President
George W. Bush delivers a speech at the
National Endowment for Democracy in Washington
Thursday, October 6, discussing the upcoming
constitutional referendum to be held in
Iraq October 15 and the War on Terror.
The United States "will not tire or rest
until the war on terror is won," Bush
says. (White House photo by Eric Draper) | |
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Vowing to confront the "mortal
danger" of terrorism, President Bush spelled out three
aims of radical Islamic terrorists and five countermeasures
the United States and its allies are taking to defeat them.
Bush spoke October 6 at the National Endowment
for Democracy in Washington as part of a ceremony commemorating
the victims of the September 11, 2001, terror attacks. He
declared, "We will not tire, or rest, until the war
on terror is won."
The president said it would be a mistake
to dismiss the Islamic radicals' beliefs and goals, calling
their ideology "clear and focused."
"Evil men, obsessed with ambition and
unburdened by conscience, must be taken very seriously --
and we must stop them before their crimes can multiply,"
Bush said.
"[T]his ideology is very different
from the religion of Islam," Bush said. It "exploits
Islam to serve a violent, political vision … of a
totalitarian empire," he added.
WHAT THE TERRORISTS WANT
Bush spelled out what he described as the
terrorists' three main goals:
• to end U.S. and Western influence
in the broader Middle East;
• to use the vacuum created by an American retreat
from the region to gain control of a country to use as a
base from which to launch attacks against nonradical Muslim
governments; and
• to control one country in order to rally “Muslim
masses” to overthrow all moderate governments in the
region and establish a radical Islamic empire "from
Spain to Indonesia."
"The terrorists regard Iraq as the
central front in their war against humanity," Bush
said. "And we must recognize Iraq as the central front
in our war on terror."
If the terrorists achieved their goals,
they could use their enhanced economic, military and political
power "to advance their stated agenda: to develop weapons
of mass destruction, to destroy Israel, to intimidate Europe,
to assault the American people, and to blackmail our government
into isolation," Bush said.
THWARTING TERRORIST AMBITIONS
The president laid out five countermeasures
the United States and it allies are taking against the terrorists:
• First, prevent the attacks of terrorist
networks before they occur.
• Second, deny weapons of mass destruction
to outlaw regimes and to their terrorist allies who would
use them without hesitation.
• Third, deny radical groups the
support and sanctuary of outlaw regimes.
"State sponsors like Syria and Iran
have a long history of collaboration with terrorists, and
they deserve no patience from the victims of terror,"
Bush said.
• Fourth, deny the terrorists control
of any nation, which they would use as a home base and a
launching pad for terror.
• Fifth, deny the terrorists future
recruits by replacing hatred and resentment with democracy
and hope across the broader Middle East.
"This is a difficult and long-term
project, yet there's no alternative to it," Bush said.
The president also drew parallels between
Islamic radicalism and communism, and elaborated on Iraq's
importance in the fight against terrorism. He called on
"all responsible Islamic leaders" to denounce
"an ideology that exploits Islam for political ends,
and defiles a noble faith."
Streaming
video of the president’s remarks on the War on
Terror and a related fact
sheet are available on the White House Web site. For
additional information, see Response
to Terrorism.
Following is the transcript of the president’s
remarks:
(begin transcript)
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
October 6, 2005
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
ON THE WAR ON TERROR
Ronald Reagan Building and International
Trade Center
Washington, D.C.
10:07 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all. (Applause.)
Thank you all. Please be seated. (Applause.) Thank you for
the warm welcome. I'm honored once again to be with the
supporters of the National Endowment for Democracy. Since
the day President Ronald Reagan set out the vision for this
Endowment, the world has seen the swiftest advance of democratic
institutions in history. And Americans are proud to have
played our role in this great story.
Our nation stood guard on tense borders;
we spoke for the rights of dissidents and the hopes of exile;
we aided the rise of new democracies on the ruins of tyranny.
And all the cost and sacrifice of that struggle has been
worth it, because, from Latin America to Europe to Asia,
we've gained the peace that freedom brings.
In this new century, freedom is once again
assaulted by enemies determined to roll back generations
of democratic progress. Once again, we're responding to
a global campaign of fear with a global campaign of freedom.
And once again, we will see freedom's victory. (Applause.)
Vin, I want to thank you for inviting me
back. And thank you for the short introduction. (Laughter.)
