FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE: September 24, 2002
SCHUMER: IDEOLOGICAL BALANCE ON THE DC CIRCUIT MATTERS
With Senate Judiciary Committee to consider key nominee to DC
Circuit later this week, hearing shows how ideological balance on
the court is essential to protecting civil rights, workers' rights,
the environment
Hearing features Judge Abner Mikva, Judge Fred Fielding, Michael
Gottesmon, Christopher Schroeder, Brad Clark, and other legal scholars
If there is one court in the country besides the Supreme Court
where ideology plays a key role in influencing verdicts more than
any other, it's the DC Circuit. If there's one court in the country
besides the Supreme Court whose rulings have a direct impact on
the daily lives of Americans more than any other, it's the DC Circuit.
But despite the key role that it plays in the US judicial system,
it often gets short shrift.
The DC Circuit often called America's second highest Court
is important because its decisions determine how federal
agencies go about doing their jobs. So when it comes to the way
federal agencies regulate gas prices, clean air and water, unfair
labor practices, campaign finance reform, and a host of other areas,
the DC Circuit almost always has the last word.
The hearing being held today by the Senate Judiciary Subcommittee
on Administrative Oversight and the Courts, chaired by US Senator
Charles Schumer, focuses on what is at stake when considering nominees
to the DC Circuit, how their ideological predilections will impact
the decisions coming out of the court, and why it is vital for Senators
to consider how nominees will impact the delicate ideological balance
on the court when deciding how to vote. Schumer issued the following
statement:
"I want to thank everyone for joining us for this important
hearing on the unique role the DC Circuit plays in our system of
justice and the need for ideological balance on this vital court.
The DC Circuit is often called 'The Nation's Second Highest Court'
and with good reason. More judges have been nominated and confirmed
to the Supreme Court from the DC Circuit than from any other court
in the land. The DC Circuit is where Presidents look when they need
someone to step in and fill an important hole in the lineup.
"It's sort of like the Bullpen Court having given
us Supreme Court Justices Scalia, Thomas, and Ruth Bader Ginsburg.
Not to mention Robert Bork, Ken Starr, and my good friend who is
here with us today, the notorious Abner Mikva.
"All the other federal appellate courts handle just those
cases arising from within its boundaries. So, for example, the Second
Circuit, where I'm from, takes cases coming out of New York, Connecticut,
and Vermont. The Eleventh Circuit, where Jeff's from, gets cases
coming out of Alabama, Georgia, and Florida.
"But the DC Circuit doesn't just take cases brought by residents
of Washington, DC. Congress has decided there's value in vesting
one court with the power to review certain decisions of administrative
agencies. We've given plaintiffs the power to choose the DC Circuit
and in some cases we've forced them to go to the DC Circuit
because we've decided, for better or worse, that when it
comes to these administrative decisions one court should decide
what the law is for the whole nation.
"When it comes to regulations adopted under the Clear Air
Act by the EPA, labor decisions made by the NLRB and rules propounded
by OSHA, gas prices regulated by the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission,
and many other administrative matters, the decisions are usually
made by the judges on the DC Circuit.
"To most, it seems like this is the Alphabet Soup Court,
since virtually every case involves an agency with an unintelligible
acronym. EPA, NLRA, FCC, SEC, FTC, FERC, and so on and so on. It
leads to another set of letters a long line of zzzzzzz. Even
my eyes glaze over and roll back in my head when you read down the
list.
"But the letters that comprise this Alphabet Soup are what
make our government tick.
"They are the agencies that write and enforce the rules that
determine how much "reform" there will be in campaign
finance reform. They determine how clean water has to be for it
to be safe for our families to drink. They establish the rights
workers have when they're negotatiating with corporate powers.
"The DC Circuit is important because its decisions determine
how these federal agencies go about doing their jobs. And, in so
doing, it directly impacts the daily lives of all Americans more
than any other court in the country, with the exception of the Supreme
Court.
"But we probably wouldn't be talking about this court today
if it weren't for the political maelstrom brewing over a few of
the pending nominations to it. So before any of the reporters here
get too excited, I want to be clear that the witnesses with us today
are not going to discuss Miguel Estrada and John Roberts
those discussions are for another day.
"That said, nominations to this special Circuit merit special
scrutiny. Anyone who thinks we should just blindly confirm the President's
nominees to this all-important court needs to think again.
"The goal of this hearing is to underscore what is at stake
when considering nominees to the DC Circuit, how their ideological
predilections will impact the decisions coming out of the court,
and why it is vital for Senators to consider how nominees will impact
the delicate ideological balance on the court when deciding how
to vote.
"Perhaps more than any other court aside from the Supreme
Court, the DC Circuit votes break down on ideological lines with
amazing frequency. The divide happens in cases with massive national
impact. And if anyone thinks this court's docket isn't chockful
of cases with national ramifications, they've got another thing
coming. Let me give you some examples.
"When it comes to civil rights, the court plays a big role.
"In Hopkins v. Price Waterhouse, the DC Circuit enforced
the Civil Rights Act's guarantee of equal treatment in the workplace
by remedying blatant sex discrimination in a case where a woman
was denied a partnership at Price Waterhouse based on her gender
alone.
"When it comes to communications, the court plays a big role.
It has exclusive jurisdiction over appeals from FCC decisions. That's
a pretty big chunk of law with massive impact on American consumers.
