and I can testify to his soldierly qualities.

Generals McCulloch, Price, Pearce and Colonel McIntosh visited our position several times during the day; also President David Walker of the State convention. The demeanor of all was fearless. It is recalled that Price wore throughout the fight a black “plug” hat, which ranged over the field like an orriflamme, to the Missourians.

The bearing of General Lyon was in plain view, and was very gallant. There was another Federal officer, a one-armed Irish man, named Sweeny, as afterwards learned, whose actions were most gallant in bringing up and encouraging his infantry as his battalions were put into the fight successively. He was always in the thick of it. We did not know the names of either until later. One factor aided the Federals greatly; all their infantry had long range guns; our men had very few; the Federals could pick their distance out of range of our old muskets, squirrel rifles and shot guns, when the two lines clashed. This was signally manifested when Gratiot’s minnie rifles were pitted against the last regiment put in the fight, which was arrested long before a return fire was expected. The difference in arms explains the heavy loss of the Confederates.

Next day after the battle the captain went to take a look at the “dutch” prisoners. As we passed a group of Price’s Missourians, one of them spoke out so that he could be heard: “There goes the little captain of the battery that saved us yesterday.” Then it was assured our boys had done well.

Only such matters as fell under personal observation are mentioned herein, because the object of the writer is merely to show the part played by the Pulaski battery, and not to describe the battle. The field of action to the south and west of us was mostly out of view, though we could hear the noise of artillery and small arms. We knew that the Missourians and Churchill’s, Dockery’s, Walker’s Carroll’s and other Arkansas regiments were earnestly engaged with the enemy, but the trees and the smoke, as it rose high above, obscured the ground, and the noise was our only evidence. Reed’s battery and Weightman’s men were entirely out of sight; so were the operations of the Third Louisiana in the fight that resulted in the capture of Sigel’s battery. One of these guns was brought to the ground we occupied during the fight. Another it is said bore the mark of one of Reed’s shots. We also secured one of Sigel’s artillery horses, which we put in place of one horse killed. We named him Sigel. We remained in camp on the battlefield for two or three days. Lieutenant Weaver’s and Byler’s bodies were buried, but Weaver’s was disinterred and sent to Little Rock for final burial, in charge of Lieutenant Brown. His grave is still bare of any memorial stone. This ought not to be, as Arkansas sent no more promising young soldier to the field.

. . . .The writer never went over a battlefield after a fight, and had no knowledge of the execution done by his guns or missiles until early in the ‘80’s, when he in company with Lieutenant Cook and Capt. L. L. Thompson, attended a “reunion” at Springfield, Mo. There we met an officer (name forgotten) of the Iowa regiment we had opposed, who expressed a wish to become acquainted. He had lost a leg in the fight. He appeared to be an excellent gentleman, and related many interesting incidents of the affair at Wilson’s Creek. He recalled perfectly the opening of fire upon his regiment by the Pulaski battery, just before his regiment tried conclusions with Gratiot’s regiment. Among other things, he said he “Had a young friend or relative in the regiment in whom he felt a great interest. Nearly all the men laid down for safety when the Pulaski battery opened on them, but this young fellow persisted in standing up, to be sure of missing nothing in sight. Finally the colonel persuaded him to lie down, but looking toward the curious man later, he saw him half raised, looking with all his might. 'Lie down, I tell you, lie down; you d—n fool, lie down,' was shouted again, and just then,” said the colonel, “you shot my leg off.” The climax was unexpected; we supposed the curious man would be annihilated with a cannon ball. I told the colonel it was pleasant to know that he hadn’t been killed, but it was too late to apologize. I felt as badly at the time as if the injury was recent. As the war resulted, it is just as well not to prosecute the inquiry as to the amount of damage done by us.

