In the spring of 1893 there occurred several failures of old and well-established banking institutions. President Cleveland had been elected to the Chief Magistracy in the preceding fall, after four years of Republican Administration and after four years of unparalleled prosperity in the history of our country. President Harrison, wise and patriotic, had administered the executive affairs of government with commanding talents, broad and judicious statesmanship. The "high-water mark" of national greatness and prosperity had been attained under his administration. The mills were in operation everywhere. Employment sought labor at remunerative wages: Manufacturers flourished. The products of the farm found a ready market everywhere, and our manufacturing products were not only capable of supplying an incomparable home market, but passed out upon every sea, seeking the markets of the world, and competing successfully with England, Germany and France for the great and inexhaustible trade of the Orient. Millions of money came back to our shores in exchange for American products, and passed out of the vaults and counting houses of the nation into the hands of the laborer and farmer. Prosperity and joy beamed upon a happy and contented people. The "balance of trade" was in our favor, and the people looked forward to the future with unbounded confidence.

This was the condition of our country under a Republican administration.

In the fall of 1892 Grover Cleveland was elected President. Six months after his election several prominent failures of old and well-established financial institutions occurred in several large cities. Six months later a panic, which in severity, evil consequences, and in far-reaching malignancy has been without parallel in modern history, had wrecked great banks, closed up thousands of mills and manufacturing plants; 00044thrown millions of laborers idle upon the streets and highways of the land; brought want and starvation to the homes of a great people, and had not yet completed its stupendously ruinous work. The people had called into power a Democratic administration, and had brought themselves financial and economic ruin, an era of suicides and despair. Four weary and hopeless years passed on, which, in their blightful and baneful effects upon the farmer, the mechanic, and the laborer, upon the great body of the American people, who constitute the "bone and sinew" of the land, find no analogy or comparison in all history.

Hon. GEO. H. WHITE Member of Congress from Tarboro, N. C., whose eloquent voice has been frequently raised in the House of Representatives in defence of his race and in denunciation of the fraud and violence of Democratic political methods.

In the preceding chapter we have discussed briefly the magnificent and indisputable results which have come to the American people as a result of President McKinley's administration. Results by which the negro has profited as well as any other class of citizens; profited in millions of dollars earned; profited in high Federal appointments; profited in a much more liberal recognition in the consular and diplomatic service than ever before in his history as a citizen; profited in high military commands, running through every rank, from that of second lieutenant to colonel; profited by having had a glorious opportunity of elevating his military reputation in the eyes of mankind, and wringing reluctant and eloquent praise from the lips and pens of those who formerly descanted upon his inherent race inferiority; profited by having a President in the White House who placed himself squarely on the side of justice and denounced the infamous barbarity of lynch law in his inaugural address as well as his annual message to the Fifty-sixth Congress.

The negro was invested with popular rights by the Republican party. Those rights have been curtailed and nullified by the Democratic party in many States. Life, liberty and happiness can be enjoyed by every honest and industrious negro in any State where the principles of the Republican 00088party are dominant. Life, liberty and happiness are denied black men in their full meaning in every Southern State dominated by the Democratic party. Law, order and justice reign supreme in every State dominated by the Republican party. Lawlessness and injustice, lynching, murder and incendiarism are practiced on black men in every Southern State dominated by the Democratic party. The republican party, by constitutional amendments, made the negro politically equal to every other citizen. The Democratic party in Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, North and South Carolina and other Southern States has adopted State constitutions taking away from the negro practically everything given him by the Republican party in the shape of political rights.

HON. GEO. H MYERS Of Cleveland, Ohio, a popular Republican who enjoys the friendship and esteem of Senator Hanna and the Republican leaders of the "Buckeye" State.

The Republican party has never passed a "Jim Crow" law. The Democratic party has passed all such laws. A Republican President has appointed reputable black men to Federal offices. Men of the Democratic party have shot them to pieces. When President McKinley was Governor of of the State of Ohio he called out the militia to save a black man from being lynched, that law might reign supreme, and the man was saved. As President of the United States he brought to bear the resources of the Federal Government to convict the fiends who killed Postmaster Baker at Lake city 00099and burned his home to ashes. The men who did the bloody work were located and indicted. The jurisdiction was dominated by the Democratic party, and none of the red-handed murderers were convicted. The Democratic organization instituted Kukluxism many years ago. That organization has passed away only in name, its spirit still survives all over the South where live the great millions of the black race, and where by fraud, murder, and intimidation the Democratic party rules in violence and death.

Why should any loyal race man support the Democratic party? Is it not the party engaged in the work of nullifying the constitutional amendments which gave the negro the only safeguard a citizen has under a popular government for his constitutional liberty, a free ballot and a fair count? It is not the party engaged in a comprehensive plan of negro degradation?

Is it not the party of Morgan and Tillman?

Are not these men influential factors in it?

What rights, privileges, immunities or larger opportunities has the Democratic party ever bestowed upon the Negro

Does not the national strength of the Democratic party reside in the fact that having deprived hundreds of thousands of earnest and loyal black men of their votes it can present brazenly and in defiance of political decency the electoral votes from a "Solid South?" Does not every black man in the nation know that if a Democratic President is elected the claims of the "Solid South" cannot be ignored by him?

President McKinley has proven himself to be a friend to the negro by action, utterances and appointments. The Republican party everywhere in the nation has shown itself to be the party of law, order and justice. Has the Democratic party done this?

Is there a negro of sense to-day in the nation who does not know that his destiny is inalienably identified with that of his unfortunate brethren in the South? Just in proportion as they are weakened, humiliated and degraded by Democratic legislation, so will every black man in the North as well feel vitally and keenly an arrested social and economical development. What negro to-day in the nation can read of the bloody deeds perpetrated upon his people in the 001010South without feelings of resentment and indignation? Do they want the South to dictate any class of national policy to a Democratic President in the White House however meager? The election of a Democratic President means the triumph of the South, the triumph of fraud and race persecution, the triumph of Tillmanism, the triumph of political thugs, and the dedication of the Republic to industrial ruin, financial stagnation, panic and disorder, as were the frightful conditions under the last Democratic administration. The Democratic party elected a Mormon to Congress. A Republican Congress expelled him. Mormonism and slavery, "twin relics of barbarism," have both been crushed by the Republican party--the party of political morality.

Judge JAS. B. RAYMOND of Altoona, Pa., the recognized leader of the colored Republicans of the State of Pennsylvania.

W.F. Powell, Minister to Hayti.Rev. O.L.W. Smith, Minister to Liberia.Richard T. Greener, consul, Vladivostock, Russia.M.W. Gibbs, consul, Tamatave, Madagascar.C.L. Maxwell, consul, San Domingo.Dr. H.W. Furniss, consul, Bahia Brazil.J.N. Ruffin, consul, Asuncion, Paraguay.M.B. Van Horn, consul, St. Thomas, Danish W.I.Dr. Geo. H. Jackson, consul, La Rochelle, France.John T. Williams, consul, Sierra Leone, Africa.Edward Furbish, secretary to legation, Hayti.J.R. Spurgeon, secretary to legation, Monrovia.The above appointments were made under President McKinley's administration. Young negro men of education, capable and talented, have been sent all over the world to represent this Republic in the very highest class of work requiring tact, integrity and ability.

