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Acknowledgments The
research presented here was
conducted as part of a college-level course at Women’s
Experiences along the Juan Bautista de Anza Trail At
the beginning of the 21st century women in the Clothing
and
Accessories Clothing worn by
Spanish people in the New
World was more diverse and colorful than traditional dress in The Ohlone women from
what is now Chumash women wore two knee-length skirts made of buckskin, one in front and one behind. The edges were adorned with snail shells and cut abalone shells. Their hair was cut in bangs combed forward, with the rest loose in the back. Their ears were pierced and wore earrings made of shell and stone. In the Chumash society both men and women painted their bodies for spiritual rituals. The women arrived wearing antelope skins, their bodies painted, and carrying a colorful bundle of feathers (Heizer 1978: 512). Ohlone women’s bodies were also painted and ornamented during dance rituals, though less elaborately than the men who wore skirts of raven or crow feathers (Margolin 1978: 152). Occupations While
women in
Spanish society clearly did not have equal status to men, they were
granted
rights which other European women did not enjoy. For
example, women were able to own property
and testify in courts. Many Spanish
women in the Women of the Chumash and Ohlone Indian groups were given important occupations essential to the community. Women gathered and prepared shellfish and wild plant foods, and men hunted sea and land mammals and fished (Hollimon 1992). In the Ohlone tribe women gathered acorns, which they prepared for mush daily (Margolin 1978: 43). They prepared this mush in groups, creating a rhythm with their grinding as they sang along (Margolin 1978: 14). Women did not only gather roots and acorns, but most were daily basket makers and considered artists. These baskets were not only esthetically pleasing, but each was skillfully crafted for their specific purposes (Margolin 1978: 121). Ohlone women could also become a curing shaman, who could set bones, induce abortions, and control bleeding with a compress made of animal hair. Unique to the Ohlone shaman is the ability to release pressure caused by brain tumors by puncturing the cranium, called trepanning (Margolin, 132). Elite women in the Chumash society were sometimes given even more power than a shaman. In some cases daughters or sisters of a deceased Chumash chief would inherit the position of chief (Heizer 1978: 510). Courtship
and marriage Spanish tradition and religion were very strict. Premarital sex was forbidden and marital fidelity was expected. “If an adult man entered the house of another man while his wife was unattended and in the residence, his actions were considered proof of adultery” (Williams 2000 [3:1] 2). There were laws against such actions, and strict punishment was dealt to offenders. “Women were thought to be sexually powerful creatures who could lead men astray” (Hurtado 1999: 5). Family honor was largely the responsibility of the women, who preserved it through virginity. A double standard existed where men could earn a certain amount of respect for seducing a woman while the woman as well as her family were shamed and dishonored. “Prestige was awarded to a male who had as many sexual partners as possible” (Williams 2000 [3:1] 4). Women lacked significant power to refuse the wishes of their fathers and husbands. However, they were not powerless as records of women accusing men of seduction and rape indicate. There are also recorded cases of women involved in illicit affairs and priest records of illegitimate babies (occasionally, the priests themselves were suspected of fathering such children) (Hurtado 1999: 27). Priests
and
parents tried to restrict women and prevented illicit sexual encounters
through
separation, even going so far as to lock women up in some instances. In cities and towns throughout the Engagements
were
often arranged between go betweens (Foster 1960: 125).
According not only to social norms but also
to Spanish law, a couple was only considered engaged after parental
approval
(Nunis 1996: 12). Some, like Nunis, say
arranged marriages were not common, as parents wanted their children to
enjoy a
union of love. Others like Hurtado say
that while the theory that women should not be forced into marriage
against
their will persisted, this was not always the case in practice. Laws and traditions supported patriarchy and
women could not refuse the wishes of their fathers.
“Elite families often arranged marriages of
their children so that a good match would be assured rather than
leaving this
important matter to the whims of mere youthful passion” (Hurtado 1999:
25). The number of men in colonial There
were other
reasons for age differences among married couples.