(With The Light Guns In ’61-’65: Reminiscences of Eleven Arkansas, Missouri and Texas Light Batteries, in the Civil War, Pages 37-52)

Captain Henry Guibor, a famous artillery officer of Missouri, was born at St. Louis in 1823, and died there October 17, 1899. His father was a Canadian who served on the side of the British in the War of 1812, and afterward became a citizen of St. Louis. As a young man, Captain Guibor followed the carpenter’s trade until the Mexican War, when he enlisted and served with credit with the first troops that crossed the Rio Grande. Returning to St. Louis, he was married in 1851 to Louise Michaud.

The crisis of 1861 found him deputy marshal of the criminal court and a man of considerable repute and influence. He had not been long returned from a campaign on the western border against the Kansas jayhawkers, in which he had won promotion to lieutenant in Capt. William Jackson’s battery of State militia. After that he had gone into camp with the battery at Camp Jackson, and was put under arrest by Captain Lyon, and paroled over his protest. A few days before the famous conference between Governor Claiborne [Jackson] and General Price and Captain Lyon and Frank P. Blair, he was offered the colonelcy of a regiment being secretly raised for the Federal service, but he refused this, frankly stating that he sympathized with the South, but did not wish then to take part on either side, as his father had lately died and his mother was dependent upon him for support. Soon afterward he was informed that a warrant was out for his arrest, and immediately after the arrest of Overton Barrett he and W. P. Barlow started out on horseback to join the forces gathering to defend the state.

After many adventures they reached Jefferson City, to find the Federals in control, and pushing on, reached Versailles, where they were arrested as Union spies. Next day they found the column of Governor Jackson, retreating from Booneville, at Warsaw. The governor promptly relieved [him] from arrest, and put Guibor in command of a battery of four six-pounder guns, which had been obtained at the Liberty arsenal. The men in charge of the guns had had no training, and the guns were but half equipped, but Guibor’s battery at that moment began its career. Guibor as captain and Barlow as first lieutenant, at once began the drilling of their men, and the improvising of implements for the guns. Ten days later they opened the battle of Carthage, July 5, 1861, where they fired the guns by pouring powder over the ventholes and touching it off with pieces of burning fence rail, set on fire for that purpose near each gun. A well-equipped battery opposed them, but they won the fight. After that battle they devoted nights to the manufacture of cartridges from red flannel, and canister from slugs cut from iron rods, which they fired with wonderful effect in the closely fought Battle of Wilson’s Creek. They took part in the fight at Drywood and the siege and capture of Lexington, and in December, 1861, the battery was reorganized at Memphis, recruited from the St. Louis boys captured at Camp Jackson and exchanged, and mustered into the Confederate States service. Then with a six gun battery, Captain Guibor returned to Price’s army, and fought at Elkhorn Tavern.

After the transfer to Mississippi, he took part in the battles of Iuka and Corinth; and at Grand Gulf, March 30, 1863, when engaged with three vessels of the Federal fleet, was badly wounded by the explosion of a 20-pounder Parrott gun. He was surrendered with Pemberton’s army, July 4, 1863, and after being exchanged his battery and Landis’ and Wade’s were consolidated under his command, and attached to Cockrell’s Missouri brigade.

In the Hundred Days’ battles in Georgia the battery was distinguished on many occasions, in the battalion of Maj. George. S. Storrs. Guibor’s battery and Ward’s were the first to take position on the summit of Little Kenesaw Mountain, and it was while they were in action there against one hundred and forty Federal cannon, that Lieut. E. D. McBride was instantly killed. In one of the battles about Atlanta Captain Guibor was again wounded. After the battle of Jonesboro, Guibor and his men marched into Tennessee with Hood, and fought at Franklin and Murfreesboro, and with Forrest in the rear guard of the terrible retreat. Early in 1865 they were ordered to the Carolinas, where they were surrendered with General Johnston’s army, April 26, closing a splendid record of twenty-two battles and over 100 skirmishes, in which they lost 21 killed and 69 wounded.

Captain Guibor then returned to St. Louis, where he was beloved by all for his gallantry and devotion as a soldier. For some time he was superintendent of the St. Louis house of refuge. In his uniform of Confederate gray, he delighted to drill the boys in military tactics.

(Confederate Military History, Extended Edition, Volume XII, Missouri, Pages 307-09)