What a splendid opportunity has been given the negro by President McKinley to elevate himself in the eyes of the world and show foreign peoples the great advancement he has made in less than two generations.

During the Spanish-American war Consuls Furniss at Bahia, Livingston at Cape Haitien and Van Horn at St. Thomas performed important work for the Navy Department in representing the United States Government, and bore important dispatches to the great naval commanders cruising in West Indian waters. Consul Van Horn was especially complimented by the New York Herald for his ability and tact, and each one of them elevated not not himself, but the entire negro race in the estimation of the American people.

All of these diplomatic and consular positions have been filled with entire acceptability to the State Department and to the people to which they are accredited.

The conspicuous military achievements of the black soldier in the Spanish-American war did not pass unnoticed by President McKinley. Many of the brave black non-commissioned officers who had distinguished themselves for gallantry on the field of battle were promoted to lieutenancies in the United States volunteer troops, and most of them are now serving in the Philippine Islands as captains and lieutenants in the 48th and 49th volunteer infantry regiments.

Capt. FRANK R. STEWARD 49th U.S. Vol. Inf. of Cambridge, Mass., now serving in the Philippines, is a graduate of Harvard University, and enlisted in the 8th U.S. Vol. inf. in the Spanish-American war, was promoted to First Sergeant and Second Lieutenant and commissioned as Captain by the President.

ANNUAL SALARIES OF CIVIL APPOINTEES.State Department.Diplomatic and consular service$ 30,000 Employees5,000 Treasury Department.Agents, officers and employees195,000 War Department.Employees33,000Navy Department.Employees: Marine, clerical, messenger and labor service75,000Post Office Department.Officers and employees25,000 Interior Department.Special agents and employees250,000 Agricultural Department.Employees15,000Printing OfficeEmployees115,000 District Government.Employees100,000_______Total$843,000Estimate for four years$3,372,000SALARIES IN THE MILITARY SERVICE.24 captains, 48th and 49th U.S. volunteer infantries$ 43,200 50 first lieutenants75,000 48 second lieutenants72,000 2,688 enlisted men45,696_______Total for one year$235,896Estimate for two years1,792Four regiments of regulars, one officer, enlisted men$ 91,800 Estimate for four years367,200 Civil service estimate, four years$3,372,000 Military """"367,200 Military "" two years, Philippines471,792_________Total$4,210,992

In the Spanish-American war there were commissioned 260 colored officers, who drew from the Federal treasury an average amount of $1,450, which, including travel pay to their homes and allowances, would raise the average to $1,700 each.

There were fifteen thousand enlisted men in the service, whose pay and allowances averaged $255 each.260 officers, $1,700 each$442,000 15,000 enlisted men, $255 each3,825,000_________Total$4,267,000

Thus it will be seen that the colored men will have drawn from the Federal treasury, under President McKinley's first administration, the enormous and unprecedented figures of $8,477,000.

Many of the young colored men who served in the Spanish-American war came from the rural districts of the South, saved their money, returned to their homes and bought small farms, paid off mortgages, and have been comfortably started on the road to make themselves prosperous farmers and good American citizens. Others returned to the cities of the nation and have gone into small business enterprises, as a result of their savings while in the Army. And the beneficial influence which the military service exerted upon them in teaching lessons of obedience to authority, promptness and individual responsibility is beyond calculation.

Very nearly fifty per cent more money will have been drawn from the treasury of the nation under President McKinley's administration by black men than under any other administration since the Republican party conferred popular rights upon them, in order that under a popular government they also should be allowed to emphasize their will at the ballot box in the election of law makers and those who execute the law.

Extract from Hon. William McKinley's speech in the Fifty first Congress, House of Representatives, appealing to the people for honest elections, for the supremacy of the Constitution and the impartial administration of the law.

"Let me remind gentlemen on the other side of this chamber as well as my friends on this side of the chamber that you will diminish the cost of the administration of this bill in the ratio that you diminish fraudulent voting, false counting, stuffing of ballot boxes and suppressing the voice of the Republicans in the South. [Applause on the Republican side.] It will cost nothing if it is not used, and it will not be used if there is no need for it. Honest elections will make the law unnecessary; dishonest ones should be stopped by the strong arm of the law. Now, I want to say here to-day * * * that this question will not rest until justice is

Hon. Wm. McKINLEY The next President of the United States.

"Teachers and pupils of Tuskegee:

"To meet you under such pleasant auspices and to have the opportunity of a personal observation of your work is indeed most gratifying. The Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute is ideal in conception, and has already a large and growing reputation in the country, and is not unknown abroad. I congratulate all who are associated in this undertaking for the good work which it is doing in the education of its students to lead lives of honor and usefulness, thus exalting the race for which it was established.

"Nowhere, I think, could a more delightful location have been chosen for this unique educational experiment, which has attracted the attention and won the support even of conservative philanthropists in all sections of the country.

"To speak of Tuskegee without paying special tribute to Booker T. Washington's genius and perseverance would be impossible. The inception of this noble enterprise was his, and he deserves high credit for it. His was the enthusiasm and enterprise which made its steady progress possible and established in the institution its present high standard of accomplishment. He has won a worthy reputation as one of the great leaders of his race, widely known and much respected at home and abroad as an accomplished educator, a great orator, and a true philanthropist.

"What steady and gratifying advances have been made here during the past fifteen years a personal inspection of the material equipment strikingly proves. The patronage and resources have been largely increased, until even the legislative department of the State of Alabama and finally the Congress of the United States have recognized the worth of the 001919work and of the great opportunities here afforded. From one small frame house the institute has grown until it includes the fine group of dormitories, recitation rooms, lecture halls, and workshops which have so surprised and delighted us to-day. A thousand students, I am told, are here cared for by nearly a hundred teachers, altogether forming, with the preparatory department, a symmetrical scholastic community which has been well called a model for the industrial colored schools of the South. Certain it is that a pupil bent on fitting himself or herself for mechanical work can here have the widest choice of useful and domestic occupations.

"One thing I like about this institution is that its policy has been generous and progressive; it is not so self-centered or interested in its own pursuits and ambitions as to ignore what is going on in the rest of the country or make it difficult for outsider to share the local advantages. I allude especially to the spirit in which the annual conferences have been here held by leading colored citizens and educators, with the intention of improving the condition of their less fortunate brothers and sisters. Here we can see is an immense field and one which cannot too soon or too carefully be utilized. The conferences have grown in popularity and are well calculated not only to encourage colored men and colored women in their individual efforts, but to cultivate and promote an amicable relationship between the two races, a problem whose solution was never more needed than at the present time. Patience, moderation, self-control, knowledge, and character will surely win you victories and realize the best aspirations of your people. An evidence of the soundness of the purpose of this institution is that those in charge of its management evidently do not believe in attempting the unattainable, and their instruction in self-reliance and practical industry is most valuable.

