ORNL: THE FIRST 50 YEARS--CHAPTER 2: HIGH-FLUX YEARS
   
   This article also appears in the Oak Ridge National Laboratory
   Review (Vol. 25, Nos. 3 and 4), a quarterly research and
   development magazine. If you'd like more information about the
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   High-flux conditions prevailed at Clinton  Laboratories after the
   war, when surprising decisions affecting the facility's future were
   made in St. Louis, Chicago, and Washington, D.C. At the federal
   level, management of the national laboratories shifted from General
   Leslie Groves and the Army Corps of Engineers to David Lilienthal
   and the newly created civilian Atomic Energy Commission (AEC). In
   Oak Ridge, the contract with Monsanto Chemical Company, the
   industrial operator for Clinton Laboratories, was not renewed. The
   University of Chicago, the proposed academic operator, failed to
   assemble a management team, resulting in the selection of a new
   industrial contractor, Union Carbide Corporation. Clinton
   Laboratories became Clinton National Laboratory in 1947 and Oak
   Ridge National Laboratory in 1948. Change was the watchword in the
   tumultuous postwar period, as one unexpected event followed
   another.
   
   Despite management uncertainties and fluctuations, solid
   accomplishments in science and technology were achieved. Under the
   leadership of Eugene Wigner, Clinton Laboratories designed a
   high-flux Materials Testing Reactor, the precursor of all modern
   light-water reactors, and experimented with the Daniels Pile, a
   forerunner of high-temperature gas-cooled reactors. The first of
   thousands of radioisotope shipments left the Graphite Reactor in
   1946, initiating a program of immense value to medical, biological,
   and industrial science. New organizational units were formed to
   study biology, metallurgy, and health physics, and several solid
   scientific accomplishments were recorded in these fields before the
   departures of Wigner and Monsanto.
   
   Management fluctuations proved a source of anxiety and despair
   among Laboratory staff during the 1947 Christmas season. By the
   start of the new year in 1948, however, crucial management
   decisions ensured the survival of Clinton Laboratories, which was
   given a much broader mandate for fundamental science than it had
   during the war. 
   
   
                       MONSANTO'S MANAGEMENT
   
   During the war, security concerns required officials to refer to
   Clinton Laboratories by its code name, X-10. The personnel of
   Monsanto Chemical Company, the new operating contractor, continued
   this practice in the postwar years. The remote Appalachian location
   of Clinton Laboratories, along with unpaved streets and spartan
   living conditions, presented an easy target for ridicule.
   Metallurgical Laboratory personnel in Chicago called X-10 "Down
   Under," while Du Pont personnel labeled it the "Gopher Training
   School." In official telegrams, Monsanto's staff referred to Oak
   Ridge as "Dogpatch," taking their cue from Li'l Abner, a popular
   comic strip lampooning "hillbilly" Appalachian life. Such
   ill-concealed scorn did not bode well either for postwar Monsanto
   administration or Laboratory research.
   
   The choice of Monsanto as contract operator of Clinton Laboratories
   seemed logical because of the Laboratories' focus on chemistry and
   chemical technology. Monsanto was also interested in becoming a key
   player in nuclear reactor development. Charles Thomas, Monsanto
   vice president, was the driving force behind the company's entry
   into nuclear science. A famous chemist, Thomas had established a
   laboratory at Dayton, Ohio, that Monsanto purchased in 1936, making
   it the company's central research laboratory.
   
   In 1943, General Groves gave Thomas and Monsanto responsibility for
   fabricating nuclear triggers at the Dayton laboratory. When Thomas
   also agreed to supervise the operation of Clinton Laboratories in
   1945, he merged both facilities into a single project and appointed
   himself project director, although he kept his main office at
   Monsanto's corporate headquarters in St. Louis.
   
   When Whitaker and Doan left Oak Ridge, Thomas decided to establish
   a dual directorship at Clinton Laboratories with both directors
   reporting to him. For executive director in charge of general
   administration and operations, he selected James Lum, who had
   assisted him in managing the Dayton laboratory. As Lum's assistant,
   he brought in Prescott Sandidge, who had managed Monsanto phosphate
   and munitions plants.
   
   Transferring 60 staff members to Oak Ridge from other Monsanto
   plants, Thomas reorganized the administration of Clinton
   Laboratories. Among the new administrators were plant manager
   Robert Thumser, shop and instrument superintendent Hart Fisher,
   chief accountant Clarence Koenig, and superintendent of support
   services Harold Bishop. Because many scientists returned to
   universities at the end of the war, Thomas and the Clinton staff
   also had to recruit replacements. Among the new staff members were
   Walter Jordan, P. R. Bell, and Jack Buck, who came from the radar
   laboratory at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and
   Ellison Taylor, Henry Zeldes, Harold Secoy, and Frank Miles, who
   came from the closed wartime laboratory at Columbia University.
   
   In 1947, under Monsanto's management, Clinton Laboratories employed
   2141 workers, making building expansion imperative. A moratorium on
   new construction during 1946 and 1947, while the facility's future
   was debated in Washington, caused personnel and equipment to be
   moved into empty buildings at the Y-12 Plant, which was shifting
   its focus from the electromagnetic separation of uranium-235 to
   precision machining of weapons components.
   
   Expecting Clinton Laboratories to build the nation's first
   peacetime research reactor and the first electric power-generating
   reactor, Thomas courted Eugene Wigner, bringing him from Princeton
   to Oak Ridge several times during late 1945 to conduct seminars and
   consult on reactor designs. In early 1946, he lured Wigner into a
   year's leave from Princeton University to become Clinton
   Laboratories' research and development director by promising to
   relieve him of administrative duties, which Thomas assigned to
   James Lum. Wigner also acquired an assistant for the administration
   of research and development, Edgar Murphy, a scientist who had
   served as Army major in the Manhattan Engineer District office
   during the war.
   
   When his Princeton colleagues asked Wigner why he was going to
   Dogpatch, he told them that, as one of the three major nuclear
   research laboratories in the United States, Clinton Laboratories
   would become important "in the life of the whole nation."
   
   As its research director, he intended to focus on science education
   by (1) developing research reactors suitable for use at
   universities, (2) establishing nuclear science training under his
   former graduate student Frederick Seitz, and (3) coordinating
   scientific research with universities throughout the South. "Only
   too much have both Chicago and Oak Ridge lived in the past on
   fundamental knowledge that has been acquired either before the war
   or at one of the other government research centers," Wigner
   observed. "As these wells begin to run dry, this situation becomes
   increasingly unhealthy."
   
   Early in his tenure, Wigner outlined his weekly routine. On
   Mondays, he would remain in his office with an open door to hear
   staff advice and grievances. On "Holy" Tuesdays, he would vanish,
   pursuing his own research to "keep my knowledge alive." Although he
   avoided committee meetings to the extent possible, the remainder of
   the week he would attend to duties, circulating through the
   Laboratories to discuss scientific and administrative problems.
   "We'll have long arguments just as you are having them now with
   each other," he warned the staff, "and I fully expect to be wrong
   in most of them--that is, from Wednesday to Friday."
   
   
                        HIGH-FLUX DESIGNS
   
   When Wigner arrived as research director, staff at Clinton
   Laboratories had begun designing new types of reactors. Researchers
   investigated the possibilities of developing a high-neutron-flux
   reactor for testing materials and a gas-cooled Daniels Pile for
   demonstrating the use of nuclear energy for electricity production.
   The Laboratories' chemists also initiated research aimed at a
   high-flux homogeneous reactor.
   
   Wigner devoted most of his attention to the high-flux reactor,
   subsequently renamed the Materials Testing Reactor. Its chief
   function was to bombard test materials with neutrons to determine
   which    materials would be best for future reactors. A reactor
   designer's reactor, it provided the most intense neutron source at
   the time.
   