I appreciate Carl Gershman. I want to welcome former Congressman
Dick Gephardt, who is a board member of the National Endowment
for Democracy. It's good to see you, Dick. And I appreciate
Chris Cox, who is the Chairman of the U.S. Securities and
Exchange Commission, and a board member for the National
Endowment of Democracy, for being here, as well. I want
to thank all the other board members.
I appreciate the Secretary of State, Condi
Rice, who has joined us -- alongside her, Secretary of Defense
Don Rumsfeld. Thank you all for being here. I'm proud, as
well, that the newly sworn-in Chairman of the Joint Chiefs,
the first Marine ever to hold that position, is with us
today -- General Peter Pace. (Applause.) I thank the members
of the Diplomatic Corps who are here, as well.
Recently our country observed the fourth
anniversary of a great evil, and looked back on a great
turning point in our history. We still remember a proud
city covered in smoke and ashes, a fire across the Potomac,
and passengers who spent their final moments on Earth fighting
the enemy. We still remember the men who rejoiced in every
death, and Americans in uniform rising to duty. And we remember
the calling that came to us on that day, and continues to
this hour: We will confront this mortal danger to all humanity.
We will not tire, or rest, until the war on terror is won.
(Applause.)
The images and experience of September the
11th are unique for Americans. Yet the evil of that morning
has reappeared on other days, in other places -- in Mombasa,
and Casablanca, and Riyadh, and Jakarta, and Istanbul, and
Madrid, and Beslan, and Taba, and Netanya, and Baghdad,
and elsewhere. In the past few months, we've seen a new
terror offensive with attacks on London, and Sharm el-Sheikh,
and a deadly bombing in Bali once again. All these separate
images of destruction and suffering that we see on the news
can seem like random and isolated acts of madness; innocent
men and women and children have died simply because they
boarded the wrong train, or worked in the wrong building,
or checked into the wrong hotel. Yet while the killers choose
their victims indiscriminately, their attacks serve a clear
and focused ideology, a set of beliefs and goals that are
evil, but not insane.
Some call this evil Islamic radicalism;
others, militant Jihadism; still others, Islamo-fascism.
Whatever it's called, this ideology is very different from
the religion of Islam. This form of radicalism exploits
Islam to serve a violent, political vision: the establishment,
by terrorism and subversion and insurgency, of a totalitarian
empire that denies all political and religious freedom.
These extremists distort the idea of jihad into a call for
terrorist murder against Christians and Jews and Hindus
-- and also against Muslims from other traditions, who they
regard as heretics.
Many militants are part of global, borderless
terrorist organizations like al Qaeda, which spreads propaganda,
and provides financing and technical assistance to local
extremists, and conducts dramatic and brutal operations
like September the 11th. Other militants are found in regional
groups, often associated with al Qaeda -- paramilitary insurgencies
and separatist movements in places like Somalia, and the
Philippines, and Pakistan, and Chechnya, and Kashmir, and
Algeria. Still others spring up in local cells, inspired
by Islamic radicalism, but not centrally directed. Islamic
radicalism is more like a loose network with many branches
than an army under a single command. Yet these operatives,
fighting on scattered battlefields, share a similar ideology
and vision for our world.
We know the vision of the radicals because
they've openly stated it -- in videos, and audiotapes, and
letters, and declarations, and websites. First, these extremists
want to end American and Western influence in the broader
Middle East, because we stand for democracy and peace, and
stand in the way of their ambitions. Al Qaeda's leader,
Osama bin Laden, has called on Muslims to dedicate, quote,
their "resources, sons and money to driving the infidels
out of their lands." Their tactic to meet this goal
has been consistent for a quarter-century: They hit us,
and expect us to run. They want us to repeat the sad history
of Beirut in 1983, and Mogadishu in 1993 -- only this time
on a larger scale, with greater consequences.
Second, the militant network wants to use
the vacuum created by an American retreat to gain control
of a country, a base from which to launch attacks and conduct
their war against non-radical Muslim governments. Over the
past few decades, radicals have specifically targeted Egypt,
and Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan, and Jordan for potential
takeover. They achieved their goal, for a time, in Afghanistan.
Now they've set their sights on Iraq. Bin Laden has stated:
"The whole world is watching this war and the two adversaries.
It's either victory and glory, or misery and humiliation."
The terrorists regard Iraq as the central front in their
war against humanity. And we must recognize Iraq as the
central front in our war on terror.