"In common with the Hampton Institute in Virginia the Tuskegee Institute has been and is to-day of inestimable value in sowing the seeds of good citizenship. Institutions of their standing and worthy patronage from a steadier and more powerful agency for the good of all concerned than any yet proposed or suggested. The practical is here associated with the academic, encouraging both learning and industry. Here you learn to master yourselves, find the best adaptation of your faculties, with advantages for advanced learning to meet the high duties of life.

"No country, epoch, or race has a monopoly upon knowledge. Some have easier, but not necessarily better, opportunities for self-development. What a few can obtain free most have to pay for, perhaps by hard physical labor, mental struggle, and self-denial. But in this great country all can have the 002020opportunity for bettering themselves, provided they exercise intelligence and perseverance and their motives and conduct are worthy. Nowhere are such facilities for universal education found as in the United States. They are accessible to every boy or girl, white or black.

"Integrity and industry are the best possessions which any man can have, and every man can have them. Nobody can give them to him or take them from him. He cannot acquire them by inheritance; he cannot buy them or beg them or borrow them. They belong to the individual and are his unquestioned property. He alone can part with them. They are good things to have and keep. They make happy homes; they achieve success in every

Col. THEODORE ROOSEVELT The gallant rough rider who stormed the heights at San Juan Hill inspired the American troops to deeds of valor and heroism. the next Vice-President United States.

From the St. Louis Globe-Democrat.

"At the late Republican convention of Arizona, held to elect delegates to the St. Louis convention, "Tom' Fitch, one of the most noted free silver advocates in the Territory, was called upon to speak.

"Mr. Fitch said: 'This morning a friend, who is a member of this convention and who now honors me with his audience, said to me: 'Mr. Fitch, you have always been a pronounced advocate of the free coinage of silver. What will you do if the St. Louis convention adopts a plunk in its platform favoring a single gold standard and denouncing the free coinage of silver?' I did not answer this question then, but with your permission I will do so now.

"I belong to the Republican party because its history is the history of the growth, the greatness and the freedom of the nation; because its purposes are patriotic; because it is the friend of labor without being the foe of thrift; because it is wise; because it is just; because its restoration to complete 002222power will rekindle the furnace and start the turbines and fill the land with the music of contented and well paid toil, and put bread into men's mouths and hope into their hearts.

"I belong to the Republican party because it is the grandest political organization of freemen that the world has ever known; because under its wise guidance star after star has been added to our flag, ship after ship has been added to our fleet, factory after factory has been added to our resources, millions after millions have been added to our wealth, city city has been developed from our villages, and the land has been laced with a network of iron rails, and furnace fires have illuminated the night, and the grand diapason of labor has been made to sound throughout the continent.

"I belong to the Republican party because under its inspiration these United States, once a wrangling and discordant commonwealth, these United States, once shamed with slavery and decrepit with the disease of secession-these United States have become a country where no slave's presence dishonors labor, where no freeman's utterances are choked by the hand of power, where no man doffs his hat to another, except through the courtesy of equals, where education is free, where manhood is respected and where labor is protected.

"Under the patriotic rule of the Republican party these United States have become a nation whose credit reigns at the head of the world's finances, whose flag floats proudly upon the sea, and whose armies would come at the drumbeat out of the hives of industry to swarm in defence of the country on every shore.

"Under the rule of the Republican party these United States have become the greatest, freest and most prosperous nation under the light of the sun.

"I belong to the Republican party because it gave land to the landless, because it gave work to the industrious, because it gave freedom to the slave, because, when the nation was in peril, it gave armies and treasures for her preservation.

"Forty years ago, when a lad of eighteen, I joined the Republican ranks, and, too young to vote, I flung my blazing banner aloft for Fremont and Jessie. I was present as a newspaper reporter at the Chicago convention of 1860, when all Illinois shouted Abraham Lincoln into the Presidency. I heard the song of John Brown's soul sung in bated breath and in secret gatherings of his sympathizers, and four years later, on these distant shores, I almost caught the echo of its refrain when armies chanted it for their battle anthem. I enjoyed the eloquence and friendship of Baker and of Starr King, and Butler and Bingham, and Garfield and Conkling, and that noblest Roman of them all, James G. Blaine.

"Who shall dare to tell me it is my duty, shall dare to ask me to betray these memories because of a difference of opinion concerning the conditions under which silver dollars shall be coined?

"Who shall dear to tell me it is my duty to leave the path along which my youth and manhood, and where, when the evening bugle shall sound the final reveille, my age shall be found still marching? Rather will I turn to the Republican goddess the same steadfast face that I bore when my locks, now whitening, were as black as the raven's wings, and say to her, as Ruth said to Naomi: 'Whether thou goest I will go, and where thou lodgest I will lodge, thy people shall be my people, and thy God my God; where thou diest I will die, and there will I be buried."

Extract from the speech of Hon. Charles H. Grosvenor, of Ohio, in the House of Representatives, June 4, 1900.

"Mr. Speaker, I cannot let pass this opportunity at the close of a long session of this Congress and the end of three years of this administration without putting into permanent form for a record to enlighten future generations this history of the part which the colored citizen has had in the stirring events of this remarkable period. It is a period in the history 002424of the country of which future generations will be proud, as are those of to-day, and as the colored citizens of the United States have participated nobly in it, it is but justice to them that the facts be put on record.

"In civil duties in Washington and throughout the States in the Army, in the Navy, in the heat and labor of the campaign, and on the battlefield he has been active, earnest, faithful even unto death, risking his life fearlessly in defense of that country in which too many States permit his exclusion from the rights of citizenship. But in spite of his wrongs by those whom he faithfully served as a slave, he has gone confidently forward, trusting in the continued and increasing control of the party which gave him freedom and always stood for his rights as a citizen.

HIS PART IN THE WAR."I want first to speak of his part in the war--in Cuba, in Porto Rico, in the Philippines. 'Would a war with Spain benefit the negro?' was a popular question for debate. Some thought it would benefit; others thought not. In many respects it has been a godsend, and beyond dispute a great benefit. If in no other way, 15,048 privates have shown their patriotism and their valor by offering their bared breast as shields for their country's honor; 4,114 (the regulars) did actual, noble and heroic service at El Caney, San Juan, and Santiago, while 266 officers (261 volunteers and 5 regulars) did similar service and demonstrated the ability of the American negro to properly command even so well as he does readily obey.