   Initial designs called for use of enriched uranium fuel, heavy
   water in the interior lattice to moderate the neutrons, and
   ordinary (light) water to cool the exterior. Wigner and Alvin
   Weinberg, appointed by Wigner to be Lothar Nordheim's successor as
   chief of physics, concluded that use of heavy water could severely
   reduce the flux of very fast neutrons.
   
   Squeezing heavy water out of the reactor design, they selected
   ordinary water as both moderator and coolant. Instead of uranium
   rods canned in aluminum as in the Graphite Reactor, the fuel
   element or core would be uranium sandwiched between aluminum
   cladding or plates. To ensure a high thermal neutron flux for
   research, the plates were surrounded by a neutron reflector made of
   beryllium.  In time, this design served as the prototype for many
   university research reactors and, in a sense, for all light-water
   reactors that later propelled naval craft and generated commercial
   power.
   
   Miles Leverett and Marvin Mann headed a team of scientists and
   engineers who designed the Materials Testing Reactor at Oak Ridge.
   About 60 staff members became involved in the design over nearly
   six years.
   
   Wigner's best-known contribution was the curved design of the
   aluminum fuel plates in the reactor core. These plates were placed
   parallel to one another with narrow spaces between for the cooling
   water; the reactor's power was largely set by how much water flowed
   past the fuel plates. Concern arose that intense heat might warp
   the plates, bringing them in contact and restricting coolant flow.
   After pondering this potential problem, Wigner directed that the
   plates be warped, or curved, to improve their structural resistance
   to stress. Because warped plates could only bow in one direction,
   they would not constrict water flow.
   
   Adjacent to the Materials Testing Reactor, Leverett's team planned
   to construct a plant to reprocess spent nuclear fuel, using the
   precipitation process developed during the war. In reprocessing,
   nuclear fuel is extracted from the spent fuel and separated from
   the accumulated fission products for reuse in reactors. Chemists
   John Swartout and Frank Steahly recommended that the "25
   solvent-extraction process" replace the more expensive
   precipitation process. Their recommendation was accepted. Solvent
   extraction--separating one material from others dissolved in one
   liquid by transferring it into another liquid that cannot mix with
   the first--eventually became the standard method worldwide for
   reprocessing spent nuclear fuel.
   
   Monsanto's principal concern was the Daniels Pile, named for
   Farrington Daniels who, at the Chicago Metallurgical Laboratory in
   1944, had designed a reactor with a bed of enriched uranium pebbles
   moderated by beryllium oxide and cooled by helium gas. Some called
   it the pebble-bed reactor. In May 1946, the Manhattan Engineer
   District directed Monsanto to proceed with the design, leading to
   the construction of an experimental Daniels Pile to demonstrate
   electric power generation. 
   
   To accomplish this task, Monsanto brought Daniels from the
   University of Wisconsin as a consultant. The company also recruited
   engineers from industry and brought them to Clinton Laboratories,
   where they formed a Power Pile Division headed by Rogers
   McCullough. This division identified materials suitable for
   high-temperature reactors and developed pressure vessels and pumps,
   piping, and seals for high-pressure coolants; it also studied heat
   exchanger designs.
   
   Because its staff was recruited largely from outside Clinton
   Laboratories, the Power Pile Division was never fully integrated
   into the organization. The project, moreover, encountered numerous
   design problems. Critics of the Daniels Pile contended that it
   would never become a practical power-generating reactor and that
   building a demonstration project wasted time and resources. After
   all, Logan Emlet and operators of the Graphite Reactor had
   demonstrated power production with a toy steam engine and generator
   that used heat from the air-cooled reactor. Why, critics said,
   should we pursue a more complicated and expensive power-production
   strategy?
   
   Such criticism caused high-level support for the Daniels Pile to
   wane by 1948. It was never constructed, and Daniels, as a professor
   at the University of Wisconsin, would gain renown as a national
   expert on solar energy.
   
   
                         ATOMS FOR HEALTH
   
   Distribution of the radioisotopes produced at the Graphite Reactor
   for biological and industrial research rapidly became the most
   publicized activity at Clinton Laboratories in the postwar years.
   Orders began arriving soon after the Laboratory published a
   radioisotope catalogue in the June 1946 issue of Science, which
   listed isotopes Laboratory staff could prepare and ship. On August
   2, 1946, Wigner stood in front of the Graphite Reactor to hand the
   first peacetime product of atomic energy, a small quantity of
   carbon-14, to an official of a cancer research hospital in St.
   Louis, home of Monsanto Chemical Company. Soon, nearly 50 different
   radioisotopes were regularly available for distribution. In 1947,
   to handle their production and distribution, Logan Emlet of
   Operations established an Isotopes Section headed by Arthur Rupp;
   as the program expanded, it later became the Isotopes Division,
   which was headed by Rupp and John Gillette, among others.
   
   One of the earliest cases of technology transfer from Clinton
   Laboratories came as a spin-off of the radioisotopes program.
   Abbott Laboratories located its original radiopharmaceutical
   production plant in Oak Ridge near the source of the radioisotopes.
   The plant moved to Chicago in the 1960s when the Laboratory ceased
   commercial production of most radioisotopes.
   
   
                      HIGH-FLUX ORGANIZATION
   
   Like most new managers, Wigner sought to sharpen the organization's
   mission and improve its performance. He made both minor changes,
   such as the appointment of Edward Shapiro as chief of the
   Laboratories' technical libraries, and major changes, such as
   forming and staffing new divisions. Thinking solid-state physics
   was a key to reactor design, Wigner established a small group for
   solid-state studies in the Physics Division under Sidney Siegel and
   Douglas Billington; he formed a new division to investigate the
   effects of radiation on metals; and he persuaded Monsanto
   executives to consolidate and augment staffing of the machine shops
   that supported the research projects.
   
   During the war, small machine shops scattered among several
   divisions provided the tooling, finishing, and precision machine
   work required for scientific experimentation. In 1946, Wigner urged
   that these shops be merged into groups comprising at least 200
   craftsmen. After some resistance to the suggestion, Executive
   Director James Lum established the central research shops in 1947
   and imported Paul Kofmehl, a Swiss craftsman, as superintendent,
   with Earl Longendorfer as his assistant.
   
   Skilled crafts people, who machined the hardware for the reactors
   and other projects, were put to work in the research shops. They
   acquired apprentices in the ancient tradition of the crafts and
   supplied scientists and engineers with the unique equipment and
   tools they required. As the work load increased, the research shops
   evolved into central machine shops and eventually became the
   Fabrication Department in the Plant and Equipment Division under
   the supervision of Robert Farnham. The shops even included an
   old-fashioned Tennessee blacksmith, Miller Lamb, who fabricated
   lead bricks for radiation shielding and produced customized nuts,
   bolts, and metal parts. Nearly a quarter century after Lamb retired
   in 1969, Laboratory personnel still pass his handiwork every day:
   he forged the ladder rungs on the smokestacks at the Laboratory.
   
   In 1945, Miles Leverett purchased a secondhand mill to roll, cast,
   and forge reactor fuel elements and metal parts. He also recruited
   metallurgists for materials research. Declaring that "an integrated
   program on the properties and possibilities of materials from the
   structural and nuclear point of view is greatly to be desired," in
   1946 Wigner hired William Johnson from Westinghouse as a consultant
   on the formation of a Metallurgy Division. Johnson  recruited a
   half-dozen metallurgists to form the division under the leadership
   of John Frye, Jr.
   