Third, the militants believe that controlling
one country will rally the Muslim masses, enabling them
to overthrow all moderate governments in the region, and
establish a radical Islamic empire that spans from Spain
to Indonesia. With greater economic and military and political
power, the terrorists would be able to advance their stated
agenda: to develop weapons of mass destruction, to destroy
Israel, to intimidate Europe, to assault the American people,
and to blackmail our government into isolation.
Some might be tempted to dismiss these goals
as fanatical or extreme. Well, they are fanatical and extreme
-- and they should not be dismissed. Our enemy is utterly
committed. As Zarqawi has vowed, "We will either achieve
victory over the human race or we will pass to the eternal
life." And the civilized world knows very well that
other fanatics in history, from Hitler to Stalin to Pol
Pot, consumed whole nations in war and genocide before leaving
the stage of history. Evil men, obsessed with ambition and
unburdened by conscience, must be taken very seriously --
and we must stop them before their crimes can multiply.
Defeating the militant network is difficult,
because it thrives, like a parasite, on the suffering and
frustration of others. The radicals exploit local conflicts
to build a culture of victimization, in which someone else
is always to blame and violence is always the solution.
They exploit resentful and disillusioned young men and women,
recruiting them through radical mosques as the pawns of
terror. And they exploit modern technology to multiply their
destructive power. Instead of attending faraway training
camps, recruits can now access online training libraries
to learn how to build a roadside bomb, or fire a rocket-propelled
grenade -- and this further spreads the threat of violence,
even within peaceful democratic societies.
The influence of Islamic radicalism is also
magnified by helpers and enablers. They have been sheltered
by authoritarian regimes, allies of convenience like Syria
and Iran, that share the goal of hurting America and moderate
Muslim governments, and use terrorist propaganda to blame
their own failures on the West and America, and on the Jews.
These radicals depend on front operations, such as corrupted
charities, which direct money to terrorist activity. They're
strengthened by those who aggressively fund the spread of
radical, intolerant versions of Islam in unstable parts
of the world. The militants are aided, as well, by elements
of the Arab news media that incite hatred and anti-Semitism,
that feed conspiracy theories and speak of a so-called American
"war on Islam" -- with seldom a word about American
action to protect Muslims in Afghanistan, and Bosnia, Somalia,
Kosovo, Kuwait, and Iraq.
Some have also argued that extremism has
been strengthened by the actions of our coalition in Iraq,
claiming that our presence in that country has somehow caused
or triggered the rage of radicals. I would remind them that
we were not in Iraq on September the 11th, 2001 -- and al
Qaeda attacked us anyway. The hatred of the radicals existed
before Iraq was an issue, and it will exist after Iraq is
no longer an excuse. The government of Russia did not support
Operation Iraqi Freedom, and yet the militants killed more
than 180 Russian schoolchildren in Beslan.
Over the years these extremists have used
a litany of excuses for violence -- the Israeli presence
on the West Bank, or the U.S. military presence in Saudi
Arabia, or the defeat of the Taliban, or the Crusades of
a thousand years ago. In fact, we're not facing a set of
grievances that can be soothed and addressed. We're facing
a radical ideology with inalterable objectives: to enslave
whole nations and intimidate the world. No act of ours invited
the rage of the killers -- and no concession, bribe, or
act of appeasement would change or limit their plans for
murder.
On the contrary: They target nations whose
behavior they believe they can change through violence.
Against such an enemy, there is only one effective response:
We will never back down, never give in, and never accept
anything less than complete victory. (Applause.)
The murderous ideology of the Islamic radicals
is the great challenge of our new century. Yet, in many
ways, this fight resembles the struggle against communism
in the last century. Like the ideology of communism, Islamic
radicalism is elitist, led by a self-appointed vanguard
that presumes to speak for the Muslim masses. Bin Laden
says his own role is to tell Muslims, quote, "what
is good for them and what is not." And what this man
who grew up in wealth and privilege considers good for poor
Muslims is that they become killers and suicide bombers.
He assures them that his -- that this is the road to paradise
-- though he never offers to go along for the ride.
Like the ideology of communism, our new
enemy teaches that innocent individuals can be sacrificed
to serve a political vision. And this explains their cold-blooded
contempt for human life. We've seen it in the murders of
Daniel Pearl, Nicholas Berg, and Margaret Hassan, and many
others. In a courtroom in the Netherlands, the killer of
Theo Van Gogh turned to the victim's grieving mother and
said, "I do not feel your pain -- because I believe
you are an infidel." And in spite of this veneer of
religious rhetoric, most of the victims claimed by the militants
are fellow Muslims.