"In the civil service of the Government the colored man has participated more fully than ever before. President McKinley, who has always shown a disposition to honor the race and to grant it a fair and just share of the honors he had the power to bestow, has called the colored man to many positions of honor--to a larger number than any other President in the history of the country. On this point I desire to quote the Hon. Judson W. Lyons, the efficient and honored Register of the Treasury, who, in a speech delivered at the annual dinner of the Republican leaders of the city of New York, January 27, 1900, said:

"I am prepared to prove from the records of the Government, beyond all possibility of dispute and civil, that more colored men have employment in the service of the Government to-day than at any time since the close of the civil war. I am further prepared to show that President McKinley has sent the names of more colored men to the Senate for confirmation to office than any of his predecessors.'"

A Republican Congress, under the leadership of such men as William McKinley, Thos. B. Reed, and Henry Cabot Lodge, passed a Federal election law through the House of Representatives during the Fifty-first Congress. It was killed in the Senate by the united Democratic party.

Hon. Geo. White introduced a bill in the House of Representatives appropriating the small sum of one thousand dollars for the relief of the family of Frazier J. Baker soon after he had been so foully murdered by a Democratic mob in a Democratic community, and Congressman Bartlett, a Democrat from Georgia, objected to the consideration of the resolution, thus leaving the innocent and helpless wife and children of the murdered man without food or shelter until Republican Massachusetts sent Miss Lilian Clayton Jouett to take them to a safe asylum.

Hon. Richard F. Pettigrew, a Republican Senator from South Dakota, introduced in the Senate of the United States, when Hon. Frederick Douglass died, a resolution permitting the remains of the great champion of human liberty to lie in State in the rotunda of the Capitol. Hon. Arthur Pue Gorman, a Democratic Senator from Maryland, objected to its consideration.

During the first session of the Fifty-sixth Congress Hon. Sydney E. Mudd, a Republican Member from Maryland, called up for consideration a bill establishing the "Douglass Memorial Association," whose purpose it is to perpetuate the memory of the grand old commoner and set up an example for the youth of the negro race which all ought to try to emulate. During the consideration of the measure Mr. Mudd made one of his characteristic speeches, in which respect for the memory of the illustrious dead, admiration for his genius, and eulogy for the departed were happily blended. Contrast the action of Gorman on the one hand and Mudd on the other, and ask yourself the question, which of the two is colored man's friend.

Hon. David B. Hill, while representing the great State of New York in the United States Senate, introduced a bill 002626repealing the last of the Federal election laws designed to protect the newly enfranchised black man in the exercise of his political rights. The Republican minority, under the leadership of the tireless, fearless Chandler, resisted the nefarious scheme to the last, but to no purpose. The Democrats were in the majority in the Fifty-third Congress, and Hill and his associates struck from the statute books the last peg on which the negro had to hang a hope. We commend this bit of history to the patient consideration of the "United Colored Democracy" of New York City, along with Bourke Cochran's appeal before the Montgomery Conference for the repeal of the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution.

H. Y. ARNETT. A brilliant young Ohioan, who is comparer in the office of the Recorder of Deeds in the District of Columbia. Mr. Arnett is a splendid product of that era in our country's history which was ushered in by the Republican party at the close of the war. An easy, graceful speaker, a high-minded gentleman of good education and scholarly attainments, he may reasonably be expected to perform an important part in the great work of race development in the years to come.

In all of the contested election cases of the many which have been tried by the House of Representatives, and where manhood suffrage and the constitutional rights of the black man are involved, in not one single instance has a Northern 002727Democrat voted to unseat a Southern member, notwithstanding the fact that it was plain to be seen that the contestee was holding his seat by virtue of fraud and dishonesty. Below will be found appended a list of such Northern Democrats who voted as above indicated.

In the case of Aldrich vs. Robbins of the fourth Alabama district, every single Northern and Western Democrat either voted or was paired against Mr. Aldrich, the Republican contestant, and throughout it all the negro vote was the bone of contention.The list is as follows:"DeVries, Cal., Foster, Ill., Cusack, Ill., Noonan, Ill., Wm. E. Williams, Ill., Caldwell, Ill., Jett, Ill., Crowley, Ill., Jas. R. Williams, Ill., Miers, Ind., Zenor, Ind., Griffith, Ind., Robinson, Ind., Thayer, Mass., Fitzgerald, Mass., Naphin, Mass., Campbell, Mont., John S. Robinson, Nebr, Sutherland, Nebr, Neville, Nebr., Salomon, N. J., Daly, N. J. Scudder, N.Y., Fitzgerald, N.Y., Driggs, N.Y., Clayton, N.Y. Wilson, N.Y., May, N.Y., Muller, N.Y., Riordan N.Y., Bradley, N.Y., Cummings, N.Y., Sulzer, N.Y., McClellan, N.Y., Levy, N.Y., Chanler, N.Y., Ruppert, N.Y., Underhill, N.Y., Glynn, N.Y., Rayan, N.Y., Brener, Ohio, Gordon, Ohio, Meekison, Ohio, Lentz, Ohio, Norton, Ohio, Mcdowell, Ohio, McAleer, Penn., Baber, Penn., Green, Penn., Davenport, Penn., Rayan, Penn., Polk, Zeigler, Penn., Gaston, Penn., Hall, Penn. Johnston, W. Va."

There is not a case on record where one of these Northern Democrats ever voted to unseat a Southern Democrat who had gained title to his seat by fraud, intimidation and murder, and shameless abuse of the black man. Congressman Glynn, of New York, made a speech defending the right of Robbins, of Alabama,to his seat, and while Mr. Burkett, of Nebraska, was presenting the case of Mr. Aldrich, the Republican claimant, Mr. Glynn, in his zeal to cheat the negroes of the fourth Alabama district out of their suffrages, became violent and unruly and the Speaker was compelled to invoke the aid of the Sergeant-at-Arms to bring him to order.

The same tactics were adopted in the Fifty-first Congress when the peerless Langston contested the seat of Venable. Every democrat north, east, south, and west voted against him, and Amos Cummings, a Tammany Hall sachem and 002828now a candidate in the tenth Congressional district for re-election, re-echoed the chagrin and resentment he felt because Langston was seated as late as the Fifty-fourth Congress, when he made a speech attacking the Republican party for recognizing the right of the colored man to participate in the affairs the Government. Such is the record of the Democratic Party upon the negro question.

From the speech of Hon. R.Z. Liney (Republican), of North Carolina, in the House of Representatives, January 31, 1900.

"Mr. Chairman: Just as far as the ballot to the citizen is abridged, in the same degree the citizen's importance and security is diminished."

Here we have the definition of the tenue by which men hold their liberties, as clearly stated as a proverb, or as any great sage of the law has ever defined any tenure from a tenant sufferance to estate in free simple. The idea of the individual importance and security of his personal and property rights in the inspiration of this definition. All human effort has for its object the importance and security of the individual putting forth the effort.

Further on in his Speech Mr. Linney referred to the inquitous suffrage law of North Carolina, which was enacted for the manifest purpose of eliminating the negro from the political activity of the State, as follows:

"This new law in North Carolina does not provide for an appeal from the action of the registrar, and is in that respect more unjust to the citizen than the South Carolina Law, under the operations of which not more than one-third of the white people of the state vote, as is shown by the Congressional Directory, which we all have. The practical workings of these laws ignore race distinction altogether. They operate to the prejudice of the white man, even where their necessity is claimed to exclude the negro.