   Metallurgists faced the challenge of fabricating reactor components
   of uranium and aluminum alloys, beryllium, zirconium, and other
   exotic metals and conducted intensive research into the functioning
   of metallic elements under high temperatures and radiation stress
   in reactors. Starting with fewer than a dozen staff members, the
   Metallurgy Division increased to as many as 300 people. In 1952,
   Frye also organized a group under John Warde as a ceramics
   laboratory. In addition to conducting ceramics research, it
   fabricated crucibles, insulators, and fuel elements, and customized
   parts for reactors. The group also  employed a practical potter or
   two to make molds. From these modest beginnings, the Laboratory
   would become a world center for metallic alloy and ceramics
   research.
   
   
                        HIGH-FLUX BIOLOGY
   
   Just as the atom's nucleus captivated physical scientists, the
   living cell was the center of attention for life scientists. The
   Graphite Reactor supplied a variety of radioisotopes that helped
   bring about a revolution in the life and medical sciences by
   leading to a new understanding of metabolic processes and genetic
   activities.  Developments in biological sciences and the need to
   better understand the effects of radiation on human health and the
   environment led Wigner to expand the biology and health physics
   organizations.
   
   When John Wirth, head of the Health Division, returned to the
   National Cancer Institute in September 1946, Wigner and Lum split
   the Health Division into two new research sections, plus a medical
   department, which was headed by physician Jean Felton and later by
   Thomas Lincoln and then Seaton Garrett. In October, Wigner
   recruited Alexander Hollaender to form and head a Biology Division.
   Hollaender had received degrees in physical chemistry from the
   University of Wisconsin. At the National Institutes of Health, he
   had studied the effects of radiation on cells and the use of
   ultraviolet light to control airborne diseases.
   
   Hollaender's initial research plan at Clinton Laboratories called
   for studying radiation's effects on living cells, including such
   cell constituents as proteins and nucleic acids. 
   
   Beginning with a few radiobiologists studying microorganisms and
   fruit flies in crowded rooms behind the dispensary, Hollaender
   initiated a broad program that would make his division the largest
   biological laboratory in the world. Hollaender would successfully
   unite fundamental research in the biological sciences with physics,
   chemistry, and mathematics and would recruit widely to staff the
   initial research units in biochemistry, cytogenetics, physiology,
   and radiology.  William Arnold, Waldo Cohn, Richard Kimball, Elliot
   Volkin, and William and Liane Russell were among the Biology
   Division's most respected staff members, a group that included 70
   scientists and technicians by 1947. Lacking space at the X-10 site,
   the new division moved into vacated buildings at the Y-12 Plant.
   
   The biological research that attracted the most public interest was
   the genetic experiments conducted under the supervision of William
   and Liane Russell, who used mice to identify the long-term genetic
   implications of radiation exposure for humans. Among the division's
   early scientific accomplishments, however, Hollaender took special
   pride in William Arnold's discoveries of the electronic nature of
   energy transfer in photosynthesis, Waldo Cohn and Elliott (Ken)
   Volkin's discovery of the nucleotide linkage in ribonucleic acid
   (RNA), and Volkin and Larry Astrachan's discovery of messenger RNA.
   
   The Biology Division's greatest long-term influence on science,
   however, may have come from its cooperation with the University of
   Tennessee-Oak Ridge Graduate School of Biomedical Sciences and with
   universities and research centers throughout the nation and the
   world.
   
   The second division separated from the old Health Division in 1946
   was Health Physics, directed by K. Z. Morgan. The Health Physics
   Division eventually included 70 staff members who monitored
   radiation levels in research and production areas and furnished
   improved radiation detection devices. Early research included
   studies of radioisotopes discharged into river systems, estimates
   of thermal neutron tolerances, and development of new methods to
   detect radiation.
   
   In 1944, Oak Ridge health physicists trained personnel responsible
   for radiation protection at Hanford. They continued this schooling
   at Oak Ridge until 1950 when the AEC established fellowships for
   graduate study at Vanderbilt and Rochester universities. The Army,
   Navy, and Air Force also sent personnel to receive health physics
   training at Oak Ridge. In addition to its land-based monitoring
   efforts, the Health Physics Division used boats to measure
   radioactivity entering the Clinch River from White Oak Creek and
   airplanes to monitor radioactivity in the air above Oak Ridge. As
   a result, the division was said to have its own "army, air force,
   and navy."
   
   
                       HIGH-FLUX EDUCATION
   
   In late 1945, Martin Whitaker met with University of Tennessee
   officials to discuss a science education partnership that would
   allow young researchers to complete graduate studies at the
   university while working at Clinton Laboratories. This program was
   the precursor of an extensive cooperative graduate program with the
   University of Tennessee that has continued to this day.
   
   In 1946, the Oak Ridge Institute of Nuclear Studies (ORINS), a
   nonprofit corporation of 14 southeastern universities, was
   chartered with William Pollard as its director. In 1947, the
   institute became an AEC government-owned, contractor-operated
   facility. Under its authority, Clinton Laboratories' Biology
   Division trained scientists in the use of radioisotopes. Later
   ORINS opened a clinical facility where radioisotopes were used for
   cancer treatment.
   
   In 1949, the institute obtained support from the AEC to open the
   American Museum of Atomic Energy in a wartime cafeteria building.
   In 1974, the museum, renamed the American Museum of Science and
   Energy, moved into a new building adjacent to the corporate
   headquarters of the Oak Ridge Institute of Nuclear Studies, which
   itself had been renamed Oak Ridge Associated Universities and had
   nearly 50 sponsoring members.
   
   Universities that joined the institute were invited to use the
   Laboratory's scientific facilities. Under the management of Russell
   Poor, the institute began a program for faculty research at the
   Laboratory in the summer of 1947 with two participants. That number
   increased to 70 by 1950, a level maintained for many years.
   Supplementing this research program were traveling lectures and
   seminars conducted by Laboratory scientists at the participating
   universities. The resulting interaction between Laboratory
   scientists and university faculty, along with faculty and student
   use of research equipment available at the Laboratory, contributed
   significantly to the spectacular growth in graduate science
   education throughout the Southeast during the postwar years.
   
   
                        HIGH-FLUX TRAINING
   
   In August 1946, Eugene Wigner opened the Laboratories' Clinton
   Training School with Frederick Seitz as its director. Although
   Wigner envisioned it as a small postdoctoral seminar in nuclear
   technology, more than 50 people from the military, industry, and
   academia enrolled. Among the first participants were Herbert
   MacPherson, Sidney Siegel, John Simpson, Everitt Blizard, Douglas
   Billington, and Donald Stevens, all of whom subsequently became
   renowned for their activities in science. The most famous graduate,
   however, was Captain Hyman Rickover of the U.S. Navy.
   
   The Navy had first provided Wigner and Szilard funding for nuclear
   experiments in 1939. During the war, Navy scientists developed a
   thermal diffusion process for separating uranium isotopes; the S-50
   plant in Oak Ridge was built during World War II for this purpose.
   Navy interest in using nuclear energy for ship propulsion
   continued, and in early 1946 Philip Abelson of the Navy research
   team spent several months at the Laboratory studying Wigner's
   approach to reactor design. In May 1946, Admiral Chester Nimitz
   assigned five Navy officers and three civilians to Oak Ridge. The
   officers were Hyman Rickover, Louis Roddis, James Dunford, Raymond
   Dick, and Miles Libbey. Rickover later recalled his Oak Ridge
   experience:
   
   When I started at Oak Ridge in 1946, there were 4 other naval
   officers along with me and 3 civilians. Each was sent to Oak Ridge
   individually, and each started working on his own. . .As soon as I
   got to Oak Ridge, I realized that if we ever were going to have
   atomic power plants in the Navy, I would have to assemble these
   people and train them as a group. And I used a very simple
   expedient; I arranged to write their fitness reports, so once they
   knew I was writing their fitness reports, they started paying
   attention to me. So once I did that, then I was able to weld them
   into a team and teach them specialized duties in order to get ready
   for building a submarine plant. Well, the first attempt at building
   a power plant at Oak Ridge was a civilian one, and it failed. Then
   unofficially I persuaded the people, the engineers, and the
   scientists, who were engaged in that enterprise, without any formal
   permission, to start working on a submarine plant, and they did
   this for a while. Meanwhile, I advised the Chief of the Bureau of
   Ships to retain this group of trained people together, and as soon
   as we came back to Washington, to have us start working on a
   submarine plant.
   