When 25 Iraqi children are killed in a bombing,
or Iraqi teachers are executed at their school, or hospital
workers are killed caring for the wounded, this is murder,
pure and simple -- the total rejection of justice and honor
and morality and religion. These militants are not just
the enemies of America, or the enemies of Iraq, they are
the enemies of Islam and the enemies of humanity. (Applause.)
We have seen this kind of shameless cruelty before, in the
heartless zealotry that led to the gulags, and the Cultural
Revolution, and the killing fields.
Like the ideology of communism, our new
enemy pursues totalitarian aims. Its leaders pretend to
be an aggrieved party, representing the powerless against
imperial enemies. In truth they have endless ambitions of
imperial domination, and they wish to make everyone powerless
except themselves. Under their rule, they have banned books,
and desecrated historical monuments, and brutalized women.
They seek to end dissent in every form, and to control every
aspect of life, and to rule the soul, itself. While promising
a future of justice and holiness, the terrorists are preparing
for a future of oppression and misery.
Like the ideology of communism, our new
enemy is dismissive of free peoples, claiming that men and
women who live in liberty are weak and decadent. Zarqawi
has said that Americans are, quote, "the most cowardly
of God's creatures." But let's be clear: It is cowardice
that seeks to kill children and the elderly with car bombs,
and cuts the throat of a bound captive, and targets worshipers
leaving a mosque. It is courage that liberated more than
50 million people. It is courage that keeps an untiring
vigil against the enemies of a rising democracy. And it
is courage in the cause of freedom that once again will
destroy the enemies of freedom. (Applause.)
And Islamic radicalism, like the ideology
of communism, contains inherent contradictions that doom
it to failure. By fearing freedom -- by distrusting human
creativity, and punishing change, and limiting the contributions
of half the population -- this ideology undermines the very
qualities that make human progress possible, and human societies
successful. The only thing modern about the militants' vision
is the weapons they want to use against us. The rest of
their grim vision is defined by a warped image of the past
-- a declaration of war on the idea of progress, itself.
And whatever lies ahead in the war against this ideology,
the outcome is not in doubt: Those who despise freedom and
progress have condemned themselves to isolation, decline,
and collapse. Because free peoples believe in the future,
free peoples will own the future. (Applause.)
We didn't ask for this global struggle,
but we're answering history's call with confidence, and
a comprehensive strategy. Defeating a broad and adaptive
network requires patience, constant pressure, and strong
partners in Europe, the Middle East, North Africa, Asia
and beyond. Working with these partners, we're disrupting
militant conspiracies, destroying their ability to make
war, and working to give millions in a troubled region of
the world a hopeful alternative to resentment and violence.
First, we're determined to prevent the attacks
of terrorist networks before they occur. We're reorganizing
our government to give this nation a broad and coordinated
homeland defense. We're reforming our intelligence agencies
for the incredibly difficult task of tracking enemy activity,
based on information that often comes in small fragments
from widely scattered sources, here and abroad. We're acting,
along with the governments from many countries, to destroy
the terrorist networks and incapacitate their leaders. Together,
we've killed or captured nearly all of those directly responsible
for the September the 11th attacks; as well as some of bin
Laden's most senior deputies; al Qaeda managers and operatives
in more than 24 countries; the mastermind of the USS Cole
bombing, who was chief of al Qaeda operations in the Persian
Gulf; the mastermind of the Jakarta and the first Bali bombings;
a senior Zarqawi terrorist planner, who was planning attacks
in Turkey; and many of al Qaeda's senior leaders in Saudi
Arabia.
Overall, the United States and our partners
have disrupted at least ten serious al Qaeda terrorist plots
since September the 11th, including three al Qaeda plots
to attack inside the United States. We've stopped at least
five more al Qaeda efforts to case targets in the United
States, or infiltrate operatives into our country. Because
of this steady progress, the enemy is wounded -- but the
enemy is still capable of global operations. Our commitment
is clear: We will not relent until the organized international
terror networks are exposed and broken, and their leaders
held to account for their acts of murder.