"The new election law in North Carolina, coupled with the proposed amendments to the constitution, puts its in the power of the Democratic party to blind with withes stronger power than Samson's any elector without regard to his race. The allegation, therefore, that those who oppose these amendments are in favor of negro supremacy is absolutely false. In 002929fact, should the Democrats exercise the power which the new election law confers upon the registrar, it will disfranchise more white men than negroes. The registrar may require every applicant for registration to prove his age by two electors.

"A white man 50 years of age would find it exceedingly difficult to make this proof when the mother is not allowed to be a witness, as would also the old plantation slave, while the young negro of 25 years of age and under could easily procure such testimony. And here the temptation on the registrar to sin is too strong for weak humanity to resist. Men's minds are inflamed in all excited political contests. Should a white man 60 years of age not agree with a partisan registrar, he could be disfranchised by such registrar, even though his gray hairs are stronger evidence that he is 21 years of age than all the human testimony in the world.

Hon. P. B. S. PINCHBACK The last of that splendid galaxy of intellectual giants known to Afro-Americans as the "old guard." He first attracted national attention as Lieutenant Governor of Louisiana; was afterward elected to the United States Senate, which seat, however, was contested and he never filled. He is to-day the one figure which links us with a hallowed historic past, and thrills every patriotic negro heart with pride and admiration.

"Gray hairs and wrinkles, the evidence of age which nature's unerring hand has placed upon the old head, are not electors, and therefore this old, trembling applicant, should he be a Populist or a Republican, will stand before such a registrar as a sheep before his shearer, while the young negro will be able to meet the demands of this registrar by 003030two electors who were present at his birth. There are thousands of white men in North Carolina who were not born in the State, or who, though born in the State, are 40 years of age and upward, would be unable to comply with this demand of the registrar. Let each white man in the State over 40 years apply this law to his own case and he will see how unjust it becomes.

"I will make the application to myself. I am the oldest Linney now living, and am only 58 years of age; there is no member of my family or kin by whom the required proof could be made. When men of my age make an application to the register, an ignorant, bitter partisan registrar could draw his head under his shell, as does the highland terrapin, and refuse, in the language of the statute, to adjudge, and we would thereby be disfranchised. The white freeman who would not fight as with beak and claw any such iniquitors legislation has certainly 'eaten the insane root that takes the reason prisoner.'

"Under the exciting and false cry of 'negro domination' white men who do not surrender their manhood convictions to the care and keeping of others are to be disgraced and degraded because it is the ballot to which man must look for his importance and protection. Moreover, the new election law, if followed by the adoption of the proposed constitutional amendments, attempts to stop the march of the elector through the gateway to the ballot box by the use of both bribery and threats. The entries of the registrar upon the registration books are made evidence in a criminal prosecution against the applicant, in violation of the plain rules of evidence recognized by every law writer on the subject. Even where a man is convicted before a jury in a superior court, the verdict and sentence of the court are not legal evidence against him in any civil action to which he may be a party, except where he entered the plea of guilty."

Mr. Linney, after further descanting upon the fraudulent election methods practiced by the Democratic party all over the South, concluded his speech by saying:

"Now, Mr. Speaker, there is a provision in the Constitution of the United States that 'the United States shall guarantee to every State a republican form of government.' Here the word 'State' means the people thereof. It is a power to be exercised in favor of the people of a State against the State government itself. This power has been called the sleeping lion. It is a high compliment to our form of government that this power in the Constitution, this sleeping lion, has peacefully slumbered for the first century of our nation's life.

"Still it is a power which the fathers and builders of this nation early and wisely saw the necessity of leaving in the Federal Constitution, to be used by Congress whenever the tyrannical hand of the governing power of the State, by the fraud or force of any State agency, had denied the people of such State the right and blessing of a government, republican in form.

"This power, with all others powers in the Federal Constitution, we have sworn to execute whenever it is necessary to do so to secure the citizen in the blessings of a republican form of government. Suppose the conscience of the nation should be quickened on this vital question and Congress called upon to perform duties to the people of any State, and in a investigation by Congress touching this most vital question it should appear that more than one-half qualified electors of the State were denied the privilege of voting, what would be the duty of Congress?" [Applause.]

Mr. Linney's speech was moderate, but full of careful reasoning, and he warned the South of the dangers which threatened it in its persistent course of disfranchising the illiterate blacks and permitting every other class of illiterates to vote, and quoted a remark of the late lamented James G. Blaine, that such a course could only result in a condition where "murder became an occupation and perjury a pastime."

In the State of Alabama during the canvass of Hon. John T. Morgan for United States Senator he engaged Gov. Johnson in joint debate, the latter being a candidate for Morgan's seat. It was announced far and wide that on a certain date, in the city of Montgomery Morgan would define his position on State and national issues, and silence the criticisms of Johnsons and his friends.

Johnson had already come out strongly against negro domination in government. Morgan, in his zeal to outdo his rival in hostility to the negro, said, "I am not only opposed to negro domination in government, but am opposed to negro having any share at all in the conduct of the Government."

In the House of Representatives, Fifty-sixth Congress, first session, Mr. Talbert of South Carolina,a Democrat, in a speech had this to say: 003232"The gentleman from North Carolina, Mr. Linney, has seen fit to criticise the South for her treatment of the negroes to say to him and all others who think like him that this is a white man's government, and we intend to rule in the South by whatever means it is found necessary to employ."

The Democrats of the South insist upon the presence of the negro in their section of the country in such large numbers as constitute, they say, a menace and a problem, yet their party met in national convention and gave out a platform which contained no word or syllable touching that problem. Nor did any of their speakers say one word upon the subject.

Lieut. THOMAS H.R. CLARKEOf Washington, D.C., who served with distinction during the Spanish American war in the 8th U.S. Vol. Inf. as Second Lieutenant, First Lieutenant, Regimental Adjutant and Judge Advocate of a general court-martial at Chickamauga Park, Ga., and whose contribution to the success of the Republican party in the present campaign is set forth in this work, the aim of which is to reach every colored voter in the nation with indisputable facts and figures, demonstrating the attitude of the two great political parties toward them.

Mr. George G. Clinton on the situation in New Jersey:"In the campaign of of 1896 the strong individuality and the wonderful popularity of the late lamented Garrett A. Hobart, the friend of the negro, brought the State of New Jersey into the columns of the Republican party with the great majority of 86,000 and over. His striking personality will be greatly missed in the approaching election, but if the 003535conservative voters of the State remain faithful to the policies and principles of the great party which has redeemed the country to prosperity and world-wide influence we will still maintain our position in the party. Owing to the loyalty of the negro voters in the State it was possible for the State to give this handsome majority, and they will be found stalwart and strong and ever ready to help that party, whose principle is to give justice and constitutional liberty to all men, regardless of race, color or creed."