   Under Rickover's exuberant direction, navy officers enrolled in the
   Training School attended every seminar, interviewed every scientist
   willing to talk, and wrote numerous reports that became the paper
   foundation of the nuclear navy. Rickover later chose the
   pressurized-water reactor proposed by Alvin Weinberg to propel the
   nuclear ships built by the Navy. Legends about Rickover's
   activities at Clinton Laboratories still abound. For example, he
   sometimes elicited information from scientists by introducing
   himself: "I'm Captain Rickover; I'm stupid."
   
   With the end of Monsanto management and the return of Wigner and
   Seitz to their universities in 1947, the Clinton Training School
   ceased to exist. Despite its brief tenure, the school was
   responsible for launching a long and fruitful relationship between
   the Navy and the Laboratory. Rickover entered into several nuclear
   design contracts with the Laboratory, and he often employed
   Laboratory scientists, such as Theodore Rockwell, Frank Kerze, and
   Jack Kyger, on Navy projects. Everitt Blizard, a civilian who had
   accompanied Rickover to Oak Ridge, remained at the Laboratory,
   where he supervised investigations of reactor shielding.   Rickover
   sometimes advised Alvin Weinberg on Laboratory management. He also
   strongly supported the formation and subsequent educational work of
   the Oak Ridge School of Reactor Technology (locally dubbed the
   Klinch Kollege of Knuclear Knowledge) housed at the Laboratory
   between 1950 and 1965.
   
   
                      RESEARCH AND REGULATIONS
   
   By his own account, Wigner's most troublesome problems as  research
   director emanated from the Army bureaucracy. In the postwar years,
   the Army continued its wartime security policies. This meddlesome
   oversight made the exchange of scientific data with Hanford and Los
   Alamos difficult for Wigner and his research staff. This and
   similar problems caused Wigner to have several confrontations with
   Army authorities, notably Colonel Walter Leber.
   
   Colonel Leber had replaced Captain James Grafton as the Army
   representative for Clinton Laboratories in May 1946, and he hired
   a large number of people to monitor its activities. His office
   staff included 22 people to inspect construction and
   administration, 3 to investigate security breaches, and 29 to
   examine research and development. This large group audited even
   minor details, down to the book titles ordered by the library.
   Their actions soon alienated both scientists and Monsanto
   executives, and James Lum strenuously objected to Leber's efforts
   to "interfere and assume responsibilities which are reserved only
   for Monsanto under the present contract." To reduce confusion and
   improve communications, Lum and Wigner asked Edgar Murphy, formerly
   an Army major, to serve as a liaison with Leber's staff.
   
   Tensions continued, however, notably in the case of experiments
   Wigner wished to conduct to test the use of beryllium as a neutron
   trap or reflector. He encountered a "Catch 22" situation created by
   Leber's interpretation of a regulation the Army had imposed after
   Louis Slotin lost his life during a critical experiment at Los
   Alamos. Wigner insisted the tests were completely safe, but Leber
   required that the debilitating regulations, which brought the tests
   to a virtual standstill, be meticulously observed. Only after
   review at the highest level were the experiments allowed to
   continue. Such delays discouraged Wigner and in time caused him to
   return to university life.
   
   
                         HIGH-FLUX SCIENCE
   
   "Speaking as individuals who have been interested in radiation
   effects on solids since the conception of the first large
   reactors," Wigner and Frederick Seitz wrote, "we find it gratifying
   that a phenomenon which originated as a pure nuisance promises to
   provide us with useful information about the solid state in general
   and about many of the materials we use every day."
   
   By "nuisance," they meant the swelling and distortion of graphite
   under the bombardment of neutrons from nuclear fission, an effect
   predicted by Wigner and thus called the Wigner disease. Concern
   about the effects of this "disease" on the Graphite Reactor at Oak
   Ridge and similar reactors at Hanford stimulated intense interest
   in solid-state physics at Clinton Laboratories and elsewhere in the
   postwar years. This fascination played a role in Wigner's formation
   of the Metallurgy Division and in his personal attention to neutron
   scattering experiments and zirconium investigations.
   
   Although aluminum had served as cladding for uranium in the
   Graphite Reactor and other early reactors, it was not suitable for
   use in the high-temperature reactors designed in the late 1940s.
   Metallurgists considered substituting zirconium, a metal that
   resists corrosion in water at high temperatures. Zirconium,
   however, seemed to have a strong tendency to absorb neutrons,
   ultimately "poisoning" or slowing nuclear reactions.
   
   In 1947, Wigner authorized a group of Laboratory researchers to
   study this problem. Wigner devised a "pile oscillator" to move
   materials regularly in and out of a reactor. Using a washing
   machine gearbox to power the oscillator, Herbert Pomerance later
   that year discovered that zirconium's capability for neutron
   absorption had been vastly overstated because of its contamination
   by the element hafnium, which had a much greater poisoning effect.
   
   Zirconium minerals have traces of hafnium, whose chemical
   characteristics are nearly identical to zirconium's, making
   economical separation of the two difficult. With funding from
   Captain Rickover and the Navy, laboratory researchers across the
   country investigated ways to separate the two elements. In 1949,
   chemical technologists at the Y-12 Plant, under the direction of
   Warren Grimes, developed a successful separation technique and
   scaled it to production level under the direction of Clarence
   Larson, then superintendent of the Y-12 Plant. 
   
   Zirconium alloys became essential first to the Navy's reactors and
   later to commercial power reactors. Zirconium rods filled with
   uranium pellets made up the fuel cores of nearly all light-water
   reactors, and hafnium was used in the control rods to regulate
   nuclear reactions.
   
   As authorities on solid-state physics, Wigner and Seitz were
   intrigued by the interaction of radiation with materials, and
   especially by the neutron scattering experiments of the
   Laboratory's Ernest Wollan and Clifford Shull. With a modified
   X-ray diffractometer that Wollan installed at a beam hole of the
   Graphite Reactor in late 1945, Wollan and Shull systematically
   studied the fundamentals of thermal neutron scattering. Having
   difficulty making sense of the diffuse scattering from various
   forms of carbon--diamond dust, graphite powder, and charcoal--they
   called on Wigner for advice. Shull later recalled:
   
   I well remember a discussion that Ernie and I had with Eugene
   Wigner, then the research director of the laboratory and a
   physicist of infinite wisdom and physical intuition, about this
   puzzling feature. After listening to our tale of woe and reflecting
   on the problem, he surprised us very much by calmly suggesting
   "maybe there is something new here, and maybe we have to relax our
   notions about conservation of particles." I can only say that I
   came away from that meeting with the feeling that Wigner had more
   faith in our experiments than perhaps Ernie and I had!
   
   After a few months of additional experimentation, Wollan and Shull
   recognized that the consistency of their data had been distorted by
   spurious multiple scatterings in the specimens  being investigated,
   an effect unfamiliar to them. This finding allowed them to pursue
   their studies, which established neutron diffraction as a
   quantitative research tool fostering scientific knowledge of
   crystallography and magnetism. Their work built the foundation on
   which neutron scattering research developed throughout the world,
   including a neutron crystallography program under Henri Levy in the
   Chemistry Division at the Laboratory. Although a half-century has
   passed since the initial experiments, neutron scattering remains a
   fertile field of research.
   