Second, we're determined to deny weapons
of mass destruction to outlaw regimes, and to their terrorist
allies who would use them without hesitation. The United
States, working with Great Britain, Pakistan, and other
nations, has exposed and disrupted a major black-market
operation in nuclear technology led by A.Q. Khan. Libya
has abandoned its chemical and nuclear weapons programs,
as well as long-range ballistic missiles. And in the last
year, America and our partners in the Proliferation Security
Initiative have stopped more than a dozen shipments of suspected
weapons technology, including equipment for Iran's ballistic
missile program.
This progress has reduced the danger to
free nations, but has not removed it. Evil men who want
to use horrendous weapons against us are working in deadly
earnest to gain them. And we're working urgently to keep
weapons of mass destruction out of their hands.
Third, we're determined to deny radical
groups the support and sanctuary of outlaw regimes. State
sponsors like Syria and Iran have a long history of collaboration
with terrorists, and they deserve no patience from the victims
of terror. The United States makes no distinction between
those who commit acts of terror and those who support and
harbor them, because they're equally as guilty of murder.
(Applause.) Any government that chooses to be an ally of
terror has also chosen to be an enemy of civilization. And
the civilized world must hold those regimes to account.
Fourth, we're determined to deny the militants
control of any nation, which they would use as a home base
and a launching pad for terror. For this reason, we're fighting
beside our Afghan partners against remnants of the Taliban
and their al Qaeda allies. For this reason, we're working
with President Musharraf to oppose and isolate the militants
in Pakistan. And for this reason, we're fighting the regime
remnants and terrorists in Iraq. The terrorist goal is to
overthrow a rising democracy, claim a strategic country
as a haven for terror, destabilize the Middle East, and
strike America and other free nations with ever-increasing
violence. Our goal is to defeat the terrorists and their
allies at the heart of their power -- and so we will defeat
the enemy in Iraq.
Our coalition, along with our Iraqi allies,
is moving forward with a comprehensive, specific military
plan. Area by area, city by city, we're conducting offensive
operations to clear out enemy forces, and leaving behind
Iraqi units to prevent the enemy from returning. Within
these areas, we're working for tangible improvements in
the lives of Iraqi citizens. And we're aiding the rise of
an elected government that unites the Iraqi people against
extremism and violence. This work involves great risk for
Iraqis, and for Americans and coalition forces. Wars are
not won without sacrifice -- and this war will require more
sacrifice, more time, and more resolve.
The terrorists are as brutal an enemy as
we've ever faced. They're unconstrained by any notion of
our common humanity, or by the rules of warfare. No one
should underestimate the difficulties ahead, nor should
they overlook the advantages we bring to this fight.
Some observers look at the job ahead and
adopt a self-defeating pessimism. It is not justified. With
every random bombing and with every funeral of a child,
it becomes more clear that the extremists are not patriots,
or resistance fighters -- they are murderers at war with
the Iraqi people, themselves.
In contrast, the elected leaders of Iraq
are proving to be strong and steadfast. By any standard
or precedent of history, Iraq has made incredible political
progress -- from tyranny, to liberation, to national elections,
to the writing of a constitution, in the space of two-and-a-half
years. With our help, the Iraqi military is gaining new
capabilities and new confidence with every passing month.
At the time of our Fallujah operations 11 months ago, there
were only a few Iraqi army battalions in combat. Today there
are more than 80 Iraqi army battalions fighting the insurgency
alongside our forces. Progress isn't easy, but it is steady.
And no fair-minded person should ignore, deny, or dismiss
the achievements of the Iraqi people.
Some observers question the durability of
democracy in Iraq. They underestimate the power and appeal
of freedom. We've heard it suggested that Iraq's democracy
must be on shaky ground because Iraqis are arguing with
each other. But that's the essence of democracy: making
your case, debating with those who you disagree -- who disagree,
building consensus by persuasion, and answering to the will
of the people. We've heard it said that the Shia, Sunnis
and Kurds of Iraq are too divided to form a lasting democracy.
In fact, democratic federalism is the best hope for unifying
a diverse population, because a federal constitutional system
respects the rights and religious traditions of all citizens,
while giving all minorities, including the Sunnis, a stake
and a voice in the future of their country. It is true that
the seeds of freedom have only recently been planted in
Iraq -- but democracy, when it grows, is not a fragile flower;
it is a healthy, sturdy tree. (Applause.)
As Americans, we believe that people everywhere
-- everywhere -- prefer freedom to slavery, and that liberty,
once chosen, improves the lives of all. And so we're confident,
as our coalition and the Iraqi people each do their part,
Iraqi democracy will succeed.