Sergt. BARNEY McKAY Of Kentucky, who had a long and stormy career in the 24th U.S. Inf. and 9th U.S. Cav. A stump speaker and orator of no mean ability, he will be heard in many States before the close of the present campaign. One of the editors and compilers of this little volume, he cheerfully dedicates it to the cause of liberty, justice and equality as symbolized by the history of the Republican party.

Extracts from speech of John B. Shattue, of Ohio, in the House of Representatives March 31, 1900, exposing Democratic cruelty in the South and Democratic hypocrisy in the North.

"To be sure, the Democratic members of this House were the most anxious to commence at once the execution of this serious but patriotic duty, which fact will be verified by a perusal of the record of this House made at that time. They insisted in season and out of season for a policy toward Cuba that meant war, and that, too, in the face of the fact 003636that the President of the United States, Mr. McKinley, was asking for time, in the hope that the results desired might be secured through diplomatic methods and agencies.

"They twitted the Republican members of this House of being unpatriotic, and offered resolution, after resolution, as the record will show, which at least meant war, and did everything they possibly could to bring about a war in advance of the President's wishes. The record will also show that after the President had yielded to a universal demand and had sent in his message, and war was thereafter declared, and after the first cannon shot had announced to the world that under a Republican administration Cuba was to be free, very little patriotism and pride of country has since that time been exhibited by the Democratic side of this House. [Applause on the Republican side.]

"In days of peace they were vociferously for war. In the days of war they were persistently and energetically for anything that might embarrass the administration and bring discredit to the same. And since the war has been practically closed these gentlemen are proclaiming that it is the duty of this country to shirk all responsibilities that came to us as incidents and results of the war, and they are doing this for the purpose of embarrassing the present administration. [Great applause on the Republican side.]

"It is providential for our side of the House, and for the country as well, that the majority of this House does not need their support, or their advice either, for it can be shown by their record that not since the beginning of the Democratic party's history were they ever once on the right side of a single question. [Continued applause on the Republican side.]

"Their tender sympathies go out to the tribes of the Philippine Islands. They are for giving these people 'independence,' even before they lay down their arms and stop shooting our brave soldiers in the field. They contend that the Constitution of its own strength has expanded there and covered all the citizens of the archipelago, giving those people all the rights our people possess, and it is pitiful in the extreme to see the anxious solicitude these Democratic statesmen have that no 'violence' be committed against the rights of the Filipinos.

THE CONSTITUTION NULL AND VOID."These gentlemen are now the especial, self-constituted custodians of the Constitution. They have been so since 1865. They are the special advocates of the theory that we cannot govern except by consent of the governed, and most of this talk comes from the Southern Representatives; yet the 003737majority of them quite forget to explain why millions of people in the United States to-day are being governed without the consent of the governed, and are deprived of all their political rights, and are hounded and hunted, too, at times, right here at home (more cruelly than are those even in the Philippine Islands), and in open defiance of every constitutional right, and as proof of this statement I will quote from Senator Tillman's speech made in the United States Senate March 23, 1900--made only a few days ago--wherein he said, in speaking of the colored people of the South, and I read from the Record, viz:

"We made up our minds that the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution were themselves null and void; that the acts of Congress * * * were null and void; that oaths required by such laws were null and void; we resolved that the intelligence, the wealth, and the patriotism of the State belonged only to the white people. We swore by the memories of Revolutionary sires that we would redeem our, State, * * * and we did it; and I have no apologies to make for it.'

"And this same United States Senator, in the same speech, said, and I read from Record, viz:

"'And as white men we are not sorry for it, and we do not propose to apologize for anything we have done in connection with it. If no other Senator has come here previously to this time who would acknowledge it, more is the pity. I would to God the last one of them was in Africa, and that none of them had been brought to our shores. We did not disfranchise the negroes until 1895.'

"This United States Senator stated many other facts in his speech which my time will not permit reading. I wish this distinguished Southern Senator could see my Democratic opponent in every Congressional campaign in my district (once in every two years) cultivating an intimate acquaintance with the 3,500 good, healthy colored voters in that district, and see how how his Democratic sympathy just oozes out of every pore for the the colored gentleman, and see how solicitous he is for colored brother's welfare.

"Mr. Speaker, this is before the election, however. [Great applause on the Republican side.] The colored man, and every other man, had I the power, would be permitted to enjoy every right guaranteed to him by our Constitution in every State in this Union. While giving good government to our island possessions, I would, if possible, institute proceedings with a view of accomplishing the same results at home for our own people, black or white, in every State, Kentucky not expected.

"This distinguished Southern Senator, no doubt, honestly expressed the majority sentiment of the gentlemen from the Southern States in reference to these matters. While pleading for the people in the Philippine Islands, who are by comparison 80 per cent less capable of self-government than any of our people; while claiming for them alleged constitutional rights; while claiming that they have no right to be governed without their consent, they are at the same time admitting, and boasting of it, too, in this very Capitol, and in the face of the Government itself, that they sanction oppression of our own people, who under our Constitution have the same rights exactly as they have themselves. The Democratic party of the United States is dominated by these Southern gentlemen, and the Washington Post, an independent paper, truly says, in an editorial March 29, 1900.

Hon. HENRY P. CHEATHAM Ex-Member of Congress from North Carolina, Recorder of Deeds for the District of Columbia. A strong race man, ever ready to advance the interests of the young men, with whom he is an especial favorite.

"No one can deny that the South holds the balance of power of and authority in the Democratic party. Without the South, the Democracy cannot achieve even a remote approach to national domination. In any controversy or division within the organization, the South can turn the scale, and against its verdict no party measure has the smallest prospect of success. These facts cannot be controverted or even seriously denied. As the South goes, the Democracy must go, or else invite inevitable ruin.'

"Would you shoot a poor Filipino into submission?' they ask. 'Would you force them to become citizens of the United States?' they query.

'No! Not if every person in the Philippine Islands should petition to become citizens, if they were to receive the same inhuman treatment, after submitting and becoming citizens of the United States, that millions of our people, who are citizens, now receive in the South at the hands of the Democratic party, in shooting submission into them, and forcing them to give up their (political) citizenship [Continued applause on the Republican side.]

"These kind-hearted, constitutional, inalienable-right-loving statesmen are so tenderly looking after the rights of those mixed bloods of the archipelago that they would impress a stranger with the idea that we must, indeed, have here an ideally-governed country for ourselves--a paradise for those who needed the kindly guidance of a loving hand!

"If you want to learn how the consent of the governed is obtained in a larger field, right here at home, just read the reports of the contested election cases which come up here annually from the Southern States. Why, sir, they vote men down there who have been dead for five years. they stuff the ballot boxes. They bulldoze, and they adopt any measure, and go to every extreme to accomplish their purpose.

"So, Mr. Speaker, knowing these facts as I know them (and the facts I have I secure from our record, all in print and accessible to any one), I do not attach any importance whatever to the inconsistent arguments of these constitutional expounders or to the 'sympathy racket' of the opposition."