   
                      HIGH-FLUX MANAGEMENT
   
   In late 1945, the War Department drafted a bill to continue
   military control of atomic research and energy. Atomic scientists
   at Chicago and Oak Ridge vigorously opposed the measure and formed
   associations to lobby for civilian control. After a protracted
   political battle, the Atomic Energy Act of 1946 established
   civilian control under a five-member commission. With David
   Lilienthal, formerly chairman of the Tennessee Valley Authority, as
   its first chairman, the AEC assumed control from the Manhattan
   District in January 1947. While this high-level political struggle
   was in progress, the disposition of the facilities built by the
   Manhattan District, including Clinton Laboratories, was at issue as
   well.
   
   In early 1946, General Groves had appointed a committee of
   prominent scientists to plan the Manhattan District's nuclear
   activities and budget for 1947. Overall, the committee urged
   expansion of research and development for both production of
   fissionable materials and advancement of nuclear power. On the one
   hand, it suggested awarding contracts to university and private
   laboratories for unclassified basic research. On the other hand, it
   urged that national laboratories conduct classified research
   requiring equipment too expensive or products too hazardous for
   universities to handle. 
   
   As the committee viewed it, each national laboratory should have a
   board of directors from universities in its region that would form
   associations to sponsor research and perhaps become the contracting
   operators. The committee initially recommended only two national
   laboratories, one at Argonne near Chicago and another serving the
   northeastern states. It expected the eventual formation of a
   national laboratory in California, but it ignored the Southeast and
   other regions.
   
   Led by George Peagram and Isidor Rabi of Columbia University,
   universities in the northeast campaigned to acquire a national
   laboratory. The Radiation Laboratory at the Massachusetts Institute
   of Technology had closed at the war's end, and the Substitute Alloy
   Materials Laboratory at Columbia University had been moved to the
   K-25 Plant in Oak Ridge. Columbia and other northeastern
   universities urged the relocation of Clinton Laboratories to the
   Northeast, and some scientists at Clinton Laboratories liked the
   idea. More importantly, General Groves was amenable to it, and he
   selected an old Army post on Long Island as the future site of
   Brookhaven National Laboratory.
   
   In April 1946, the University of Chicago agreed to operate Argonne
   National Laboratory, with an association of midwestern universities
   offering to sponsor the research. Argonne thereby became the first
   "national" laboratory. It did not, however, remain at its original
   location in the Argonne forest. In 1947, it moved farther west from
   the "Windy City" to a new site on Illinois farmland. When Alvin
   Weinberg visited Argonne's director, Walter Zinn, in 1947, he asked
   him what kind of reactor was to be built at the new site. When Zinn
   described a heavy-water reactor operating at one-tenth the power of
   the Materials Testing Reactor under design at Oak Ridge, Weinberg
   joked it would be simpler if Zinn took the Oak Ridge design and
   operated the Materials Testing Reactor at one-tenth capacity. The
   joke proved unintentionally prophetic.
   
   Clinton Laboratories' rural ambiance did not please Robert
   Oppenheimer, Isidor Rabi, and James Conant, all influential members
   of the AEC's scientific advisory committee. Early in 1947,
   Oppenheimer declared that "Clinton will not live even if it is
   built up." Perturbed by this attitude, Charles Thomas of Monsanto
   demanded changes in Monsanto's operating contract at the
   Laboratories, in part as a sign that East Tennessee would be
   included in the federal government's postwar plans. On a no-profit, 
     no-loss basis, the contract's chief attractions for Monsanto were
   the inside knowledge it provided of nuclear reactor advances and
   the public relations benefits it accrued for the company as a
   result of its patriotic efforts to protect the nation's security
   and advance the nation's technological capabilities.
   
   Such virtues had their limits, especially when the war's outcome
   was no longer at stake. During negotiations to renew the contract
   in 1947, Thomas requested that Monsanto be allowed to increase its
   maximum fee for services from $65,000 a month to $100,000 a month.
   This request was not warmly received at the AEC; moreover, Thomas's
   request to build the Materials Testing Reactor near Monsanto's
   Dayton laboratory or near its corporate headquarters in St. Louis
   rather than Oak Ridge was also unacceptable. In May 1947, Thomas
   and Monsanto decided not to seek to renew the contract for
   operating Clinton Laboratories when it expired in June. The
   company, however, agreed to serve on a month-to-month basis until
   the AEC secured another contract operator.
   
   Loss of the contract at Clinton Laboratories did not mar Charles
   Thomas's career. In early 1948, he signed a contract to operate the
   new AEC plant at Miamisburg near Dayton, later named Mound
   Laboratory. That same year, he was elected president of the
   American Chemical Society, and in 1951 he became president of
   Monsanto. His director at Clinton Laboratories, James Lum, left for
   Australia in August 1947 to build an aspirin factory.  Thomas made
   Lum's assistant, Prescott Sandidge, the Laboratories' executive
   director, pending final contract closure. Colonel Walter Leber,
   temporary director for the Army, left in the summer of 1947 as
   well, later becoming Ohio River Division commander for the Corps of
   Engineers and governor of the Panama Canal Zone.
   
   When Wigner returned to "monastic" life at Princeton University,
   also in the summer of 1947, Clinton Laboratories was left without
   a research director. Thomas decided to leave selection of Wigner's
   successor to the new contract operator. He asked Edgar Murphy,
   Wigner's assistant, to coordinate research pending selection of a
   new contractor and director.
   
   Of his work at the Laboratory in 1946 and 1947, Wigner later
   lamented: "Oak Ridge at that time was so terribly bureaucratized
   that I am sorry to say I could not stand it. The person who took
   over was Alvin Weinberg, and he slowly, slowly improved things. I
   would not have had the patience."
   
   
                         BLACK CHRISTMAS
   
   Because the Argonne and Brookhaven laboratories would be operated
   by associations of universities, William Pollard and the Oak Ridge
   Institute of Nuclear Studies considered assuming Monsanto's
   contract. The AEC, however, preferred that the University of
   Chicago resume its operation of Clinton Laboratories, and it
   announced in September 1947 that a contract would be negotiated
   with Chicago. The university thereby would become contract operator
   of both the Argonne National Laboratory and Clinton Laboratories,
   which was renamed Clinton National Laboratory in late 1947 while
   negotiations with Chicago were under way.
   
   The AEC was willing to enter a four-year contract with the
   university. Negotiations floundered, however, over the division of
   responsibilities between the university and the AEC for personnel
   policies, salaries, auditing, and oversight. Moreover, the
   university decided to recruit a new director and management team
   for the Laboratory, despite pleas for the return of Wigner. William
   Harrell, the university business manager, paraded prominent
   scientists to the Laboratory for orientation; but when offered the
   director's position, all demurred. Near the end of 1947, Warren
   Johnson, wartime chief of the Laboratory's Chemistry Division,
   agreed to serve as the interim director.
   
   Concerned that the AEC's research program might become too
   academic, Lilienthal established a committee of industrial
   advisers, and during a November visit to Oak Ridge, he discussed
   with Clark Center, manager of Carbide & Carbon, a subsidiary of
   Union Carbide Corporation at Oak Ridge, the possibility of the
   company assuming management of the Laboratory. Union Carbide
   managed the nearby Y-12 and K-25 plants, and it already had a staff
   and offices in Oak Ridge that could easily add the Laboratory to
   their responsibilities. In addition, Union Carbide wanted to
   simplify its labor union relations. Workers at K-25 had joined the
   Congress of Industrial Organizations  union, and craftsmen at the
   Laboratory had joined the American Federation of Labor  union. A
   December 1947 strike over wages and benefits at K-25, which were
   lower there than at the Laboratory, threatened the company's
   tranquility and productivity. By assuming the Laboratory's
   management, Union Carbide possibly could abate labor tension.
   