Some observers also claim that America would
be better off by cutting our losses and leaving Iraq now.
This is a dangerous illusion, refuted with a simple question:
Would the United States and other free nations be more safe,
or less safe, with Zarqawi and bin Laden in control of Iraq,
its people, and its resources? Having removed a dictator
who hated free peoples, we will not stand by as a new set
of killers, dedicated to the destruction of our own country,
seizes control of Iraq by violence.
There's always a temptation, in the middle
of a long struggle, to seek the quiet life, to escape the
duties and problems of the world, and to hope the enemy
grows weary of fanaticism and tired of murder. This would
be a pleasant world, but it's not the world we live in.
The enemy is never tired, never sated, never content with
yesterday's brutality. This enemy considers every retreat
of the civilized world as an invitation to greater violence.
In Iraq, there is no peace without victory. We will keep
our nerve and we will win that victory. (Applause.)
The fifth element of our strategy in the
war on terror is to deny the militants future recruits by
replacing hatred and resentment with democracy and hope
across the broader Middle East. This is a difficult and
long-term project, yet there's no alternative to it. Our
future and the future of that region are linked. If the
broader Middle East is left to grow in bitterness, if countries
remain in misery, while radicals stir the resentments of
millions, then that part of the world will be a source of
endless conflict and mounting danger, and for our generation
and the next. If the peoples of that region are permitted
to choose their own destiny, and advance by their own energy
and by their participation as free men and women, then the
extremists will be marginalized, and the flow of violent
radicalism to the rest of the world will slow, and eventually
end. By standing for the hope and freedom of others, we
make our own freedom more secure.
America is making this stand in practical
ways. We're encouraging our friends in the Middle East,
including Egypt and Saudi Arabia, to take the path of reform,
to strengthen their own societies in the fight against terror
by respecting the rights and choices of their own people.
We're standing with dissidents and exiles against oppressive
regimes, because we know that the dissidents of today will
be the democratic leaders of tomorrow. We're making our
case through public diplomacy, stating clearly and confidently
our belief in self-determination, and the rule of law, and
religious freedom, and equal rights for women, beliefs that
are right and true in every land, and in every culture.
(Applause.)
As we do our part to confront radicalism,
we know that the most vital work will be done within the
Islamic world, itself. And this work has begun. Many Muslim
scholars have already publicly condemned terrorism, often
citing Chapter 5, Verse 32 of the Koran, which states that
killing an innocent human being is like killing all humanity,
and saving the life of one person is like saving all of
humanity. After the attacks in London on July the 7th, an
imam in the United Arab Emirates declared, "Whoever
does such a thing is not a Muslim, nor a religious person."
The time has come for all responsible Islamic leaders to
join in denouncing an ideology that exploits Islam for political
ends, and defiles a noble faith.
Many people of the Muslim faith are proving
their commitment at great personal risk. Everywhere we have
engaged the fight against extremism, Muslim allies have
stood up and joined the fight, becoming partners in a vital
cause. Afghan troops are in combat against Taliban remnants.
Iraqi soldiers are sacrificing to defeat al Qaeda in their
own country. These brave citizens know the stakes -- the
survival of their own liberty, the future of their own region,
the justice and humanity of their own tradition -- and that
United States of America is proud to stand beside them.
(Applause.)
With the rise of a deadly enemy and the
unfolding of a global ideological struggle, our time in
history will be remembered for new challenges and unprecedented
dangers. And yet the fight we have joined is also the current
expression of an ancient struggle, between those who put
their faith in dictators, and those who put their faith
in the people. Throughout history, tyrants and would-be
tyrants have always claimed that murder is justified to
serve their grand vision -- and they end up alienating decent
people across the globe. Tyrants and would-be tyrants have
always claimed that regimented societies are strong and
pure -- until those societies collapse in corruption and
decay. Tyrants and would-be tyrants have always claimed
that free men and women are weak and decadent -- until the
day that free men and women defeat them.
We don't know the course of our own struggle
-- the course our own struggle will take -- or the sacrifices
that might lie ahead. We do know, however, that the defense
of freedom is worth our sacrifice. We do know the love of
freedom is the mightiest force of history. And we do know
the cause of freedom will once again prevail.
May God bless you. (Applause.)
END 10:47 A.M. EDT
(end transcript)
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