The following, taken from the Evening Star of Washington, D.C., an independent paper, of July 25, 1900, is a true index of Republican sentiment in regard to the present attempt of the Democratic party to disfranchise the colored man.

It is remarkable that none of the larger and influential Democratic journals have commented on the North Carolina situation except to apologize for, aid and abet in it.

"The State campaign in North Carolina is approaching a close with demonstrations of force on the part of the Democrats, and threats of personal violence directed at both Populists and Republicans. Terrorizing methods which prevailed in Louisiana and South Carolina twenty or more years ago 004040are in use, and promise to repeat the success of those days. Clubs of armed men wearing flaming red shirts ride the country roads and endeavor to impress upon the opposition in this truculent way the advisability of standing back on election day. 'The Democratic party is going to control this State,' they declare, 'and it prefers to do so without a bloody clash. But if a bloody clash should be necessary to that end, we take occasion to show you that we are ready to go that far.'

"There has been little discussion. The proposition is the wholesale disfranchisement of the negro vote in violation of the Federal Constitution, and maybe that calls for little discussion. The Constitution declares that the thing shall not be done, and the Democrats of the State declare that it shall be, and there you are. It is revolution, and probably the open display of force is entirely appropriate. The party which openly defies the law of the land cannot reasonably be expected to deal much in mere argument. It will disfranchise the negro first, and, if required to do so, will argue the matter later.

"Let us hope that this necessity will arise. Let us hope that if this defiance of the Constitution is carried through the matter will be presented before a tribunal whose decisions are not influenced by mounted men wearing red shirts and carrying loaded guns on their shoulders. There will be several cases in point, and the United States Supreme Court should be asked to settle a question of so much moment not only to those Southern States which have brought it into existence, but to all the other States as well. Why should any State be permitted in dealing with a question which it insists is purely local to set itself above the Constitution?

"No intelligent person in this country wants negro domination in any form, and particularly not in matters of government. Nor does any intelligent person really fear such a thing. The roar on the subject is a partisan cry intended for partisan ends. But if the negro is to be counted out at home let him be counted out in Congress. After being deprived of all power himself, he should not be used to increase the power of those who have despoiled him."

Nick Chiles, of the Topeka Plaindealer, interviews Mr. Bryan, the so-called "champion of the oppressed," and receives only evasive answers to questions about the rights of the black man in the South.

"We were never more surprised in a human being than we were after a close-range study of the personality of this self-styled political reformer. He is a cunning and artful dodger. While he proclaims that he is the champion of downtrodden humanity he would not say that the party he represents was not opposed to a certain element of much abused people.

"He lives in a cosy, two-story cottage with a large, roomy veranda extending in a half circle about it, and bright with a coat of new paint. We were met at the door by Mrs. Bryan, who received our card and presented it to her distinguished husband. We were seated on the porch, and after being courteously received and greeted by the Democratic nominee, proceeded to ask some pointed questions, to which only evasive answers were given us.

"Mr. Bryan, do you consider Senator Tillman of South Carolina a representative of true Democracy?'"

"'I do not wish to discuss personal matters.'"

"'Well, do you think his utterances in and out of the Senate consistent with Democratic principles?'"

"'Do you mean to say that your platform contains all that is most beneficial to the masses of the body politic?'"

"'No, but what it lacks the people will have to trust to my judgment.'"

"'What do you think of the 'Jim Crow' car law and the disfranchisement amendment to the constitution of the Southern States relative to the elective franchise?'"

'"They are responsible in those States for their actions; read our declaration of principles.'"

"'Now, Mr. Bryan, in keeping with common justice and humanity do you think the negro is receiving just recognition and equality before the law in the South?'"

"'I won't answer that question. Is your paper Republican or Democratic in politics?'"

"'Republican, sir!'"

"'I thought so from your questions. I have never been asked such questions before.'"

"'Now, Mr. Bryan, don't you know that the colored people are not being respected in the Southern States, and there your party is the dominant power? That respectable negroes are compelled the ride in separate coaches with the dirtiest, lowest people of their own race, and to come in contact with the meanest and most contemptible of the white?'"

"'I won't answer that.'"

"'But, Mr. Bryan, the colored people ought to know what you think of the treatment they get at the hands of your party in the South.'"

"You've read the Declaration of Independence? Then read what Mr. Lincoln said in reference to the dark races in the Philippines.'"

"'Is it not a fact, however, that the Declaration of Independence didn't apply to the negro, and he was kept bondage years afterward?'"

"'Well, we won't discuss that. Just read our platform.'"

"Seeing he terminated the interview with this remark, we thanked him for the courtesies shown us and bade him good day. One can see by his evasions that Mr. Bryan is playing a double game, fishing for negro votes, and at the same time holding with 'Pitchfork' Tillman, whose malevolent hatred of the black man makes him the curse of bane of our National Congress. With this prospect in view, alas poor black Democrat."

Of the 397 persons lynched in the United States from January 5, 1897 to January 5, 1898, 391 were colored. They were lynched in the Democratic States of Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Louisiana, Missouri, Mississippi, North Carolina,004343South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, and Virginia. This state of affairs is sufficient to convince any rational mind of the truth of the statement made by the late Hon. Roscoe Conkling years ago that the Democratic party had made up its mind to exterminate the negro in those States where his numbers were a menace to that party's political supremacy.

When the infamous "Jim Crow" car law went into effect in Virginia it had been decided to hold the annual encampment of the District of Columbia National Guard at Leesburg, Va., but Brigadier-General Geo. H. Harries, with the liberality characteristic of all broad-minded American citizens changed, the place of encampment from the above named place to Gaithersburg, Md.

General Harries is a Republican, and he felt that it would be humiliating and embarrassing to the colored members of the guard and their relatives and friends when traveling to and fro to be compelled to occupy the "Jim Crow" car.

Hon. Edw. D. Crumpacker, of Indiana, introduced in the Fifty-sixth Congress a bill looking to the reduction of the representation in Congress and the electoral college of those Southern States which have passed discriminating laws against the negro. The passage of some measure as this by the Republican party is the only thing likely to guarantee the black man his civil and political liberty.

The most remarkable illustration of the dangerous impotency of the Democratic party when in power to mete out justice and protect human life is exhibited by the following which took place in city of New Orleans during a riot on the 25th of July, A. D. 1900.

Edwards McCarthy, a young white man, who said he was a sailor from New York, and who was roughly handled by the mob for expressing sympathy for the negro murderer, was among those brought before the recorder. The prisoner said he came to this city from New York several days ago. He was standing at the corner when a white man came along 004444and said that all the negroes should be lynched. McCarthy argued that some negroes had white hearts and were as good as white men, and that it was not right that all of them should be lynched because of the action of two.

"Do you consider a negro as good as a white man?" asked Judge Hughes, the recorder.

"In body and soul, yes," replied the prisoner. He was fined $25 or thirty days in the parish prison.