It was important for men to support the
family financially, while for women the importance was virginity and
fertility. This usually resulted in men
marrying much
younger women. “Apparently, such ability
[for men to achieve financial security] was demonstrated at a
relatively young
age in A long courtship and engagement were preferred in the society, which was hoped, “Would instill in the couple recognition of the nature, function, and permanency of marriage” (Nunis 1996: 12). Finally, after obtaining permission for marriage from the governor as required by the Church, couples must be granted the blessing of the church before marriage. This was obtained through the answering of routine questions, as well as agreeing to the canons of the church regarding marriage (Nunis 1996: 15). The
average age
of a groom according to the 1836 The church emphasized wifely obedience. It viewed sex between spouses as purely for the purpose of procreation. Further, it only condoned sexual intercourse in the missionary position since, “Other positions were unnatural because they made the woman superior to her husband, thus thwarting God’s universal plan” (Hurtado 1999: 5). Although they were considerably more liberal than the Spanish about premarital sex and homosexuality the Ohlone severely restricted sexual intercourse. Even married couples were not allowed to make love freely while the woman was menstruating, while the male was preparing for a deer hunt, white woman was nursing, or while either one was getting ready for a spiritual event. Sex was seen interfering with the life of the spirit, which is the basis for Spanish sexual restrictions as well. The Ohlone’s sex restrictions served as a form of birth control. The nursing mother, unable to have sex, would not conceive until her child was able to walk on their own. This is practical in a highly mobile society (Margolin 1978: 85). In the Chumash society there were transvestite males called Berdaches, who had mixed-gender status (Hollimon 1992). They were allowed to take on the role of ‘women’ from a young age, and were considered women. They were completely accepted by the community as ‘wives’ of their husbands, even if their other wives were women. Female homosexuality was limited to sex, and it was unthinkable for a woman to adopt male clothing and roles (Margolin 1978: 84). When the Spanish arrived, they attempted to put an end to institutionalized homosexuality. One suspected ‘berdache’ was captured and stripped naked at Mission Santa Clara. For three days he was forced to sweep the guardhouse and do other tasks in order to publicly humiliate him. When he was released he was told he should “live as a man” (Williams 2000: 6(2), 14). Marriage was highly respected in both the Ohlone and Chumash societies. Except for chiefs and captains, most Chumash men only had one wife. A Chumash wife was bought with beads, skins, or a blanket from her family (Heizer 1978: 511). In Ohlone marriages the second wife was not considered a concubine or mistress, but an equal wife. Sometime her children were treated unequally however. In Ohlone marriages virginity was not required, but it was regarded with respect. Traditionally the woman would protest and scratch the face of her husband on her wedding night out of modesty (Margolin 1978: 86). Adultery was considered wrong, and women could fight or even kill her husband’s mistress if she was not in her family. In Chumash society adultery was not settled by individuals fighting. It was punished by whipping (Heizer, 511). Ohlone divorce was allowed, but the couple had to have worked hard to maintain their relationship (Margolin 1978: 83). If an Ohlone woman’s husband died she went into a deep state of mourning which lasted anywhere from six months to a year. The widow beat her breasts while wailing and screaming when she knew her husband had died. She later singed her hair close to her scalp and covered her face with ashes and pitch (Margolin 1978: 145). She was most feared because she was closest to the deceased, meaning he could haunt her. A widow was kept in isolation for the mourning period, but afterwards returned to normal (Margolin 1978: 148). Pregnancy,
birth, and infancy The reality of Spanish culture differed markedly from the idealized pronouncements of the church. Spanish society was based around the family. Young wives hoped for a quick pregnancy. A wife who did not become pregnant within the first year was pitied and could lose social status (Foster 1960: 113). Many superstitions and actions arose regarding the hastening of pregnancy (Foster 1960: 114). The more normal of these traditions included prayer and pilgrimage. Many believed that difficulty to become pregnant resulted from “open kidneys.” They placed the skin of newly butchered sheep onto the women’s back to heal the kidneys. People also believed that lack of love between couples inhibited pregnancy, while sexual enjoyment and coinciding orgasms help, and the course of the moon was very influential. In different areas, different actions were thought to increase the chance of pregnancy. These included sex under a bridge, sex in a bed facing west, and the man pressing his left foot on the wall during sex (Foster 1960: 114). Once a woman became pregnant, her lifestyle changed, although not much. For examples, certain food and drink limitations were set. However, they strongly supported satisfying antojos, or cravings, which they believed were really the cravings of the unborn baby and if not met, would lead to birthmarks. Superstitions revolved around pregnancy as well. For example, a woman was not to wind string around her neck as this was thought to cause the strangulation of the baby at birth by the umbilical cord (Foster 1960: 112). During childbirth, the woman usually sat on a chair or her husband’s knees, or crouched next to a wall. To hasten the birth, women would blow in bottles, gag on their hair, or drink their husbands’ urine to promote vomiting and thus speed contractions (Foster 1960: 112). At birth, new mothers would often say, “Di a luz un nino” or I gave light to a child (Nunis 1996: 24). Ritual burials of placenta were common, and the umbilical cord was often saved as an amulet. After childbirth, if the family could afford it the mother would observe cuarentena, a forty day rest period. She would often stay in the dirty sheets for up to a week, as there were superstitions regarding cleaning too quickly. Though one would expect Indian women to maintain their native, traditional “female culture,” anthropologists have discovered that these traditions not only transcended New World Spanish classes, but also in acculturated Indians (Foster 1960: 122). The
baby was
often baptized early before the mother had risen. This
was due to the fact that if they died,
the Spanish believed babies who were not baptized would remain in limbo. Baptisms were a festive occasion.