   With Lilienthal ill and bedridden and other AEC commissioners on
   holiday excursions, Carroll Wilson, the AEC's general manager, made
   the decision on Christmas Eve in 1947 to replace the University of
   Chicago with Union Carbide. At the same time, he decided to
   centralize all reactor development at Chicago's Argonne National
   Laboratory, transferring responsibility for Oak Ridge's high-flux
   Materials Testing Reactor there. 
   
   The day after Christmas, the AEC concurred with these decisions.
   Wilson went to St. Louis to persuade Monsanto to hang on at Oak
   Ridge an additional two months until Union Carbide could become
   sufficiently organized for the task. The job of carrying the
   message to Oak Ridge fell to James Fisk, director of research, and
   he received the welcome one would expect for a bearer of ill
   tidings.
   
   Remembered in the Laboratory long afterward as "Black Christmas,"
   the shock came during the round of holiday parties. Reaction to the
   surprise was caustic. "Deck the Pile with Garlands Dreary,"
   followed by several bawdy verses, reverberated through the halls.
   "It was rapid-fire and rough," admitted Lilienthal. He went on to
   say, "The people at Clinton Lab engaged in fundamental research
   felt they had been double-crossed, for we proposed to have Carbide
   & Carbon operate the lab (what was left of it, that is, minus the
   high-flux reactor), and this caused great anguish, not only among
   the chronic complainers but quite generally."
   
   Laboratory staff declared the decisions represented a demotion from
   national laboratory status to a radioisotopes and
   chemical-processing factory. Leaders of the Oak Ridge Institute for
   Nuclear Studies fired messages to President Truman and the AEC
   protesting the decisions as a blow to Southern scientific
   aspirations. This thinking ignored the AEC's promise to continue
   fundamental research at Clinton Laboratories, specifically in
   physics, chemistry, biology, health physics, and metallurgy. Rather
   than reducing the facility's status, in January 1948 the AEC
   changed its official name to Oak Ridge National Laboratory, ending
   the use of Clinton, which had been the nearest town during project
   construction.
   
   The first impact of the decisions on the Laboratory was the
   transfer of the Power Pile Division, formed to study the Daniels
   pebble-bed reactor, to Argonne National Laboratory. Before leaving
   Oak Ridge, the division had begun studying Rickover's naval
   reactor.  Harold Etherington, Samuel Untermeyer, and others in the
   group subsequently gained recognition for their designs of reactor
   prototypes for the atomiry. Before leaving Oak Ridge, the division
   had begun studying Rickover's naval reactor.  Harold Etherington,
   Samuel Untermeyer, and others in the group subsequently gained
   recognition for their designs of reactor prototypes for the
   atomic-powered Nautilus submarine and an early breeder reactor. 
   aboratories, and cooperated with regional universities in extensive
   science education efforts. 
   
   Oak Ridge clearly qualified for national laboratory rank, becoming
   one of three original national laboratories. Argonne and Brookhaven
   laboratories were built in 1948 on new sites, making Oak Ridge the
   oldest national laboratory on its original site. 
   
   As these postwar manueverings suggest, Oak Ridge, located in the
   Appalachian Mountains far from the bright lights of any metropolis,
   has had to prove from its earliest days that its location was
   appropriate for its purpose. Surviving in an environment of
   political and administrative intrigue has required institutional
   perseverance and ingenuity--qualities that would serve the
   Laboratory's science and management well in the years ahead.
   
   
   
                              SIDEBARS
   
   
   SAMUEL LIND: TENNESSEE'S OWN
   
   Samuel Colville Lind, called the father of radiation chemistry in
   America, came to the Laboratory in 1948 as a consultant after a
   long and distinguished career that was far from over. Author of 160
   scientific articles, the first published in 1903 and the last in
   1964, Lind's career began in Tennessee, took him to Europe at the
   turn of the century, and ended at the Laboratory in 1965.
   
   A son of a Swedish immigrant, Lind received his early education in
   McMinnville, Tennessee. In 1895, he enrolled in the humanities
   program at Washington and Lee College, where he avoided science
   until senior requirements forced him to take chemistry. Lind's
   chemistry professor inspired him to return to the college after
   receiving his humanities degree to spend a fifth year studying
   chemistry. He then pursued the study of chemistry at the   
   Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the University of
   Leipzig. Lind received his doctorate in 1905.     
   
   During Lind's 10 years as a college student, the study of
   radioactivity was beginning in Europe. In 1895, Wilhelm Roentgen
   discovered X rays; in 1896, Henri Becquerel discovered the
   radioactivity of uranium; in 1897, J. J. Thomson discovered the
   electron; and in 1898, Marie and Pierre Curie discovered the
   radioactive elements radium and polonium.
   
   Earning a university sabbatical, Lind went to France in 1910 to
   study the new phenomenon of radioactivity at the laboratory of
   Madame Curie, who received the Nobel Prize for chemistry in 1911.
   The Curie laboratory, he wrote:
   
         consisted of about a dozen research rooms scattered over the
         ground floor, including a small shop and library. Only workers
         already having the Ph.D. degree were accepted. Madame Curie
         interviewed me in the little library and advised me to take a
         course of laboratory training in radioactivity from her first
         assistant, Dr. Debierne. This I did and at the same time
         attended Madame Curie's lectures on radioactivity at the
         Sorbonne. Her lectures were most interesting in tracing the
         history of the discovery of radium and polonium by herself and
         her late husband, Pierre Curie, and their subsequent studies
         of them. As was the custom for lectures by one of great
         distinction, her first few lectures were attended in her honor
         by many other scientists of high, established rank.
   
   At the Curie laboratory, Lind collected radon from solutions of
   radium salts and used it to study alpha particles. In 1911, he
   departed for a radium institute in Vienna as a visiting scientist
   and worked there with Victor Hess, who later received the Nobel
   Prize for physics for his discovery of cosmic rays.
   
   Returning to the United States in 1912, Lind could find no radium
   with which to continue his experiments with alpha particles. At the
   time, radium was so rare that it cost $120,000 per gram. Learning
   that the U.S. Bureau of Mines in Denver was recovering radium from
   Colorado ore for use in cancer therapy, Lind took a job there as a
   chemist in 1913, adopting Curie's fractional crystallization method
   to extract about 8.9 grams of radium worth nearly $1 million. 
   
   The Bureau of Mines placed a half gram of radium in Lind's custody
   for research, and he carried it with him throughout his career,
   using it for many radiation studies with graduate students and
   other collaborators.  He also carried some radium in his body as a
   result of an accident in Denver; his presence in a laboratory would
   sometimes set off radiation alarms.
   
   After finishing his work for the Bureau of Mines in 1923, Lind went
   to Washington, D.C. as chief chemist of the Bureau of Mines and
   then as associate director of the Fixed Nitrogen Laboratory of the
   Department of Agriculture.  In 1926 he moved to the University of
   Minnesota as director of the School of Chemistry and later as dean
   of the Institute of Technology.  He retired in 1948 and came to Oak
   Ridge as a consultant to Clark Center, head of Carbide operations
   in Oak Ridge.
   
   Most of his work naturally was concerned with research operations
   in Oak Ridge, and he spent most of his time at ORNL, particularly
   in the Chemistry Division.  He even served as acting director of
   the division from 1951 to 1954.  He continued his research and
   scientific publications, and at the age of 82 published, with
   Clarence Hochanadel and John Ghormley, a revision of his classic
   monograph, The Radiation Chemistry of Gases. Having been elected to
   the National Academy of Sciences in 1930, he was the sole
   Laboratory staff member with that honor until the 1957 election of
   biologist Alexander Hollaender.
   