Not only is the Democratic party as such banded against the negro, but court of justice, presided over by Democratic judges, are organized against us. In this instance a single colored man had committed murder, and instantly the whole negro-hating class immediately turned out with guns, clubs, and pistols and ushered in a reign of terror by firing upon negroes of all ages and all sexes. Such heinous practices are the legitimate fruits of the teachings of the Democratic party since its foundation.

Ever since the enfranchisement of the negro he has always given a hearty and loyal support to the Republican party in State and national campaigns. Especially has this been true of Indiana, and we have no reason to suspect that his attitude in the present campaign will show a diminution in loyalty to the party of Lincoln, Mortan and Grant.

The advice now being given to the colored voter in Indiana that he either support the Democratic ticket or remain away from the polls on the day of election has a specious argument back of it. Its sponsors claim that the Republican party is anxious and willing to eliminate the negro and substitute those white Democrats who, it is claimed, would come to the party but for the presence of the negro; that more lynchings of negroes occur during Republican administrations, and that there is no difference whatever between the parties so far as concerns the negro.

A party is judged by its platform and its adherence thereto.

The platform upon which a party goes before the people is an earnest of its principle; and its acceptance by a candidate is a personal pledge that, if elected, he will follow its provisions both in legislation and administration.

The Republican party has solemnly pledge itself at every national convention since Lincoln in favor of universal liberty; while, on the other hand, the Democratic party, although claiming to be "the party of the people," has never pledged itself to this principle, nor have its adherents, either through legislation or administration, advocated or defended it.

The appointment of hundred of colored men and women in almost every branch of the public service is a refutation of the charge that the Republican party is trying to get rid of the colored voter.

The fact that no lynchings of negroes occur in States where the Republican party is in power warrants us in the belief that these crime are committed for political reasons, and it would be a sacrifice of the highest principle of manhood to surrender the control of the Government to the Democracy because of their threat to kill more negroes during a Republican administration than during one of their own.

The Democratic claim that there is no difference between the two parties as concerns the negro is also false when reviewed in the light of their history.

From the passage of the Missouri Compromise, in 1820, when the slavery question was brought to its height, down to the ratification of the amendments to the Constitution which clothed the negro with full citizenship, there have been arrayed for and against him some of the most masterfull minds of the Republic--his enemies being the leaders of the Democracy and his friends the Whigs, who afterward formed the present Republican party. Neither party principles nor party leadership have changed. Senator Ben Tillman, of South Carolina, stands to-day for that which Senator John C. Calhoun stood for eighty years ago, and for which Lee and Jackson fought four years. On the other hand, the tends of the party of Lincoln are the chief corner stones of the Republican party to-day, and every law now upon the statue books, enacted to secure the negro in the 004646full enjoyment of his civil and political rights, has met the combined opposition of the Democratic party.

FORGOTTEN HISTORY.Much is being said of late by the Southern Democratic press about the baneful effects of reconstructions as it has operated upon the whites of the slaves-holding States. It is argued that were Summer, Garrison, Phillips, Wade or Love Joy to return now they would repudiate the acts which made them famous and would devote their reincarnation to their undoing. It is also claimed that men now living are heartily ashamed of the part they took in placing the ballot in the hands of the emancipated blacks and to this confession is added the statement that they are willing to make amends for the infamous wrong by encouraging the building up of a "white-man's party" at the South, and to refrain from future interference with the movement now going on for the disfranchisement of the negro.

As a matter of fact, there is an endeavor on the part of Southern editors to close the eyes of the young men and women, born since the Rebellion, to the real history of that era 004747of blood and crime which immediately preceded and followed the rehabilitation of the Southern States. A deal of stress is laid upon the great burden of the white man--the enormous weight of which is taxing his strength to the utmost. He was such a kind (?) and gentle (?) master in slavery days, and held the blacks as chattles more for their own good than from any desire to profits by their labor. But the history of slavery and the slave trade describes a sickening trail of blood. It is a cold recital of crime, and the fiendish barbarity of the slave trader is only equaled by the consummate audacity with which the Southern press strives to make of him a martyr.

For over two hundred and fifty years the negro was bought and sold as so many horses. He was made to run, jump, show his teeth, and otherwise give evidence of such soundness as would make him a purchasable quantity. Often the slave driver would give the negro a stinging cut with his bull--whip to make him more active in "showing off" his value, while all around stood the white men, young and old--representing the best families. Often slave women were put upon the auction block and subjected to indecent examination and severe scrutiny by some aristocratic blue blood who either wanted a good field hand or a mistress; and, when bought, she was his property--body and soul.

The city of Alexandria, Va., was a great slave mart before the civil war, though only a stone's throw from the National Capitol. Why wonder that negroes are lynched there now? The ghost of chattel slavery still stalks her streets. Many of her citizens remember seeing fifty and a hundred negroes chained together, led and followed by white men with bull--whips in their hands and pistols protruding from their hip pockets. Following these came the blood hounds.

A slave mother, with a mulatto babe at her breast, has been put upon the auction block in Alexandria at the instance of a master, who needed immediate funds to pay a gambling debt contracted at Brown's Tavern, now the Metropolitan Hotel, of Washington, D. C. Thus did they oftimes sell their own flesh and blood to satisfy a debt of honor(?) 004848At the close of the war a scheme was devised by the leaders of the Republican party for the rehabilitation of the South. The bill of amnesty covered many men who, in any other country, would have been shot for treason, as their subsequent acts have proven that they did not deserve the leniency of the act of Congress clothing them with citizenship. Notwithstanding the remarkable conduct of the slaves who remained on the plantations during the war, the master immediately organized "Ku Klux Clans" and "Red-Shirt Riders," who flew like vultures at the throats of the unoffending negroes. They killed men, women and children in their mad endeavor to get control of the States. And they did get control in this very way and manner. Men who were foremost in leading the mob were elected to Congress, where they came, as Roscoe Conkling said, "with hands reeking in human gore." Many of these men now hold high places in the nation--are often guests of the President and Governors of States, with whom they discuss the "negro question" and sneeringly ask if the negro will ever be what the abolitionist dreamed. The intelligent world knows that they hold their positions in State and society through a series of bloody butcheries, but the Southern press is trying hard to hide their history from the youth of the North and South, and to obscure it with the cry of "negro domination."

The Republicans of Indiana have nominated for their standard bearer Col. W. T. Durbin, and the Democracy Hon. John W. Kern. A vote for Col. Durkin is a vote to sustain the principles of the Republican party. It is a vote for sound money, for a tariff for the protection of American industries, for the increase of our commerce, and for expansion; and last is a vote to sustain President McKinley and the principles of human liberty as set forth in every platform of the party from the year of his birth.

A vote for John W. Kern is a vote for the disfranchisement of the negro in every State south of Mason and Dixon's line; it is a vote for Ben. Tillman and all he represents. In fact, it is a vote to practically nullify and render inoperative all those wise and just laws enacted to protect the race in the great battle of the survival of the fittest.