The selection of Godparents was important, as
they were to be both spiritual leaders of the godchild as well as a
surrogate
parent in the event anything happened to the parents.
Contrary to traditions in Chumash and Ohlone birth and childhood were also important processes, marked by spiritual rituals. What most shocked the Spanish was the fact that Chumash women went to great lengths to loose their first child. If the child was not aborted, it would die immediately after birth. Superstition told them if they did not loose the first child they would never conceive again (Heizer 1978: 511). The high infant mortality rate controlled the population. Women knew how to induce abortions, and the curing shaman would help them (Margolin 1978: 132). Chumash women gave birth by digging a hole wherever they were when the labor began. This hole was then lined with straw in order to build a fire. Husbands could not touch their wives until the child could stand alone, and he must avoid meat or the child might die (Heizer 1978: 511). Ohlone women would avoid fish, meat, and salt while pregnant and would shape their infant’s head by pressing their hands into the child’s forehead and firmly pushing towards the sides (Margolin 1978: 72). The Chumash flattened the child’s nose in a similar mark of community (Heizer 1978: 511). Ohlone infants were bathed at least once a day by their mother, and carried in a basketry cradle decorated with beads and shells which would be filled with fresh cattail fluff after each bath (Ohlone 1978: 14). Childhood
and education The
average
number of children per family in Most young girls did not obtain formal education. Only select members of the upper class were able to afford tutoring for their daughters, while others sent their daughters to convents for education. Other wealthy families provided their daughters with books for self-education. However, most women were illiterate among the lower class. Regardless of formal education, upper-class girls, “Learned and acquired skills in home management, drawn work, music, and dance” (Nunis 1996: 33). When girls reached the age of twelve, they were much more closely supervised to maintain family honor. They also assumed more responsibility to help their mothers with household tasks. Boys of the same age were afforded much more freedom (William 2000 4 [3:1] 15). Girls of all social status were taught domestic skills and good social behavior, so that when they reached adulthood they would marry and give birth to a new generation and continue the cycle. Childhood for young Ohlone boys and girls was very similar. Children followed older boys or girls in their duties. Children were taught at a young age how to defecate in a hole and cover it so evil could not result. Families did not whip or punish children, they instead taught by example. At eight years old they separate. Girls helped grind acorns, make tule mats and baby cradles, and gather roots and herbs. They also began to study plants, learning when and where plants grow, what songs to sing when approaching plants, how to collect different kinds of seeds, and when to dig roots (Margolin 1978: 74). Young girls also began their long and difficult apprenticeship in basket making (Margolin 1978: 75). During puberty Chumash girls were not allowed to eat meat or grease and could not look into a burning fire (Heizer 1978: 511). In the Luiseno area are abstract paintings are thought to have been made by girls as part of their puberty rites. Ohlone girls, at the first sign of bleeding, retreated into the corner of their dwelling, or a separate hut. They fasted, not eating meant, fish, salt, or drinking cold water. They are warned against touching themselves, and if they must scratch they must do it with a stick. Menstruation was of great importance. Women came to visit her during the day, giving advice, secrets, and listened to her dreams. Male and female relatives would perform ritual dances for her in order to make her passage into womanhood easier. At the end of her period her family would prepare a feast in her honor, she would be bathed and dressed in fine beads. At puberty she would also receive tattoos, older women would scratch her face, breasts and shoulders with a sharp stone. They would then rub charcoal dust into the wounds. The scars would then form a distinct design in black, green, or blue. The lines and dots carved into her face are a signal of her lineage (Margolin 1978: 75). The young native girl would then become a woman, and continue her lineage through her distinct role in the community. Bibliography Campa, Arthur L. 1979.
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Frontiers: Sex, Gender, and Culture in old Margolin, M. Nunis, Doyce. B. Junior, Editor. 1996
Women in the Life of Schell Hoberman, Louisa and Susan Migden Socolow, Editors. 1986 Cities and Society in Colonial Skowronek, Russel K. and Jelena Radovic Fanta, Editors. 2004 [draft] Mission Santa Clara de Asis Account Book. Translated by Jelena Radovic
Fanta with Russell K. Skrowronek. Unpublished manuscript on file Williams, Jack S.
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