   An active outdoorsman, Lind avidly fished for trout in streams near
   Oak Ridge. In 1965 at age 86, Lind drowned when caught by the
   rapidly rising water of the Clinch River below Norris Dam while
   fishing for trout. A colleague at the Laboratory remarked that,
   although his death was a great loss to his friends and associates:
   "We do, however, have the consolation that, both literally and
   figuratively, Samuel Colville Lind died with his boots on."
   
   
   RADIOISOTOPES AND HEALTH: TRACE OF HEALTH
   
   The peacetime production of radioisotopes at the Graphite Reactor
   for industrial, agricultural, and research applications began in
   1946 under the management of Waldo Cohn of Clinton Laboratories and
   Paul Aebersold of the AEC. In August 1946,  the Laboratory's
   research director, Eugene Wigner, handed the first shipment of
   reactor-produced radioisotopes, a container of carbon-14, to the
   director of the Barnard Free Skin and Cancer Hospital of St. Louis,
   Missouri.
   
   During its first year of production, the Laboratory made more than
   1000 shipments of 60 different radioisotopes, chiefly iodine-131,
   phosphorus-32, and carbon-14. These were used for cancer treatment
   in the developing field of nuclear medicine and as tracers for
   academic, industrial, and agricultural research. Many thousands of
   shipments of radioisotopes produced at the Graphite Reactor were
   made before production was shut down permanently in 1963.
   
   Following the closing of the Graphite Reactor, the Oak Ridge
   Research Reactor produced most of the Laboratory's radioisotopes.
   The Laboratory also used calutrons at the Y-12 Plant to produce
   stable isotopes and cyclotrons to produce isotopes such as
   gallium-67, widely used for tumor imaging. The Oak Ridge Research
   Reactor closed in 1987, but ORNL's High Flux Isotope Reactor
   remains an important source of radioisotopes for medical and
   industrial uses.
   
   The Laboratory's nuclear medicine program now centers on the
   development of new radiopharmaceuticals and radionuclide generators
   for diagnosis and treatment of human diseases, including cancer and
   heart ailments.
   
   Today radioisotopes are used for diagnosing 100 million patients
   each year.  This number gives credence to former ORNL Director
   Alvin Weinberg's noted statement:
   
         "If at some time a heavenly angel should ask what the
         laboratory in the hills of East Tennessee did to enlarge man's
         life and make it better, I daresay the production of
         radioisotopes for scientific research and medical treatment
         will surely rate as a candidate for the very first place."
   
   
   ALEXANDER HOLLAENDER: A RADIANT BIOLOGIST
   
   Alexander Hollaender was director of  ORNL's  Biology  Division 
   from 1946 through 1966. Under his leadership, it became  the
   Laboratory's largest division and gained international recognition
   for its contributions to radiation genetics, biochemistry,
   radiation carcinogenesis, and molecular biology.
   
   Hollaender, a native of Germany, became renowned both locally and
   nationally.  He was elected a member of the National Academy of
   Sciences; in 1968, he was awarded a Finsen Medal at the Fifth
   International Congress of Photobiology; in 1983 he received the
   Fermi Award, the Department of Energy's highest honor; and in 1984,
   he received the National Medal of Science. "He has made superior
   contributions in three different fields of endeavor--scientific
   discovery, scientific education, and scientific administration,"
   wrote Richard B. Setlow, formerly of ORNL's Biology Division and
   now an associate director at Brookhaven National Laboratory. 
   
   Hollaender earned his Ph.D. degree in physical chemistry at the
   University of Wisconsin. Before coming to Clinton Laboratories in
   1946, he directed a radiobiology laboratory at the National
   Institutes of Health (NIH), where he examined the effects of
   ultraviolet radiation on fungi. From his studies, he correctly
   suggested in 1939 that nucleic acids, not the cell's proteins,
   carried the genetic information in reproduction.
   
   Hollaender was attracted to Clinton Laboratories because of its
   variety of radiation sources.  He intended to acquire staff and
   equipment and form a National Institutes of Health Institute of
   Radiation Health at Oak Ridge. Instead, he formulated a plan for a
   new Biology Division, which was given space in buildings initially
   constructed for chemical reprocessing at the Y-12 Plant.
   
   Hollaender was opportunistic and open to new ideas. He originally
   thought the effects of radiation on the genes of all species could
   be determined by studies of simple cells in microorganisms and
   fruit flies. But when he heard of the pioneering work on the
   genetic effects of radiation on mice by Bill and Liane Russell at
   Bar Harbor, Maine, he realized that the results of mouse studies
   might be more applicable to humans than the results of fruit fly
   studies. He conceived of starting a large mouse genetics project,
   however risky in terms of the cost and the long time needed for
   useful results. So when Russell was thinking of leaving Bar Harbor,
   Hollaender hired him and his wife Liane to set up a genetics
   laboratory at ORNL, dubbed the Mouse House.  
   
   In addition to his scientific expertise and leadership, Hollaender
   was an educator. With Mary Bunting and Glenn Seaborg of the AEC,
   and Andy Holt of the University of Tennessee, in 1968 he founded
   the University of Tennessee- Oak Ridge Graduate School of 
   Biomedical Sciences. 
   
   He is remembered for organizing many symposia on biological topics
   held in Gatlinburg, Tennessee, for designing student trainee
   programs in the Biology Division, and for leading group hikes in
   the Cumberland Mountains. At Hollaender's retirement from the
   Laboratory in 1966, Alvin Weinberg assessed Hollaender's career,
   which extended beyond his specific accomplishments to a new way of
   thinking that transformed and enriched both the Laboratory and the
   biological sciences:
   
   Alex Hollaender invented a new style of biological investigation:
   the melding of enormous, expensive mammalian experiments with basic
   investigations on a much smaller scale in which the principles
   underlying the mammalian experiments could be demonstrated and
   tested in the most delicate and far-reaching way. It is this unique
   combination of the big and the small, the mission-oriented and the
   discipline-oriented, that is Alex Hollaender's great contribution
   to biomedical science. It is a contribution that has forever
   changed biology.
   
   
   KARL Z. MORGAN: MAN ON A MISSION
   
   Protecting people from exposure to unsafe levels of radiation has
   been the mission of Karl Z. Morgan, sometimes known as the father
   of health physics.
   
   Affectionately called "K. Z.," Morgan first made his mark in
   radiation protection as director of the Health Physics Division of
   Clinton Laboratories. With Elda Anderson, Myron Fair, and Doc
   Emerson, he spearheaded the formation of the national Health
   Physics Society and, with Jim Hart and Harold Abee,  formed the
   International Radiation Protection Association. He was the first
   president of both of these organizations. Morgan also established
   one of the first programs to train health physicists and, with the
   help of Jim Turner and other Health Physics Division scientists,
   wrote the first textbook on health physics.
   
   Health physics was launched unofficially as a profession in
   December 1942 when the staff took precautions to protect themselves
   from radiation during the first controlled chain reaction at the
   University of  Chicago's uranium-graphite pile. Health divisions
   were subsequently set up at the University of Chicago and Oak Ridge
   under Robert Stone to deal with health and safety issues at the
   Chicago pile and  Graphite Reactor, respectively. The physicists
   who staffed these divisions were called health physicists. They
   instituted remote handling of radioactive material, controlled
   access to "hot" areas, use of protective clothing, and
   decontamination procedures for those inadvertently exposed.
   
   Although trained and experienced as a cosmic-ray physicist, Morgan
   became one of the nation's earliest health physicists, along with
   the Laboratory's Herbert Parker and Ernest Wollan. These men
   brought to this new field a thorough knowledge of basic physics and
   radiation instrumentation. They redesigned and adapted the early
   ionization chambers, film meters, electrometers, and Geiger-MŸller
   counters to meet  requirements for personnel monitoring and
   radiation surveys of buildings and the environment.
   