Just a few years ago, the Circuit upheld the constitutionality of
the Telecommunications Act of 1996, guaranteeing more competition
in the local and long distance marketplaces which, in turn,
guaranteed better and cheaper phone service for all of us.
"Even when it comes to defining our post-9/11 world, the DC
Circuit also plays a big role in interpreting and defining our anti-terrorism
laws. In the ongoing case of Holy Land Foundation v. Ashcroft, the
Circuit will soon be called upon to determine whether a charitable
organization is really a charitable organization or a terrorist
front whose assets can be frozen by the federal government.
"When it comes to privacy, this court plays a big role. Earlier
this year, the court was called upon to assess the FTC's power to
protect consumer privacy when it comes to the private personal information
credit reporting agencies may make public.
"When it comes to consumers, this court plays a big role.
Yesterday's blockbuster decision by a Federal Energy Regulatory
Commission that a major gas and oil company deliberately manipulated
gas prices in California will undoubtedly end up before the DC Circuit.
"When it comes to the environment, the court plays a big
role. When Congress passed the Clean Air Act in 1970, we gave the
Environmental Protection Agency the authority to set clean air standards
the power to determine how much smog and pollution is too
much.
"In 1997, having reviewed literally thousands of studies,
it toughened standards for smog and soot. The decision was to have
two primary effects. First, it was going to improve air quality.
But, second, it was going to force some businesses to spend more
to pollute less. Industry groups appealed the EPA's decision and
a majority Republican panel on the DC Circuit reversed the EPA's
ruling.
"In doing so, the court relied on an arcane and long-dead
concept known as the 'non-delegation doctrine.' It was a striking
moment of judicial activism that was pro-business, anti-environment,
and highly political. While that decision ultimately was reversed
by a unanimous Supreme Court, most other significant decisions of
the DC Circuit have been allowed to stand without review. With the
Supreme Court taking fewer and fewer cases each year and taking
an increasingly ideological bent itself, we can't rely on the Supreme
Court to right the DC Circuit's wrongs.
"Through the 1990s, conservative judges had a stranglehold
majority on this court. In case after case during the recent Republican
domination of this court, the DC Circuit has second-guessed the
judgment of federal agencies, striking down fuel economy standards,
wetlands protections, and pro-worker rulings by the National Labor
Relations Board.
"Now, for the first time in a long time, there is some balance
on the DC Circuit: 4 Republican judges and 4 Democrats. Some of
us would like to keep balance on this all-important court
not giving either side an ideological edge.
"Of course, if President Clinton's last two moderate nominees
to the Circuit, Elena Kagen and Allen Snyder, had been confirmed,
we wouldn't be as worried about balance now. Both had impeccable
credentials. There were no blue slip problems, no 11th hour nominations
(one waited 15 months, the other 18 months), no 'gotcha' incidents,
and support for both from prominent conservatives (e.g., Judge Bork
supported Snyder's nomination; Professor Michael McConnell supported
Kagen's). Nonetheless, the Republican-controlled Judiciary Committee
failed to act on their nominations.
"Given the recent revelations of corporate irresponsibility,
avarice, and greed, now more than ever we need to ensure that we
will have balanced courts to ensure the law is enforced equally
against all offenders.
"While politics isn't always the best predictor of how judges
will vote, some recent studies of the DC Circuit pretty conclusively
prove that ideology plays a big role in how the judges vote. That's
part of what we'll hear from our witnesses today.
"Over the course of the last year or so, I've spoken out
about my belief that we should have a more open, honest, and legitimate
discussion about judicial nominees and the federal bench. My argument
has boiled down to this. Ideology matters in the way we vote on
some judges because ideology matters in the way some judges vote.
"Instead of playing games, instead of playing 'gotcha' politics
on both sides we should be honest and say that ideology
is what bothers us. I don't like judges who are too far left or
too far right I want judges who will be non-ideological.
It's obvious from the erudite comments of our panel that the DC
Circuit is a crucial court. But in reading up on the Circuit, I've
been almost shocked by how clear it is that ideology drives votes.
I'm not saying these judges are being nefarious. But their different
worldviews clearly lead them to different conclusions at
least when it comes to certain kinds of cases.
"Let me give you some examples drawn from several studies
that have been done over the last few years. There are some pretty
striking numbers when you look at environmental cases where industry
is challenging pro-environment rulings. (Chart #1)
|
Rulings in Favor of Industry Challenges |
All Republican Panels |
80% |
Majority Republican Panels |
48% |
Minority Republican Panels |
27.5% |
All Democratic Panels |
20% |
"Professor Cass Sunstein has a study coming out soon that
makes similar findings in so-called 'Chevron' cases, where the Court
is charged with upholding agency interpretations of law so long
as they are 'reasonable.' You would predict that Republicans would
vote to uphold agency actions rarely while Democrats would uphold
frequently. And that conclusion is borne out by the data. (Chart
#2)
|
3-0 Repub Panel |
2-1 Repub Panel |
2-1 Dem Panel |
3-0 Dem Panel |
Uphold Agency |
33% |
62% |
86% |
71% |
"It's interesting to note that the findings
are especially striking when it comes to Democrats a panel
of all Democrats is actually less likely to uphold agency actions
than a panel of 2 Ds and 1R. In other words, you need a Democrat
to keep the Republicans in check, but when left alone, the Democrats
on this court don't run amok. But that's not really the point here.
So my question to the panel is this. Do these numbers prove that
ideology matters?"
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