   Morgan came from Chicago to Clinton Laboratories in 1943 as a
   member of the Health Physics Section, which Herbert Parker managed
   until he left for Hanford, Washington, in 1944. In 1946, the
   section became a division and Morgan its director. In this
   capacity, he established a vigorous program to upgrade existing
   instrumentation using improved techniques that emerged in wartime
   research to develop radar and the atomic bomb. He remained an
   enthusiastic supporter of basic physical research to aid the
   development of health physics instruments and dosimeters.
   
   As chairman of subcommittees of both the National Council on
   Radiation Protection and the International Commission on
   Radiological Protection, which were concerned with safe limits for
   radionuclides in the human body, Morgan identified internal
   dosimetry as an important area of research for his division and, in
   1960, formed the Internal Dosimetry Section. Under Morgan, division
   scientists determined radiation doses to the Japanese from the
   atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki and predicted
   radiation doses from nuclear explosives proposed for use by Project
   Plowshare to excavate canals and liberate trapped natural gas.
   
   Acting as first editor-in-chief of the Health Physics Journal and
   playing a   major role in establishing a system for the
   certification of health physicists were among his chief
   contributions to the health physics profession.
   
   In 1972 Morgan retired from the Laboratory and later became a
   professor at Georgia Institute of Technology. He has continued to
   speak vigorously on his lifetime mission--reducing low-level
   radiation emissions  from radon, medical procedures, and nuclear
   power.
   
   
   ERNEST WOLLAN: BADGE OF SOLID DISTINCTION
   
   Ernest Wollan, who had studied crystal structures using X-ray
   diffraction under Arthur Compton at the University of Chicago, came
   to Oak Ridge in 1943. Known for developing the film badge to
   monitor personal exposure to radiation, Wollan was present at the
   University of Chicago's Stagg Field on December 2, 1942, when
   Enrico Fermi's team achieved the first self-sustaining nuclear
   chain reaction. He recorded the event on an instrument that
   measured the intensity of the gamma radiation emitted in the
   reaction.
   
   Wollan came to Oak Ridge as a health physicist, and the Laboratory
   hoped to use his expertise on film-badge dosimeters. His interest
   in and experience with X-ray diffraction, however, prompted him to
   conduct similar experiments using neutrons.
   
   Installing a modified X-ray diffractrometer at a beam hole of the
   Graphite Reactor in late 1945, he examined the scattering of
   neutrons from various materials bombarded by a neutron beam from
   the reactor. Thermal, or slow, neutrons have ideal wavelengths for
   studying atomic structure and atomic vibrations, and because they
   have no more energy than a molecule of room-temperature air, they
   hardly disturb the materials. These and other properties make
   neutron scattering a valuable scientific tool.
   
   Joined by Clifford Shull in 1946 and later by Wallace Koehler and
   Mike Wilkinson, Wollan and his associates devised machines and
   diffraction techniques for determining the atomic structure and
   magnetic properties of crystal lattices. This work laid the
   foundation for a number of programs in solid-state physics and
   materials science at the Laboratory and, later, throughout the
   world.
   
   
   PROMETHIUM UNBOUND: A NEW ELEMENT
   
   During World War II, chemists focused on the actinide series, a
   group name for elements with atomic numbers between 89 and 104 in
   the periodic table. Glenn Seaborg, Edwin McMillan, and colleagues
   at the University of California at Berkeley had discovered the
   elements 93, neptunium; 94, plutonium; 95, americium; and 96,
   curium.  At Clinton Laboratories in Oak Ridge, chemists
   investigated these elements and the lanthanide series (elements
   with atomic numbers between 57 and 71), long known as the rare
   earth elements.
   
   The existence of one rare earth, element 61, was predicted by the
   1930s, but it had never been produced and identified before Charles
   Coryell's chemistry group at Clinton Laboratories did so in 1944.
   Larry Glendenin and Jacob Marinsky, using ion-exchange
   chromatography applied by Waldo Cohn for separating fission
   products, separated element 61 from other rare earth elements
   produced by uranium fission in the Graphite Reactor.
   
   Too busy with defense-related chemistry during the war, Glendenin
   and Marinsky did not claim their discovery until 1946 after Coryell
   had moved to the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Having
   established their claim as the discoverers of element 61, they were
   accorded the privilege of naming it.  After considering
   "clintonium" in tribute to the Laboratories, they instead chose the
   name "promethium," suggested by Coryell's wife, in recognition of
   Prometheus of Greek mythology, who stole fire from heaven for human
   benefit.
   
   
   FROM INSTALLATION DOG TO KATY'S KITCHEN
   
   In the fall of 1947, Luther Agee, a draftsman at the new Oak Ridge
   office of the Atomic Energy Commission, was asked to work on a
   special project. He was told to design a secret facility according
   to specifications but was not told the purpose of the facility. He
   was instructed to say nothing about the project. After its
   completion, Agee and the other personnel involved in the facility's
   design, construction, or maintenance had to undergo periodic
   polygraph tests to determine how much they knew and if they had
   discussed this project with anyone.
   
   Agee's design included a concrete building that was partially
   underground, a barn-type structure, and a farm silo. The idea was
   to camouflage the facility so that it could not be distinguished
   from other old farm buildings in the area.
   
   The barn covered the outside entrance to the building, which was
   actually built into the side of a hill. A plain wooden structure
   with large swinging doors, the barn was designed to fit on the hill
   and was draped over the building's entrance. From the ground it
   looked unusual, but from the air it resembled an ordinary barn with
   a silo.
   
   The building's outer walls were made of thick reinforced concrete,
   and it contained a long room designed so a truck could be driven
   into it, a pump room, and a "room within a room." This inner room
   was of standard bank-vault construction. A barbed wire fence and an
   elaborate alarm system surrounded the structure. Alarm panels and
   controls were located in the Y-12 area, and responses were sent out
   from there. Even intruding animals like foxes could set off the
   alarms.
   
   For a year, Installation Dog, as this facility located near ORNL
   was called, served as a temporary storage facility for enriched
   uranium after it was produced at the Y-12 Plant. The uranium was
   taken to and from the facility by truck. No one was allowed into
   the area unless authorized, and no one actually worked in the
   building, except to unload and load the trucks. Two security guards
   patrolled the facility at all times.
   
   Although Installation Dog was used only from May 1948 to May 1949,
   it was kept under guard for several years in case the need for it
   arose again. After 1949, enriched uranium was never stored there
   again; instead, it was shipped to a weapons assembly site in the
   West.
   
   In 1957, ORNL's Analytical Chemistry Division acquired the facility
   from the AEC to use as a low-level counting laboratory. Its
   isolated location and shielded walls made it ideal for such work.
   
   The facility came to be known as Katy's Kitchen when Katherine
   Odom, the secretary for Myron Kelley of the Analytical Chemistry
   Division, visited the facility several times. She often had lunch
   there, so Katy's Kitchen seemed an appropriate name.
   
   In the 1970s, Katy's Kitchen was used as a laboratory for the
   Walker Branch Watershed studies by the Environmental Sciences
   Division. And more recently a steel structure has been built in
   front of the vault to be used by the Department of Energy's
   Atmospheric Radiation Monitoring Program to study changes in cosmic
   rays and solar radiation that may occur as a result of increased
   greenhouse gas concentrations.
   
   The vault is used to store animal skins, plant tissues, and aquatic
   insects for use by researchers at ORNL's National Environmental
   Research Park. Ironically, the vault that once stored bomb-grade
   uranium now stores samples of dead organisms, some of which have
   been contaminated by low levels of uranium fission products. What
   goes around comes around.
   
   
   
   (keywords: Oak Ridge National Laboratory, history)
   
   
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   Date Posted:  2/22/94  (ktb)