******** Overview ******** "Why do we seek to know the condition of education? In the answer to this question will be found the reasons for the elaborate statistical record which forms a feature of all official school reports. We take an account of education so that we may know whether it is sufficient in amount and good in quality." Henry Barnard First Commissioner of Education Introduction During the 1980s, the country became increasingly aware of a range of critical national issues facing education. These issues included concerns that not all children have an equal opportunity to receive a high quality education, general low academic performance, drug use and violence in the schools, unacceptably high dropout rates, the high cost of a college education, and the skills of workers lagging behind technological changes in the workplace. These concerns continue to have serious implications, not only for schools and colleges, but for the future of individual citizens, U.S. economic competitiveness, and ultimately the structure and cohesiveness of American society and culture. The Condition of Education provides a means to report where progress is being made in education and where it is not, to draw attention to emerging issues, and to inform the ongoing policy debate. The Structure of The Condition of Education A quick tour of the volume may help the reader make the best use of it. The core of the volume consists of 60 indicators. Each indicator is presented on two pages, with findings summarized in textual, tabular, and graphical formats. Also included in the back of the volume are supplemental tables providing additional details, and sometimes an explanatory note on a technical or data-related issue. The 60 indicators are organized into six sections: o Access, Participation, and Progress; o Achievement, Attainment, and Curriculum; o Economic and Other Outcomes of Education; o Size, Growth, and Output of Educational Institutions; o Climate, Classrooms, and Diversity in Educational Institutions; and o Human and Financial Resources of Educational Institutions. Instead of separating elementary and secondary education from postsecondary education indicators, the volume integrates issues ranging from early childhood education to postsecondary education into each of the six sections. One can find information on an issue either by using the table of contents, which lists the 60 indicators, or by using the index, which references not only the indicators but also the supplemental tables. When an updated indicator is not available in this volume, the index references the indicator number and edition of The Condition of Education that last published an indicator on that topic. Each of the six sections of indicators is introduced with a 2 page review that interprets and summarizes some of the results that are found in the indicators in that section as they relate to an important issue. In addition, the overview pulls together results from throughout the volume as they relate to particular issues that cut across the sections of the report. At the bottom of each of the two indicator pages is the source of the data for the indicator. A description of the sources is provided starting on page 380. Sometimes more knowledge about the type of survey used to calculate the indicator can give the reader insights into interpreting the data presented. Some of the terms used in this report may not be familiar to all readers. Thus, a glossary is provided starting on page 414. In the remainder of the overview, we pull together evidence from both the 60 indicators and from other sources on selected issues: o A review of the educational status of high school students 10 years after the publication of A Nation at Risk; o A discussion of teachers as an educational resource; o Progress in the achievement and attainment of black students relative to whites; and o A description of the sub-baccalaureate sector of postsecondary education. These issues were selected, first because of their importance to current policy discussions, and second because a substantial amount of new information on these issues has been included in this volume and other recent NCES publications. References to indicators and tables are given in parentheses. The tables referred to are the supplemental tables starting on page 166. Occasionally, indicators in a previous edition of The Condition of Education are also referred to and can be recognized by the year added to the reference. References to sources other than The Condition of Education are footnoted. What is the educational status of high school students 10 years after the publication of A Nation at Risk? On August 26, 1981 Secretary of Education T. H. Bell created the National Commission on Excellence in Education, directing it to examine and report on the quality of education in the United States. The commission responded in 1983 with a report declaring: Our Nation is at risk. Our once unchallenged preeminence in commerce, industry, science, and technological innovation is being overtaken by competitors throughout the world. . . . We report to the American people that while we take justifiable pride in what our schools and colleges have historically accomplished and contributed to the United States and the well-being of its people, the educational foundations of our society are presently being eroded by a rising tide of mediocrity that threatens our very future as a Nation and a people (A Nation at Risk p. 5). The Commission developed a series of recommendations designed to improve the quantity and quality of education, including improvements to the curricular content and to the use of instructional time. The goal of these recommendations was to raise the standards and expectations of the Nation's educational system, to improve the preparation of teachers, and to raise the level of reward and respect for the teaching profession. In describing the condition of education in this volume, it seems appropriate that we apply newly available data to assess how the quantity and quality of education in American high schools has changed over the decade since the publication of A Nation at Risk. Below, the educational advances of American high school students are highlighted, along with a discussion of changes in their aspirations for and continuation in further education. What have been the curricular changes since the publication of A Nation at Risk? High school graduates are taking more courses overall, particularly academic courses (Indicator 23). The percentage of graduates taking the core curriculum recommended by the National Commission on Excellence in Education (4 units of English, 3 units of science, 3 units of social studies, and 3 units of mathematics) increased more than 30 percentage points over the decade, from 13 percent in 1982 to 47 percent in 1992 (Indicator 24)./1 [Figure: The percentage of high school graduates taking the core curriculum recommended in A Nation At Risk has increased dramatically over the last decade. SOURCE: [Indicator 24] More students are taking algebra, geometry, trigonometry, and calculus; and more are taking advanced science courses, including chemistry and physics (Indicator 25). Both university-bound students and those who aspired to less than a 4-year college degree as high school sophomores are taking more foreign language courses than their counterparts did a decade before (Indicator 26). Furthermore, 42 of the 50 states have raised course requirements for high school graduation since the publication of A Nation at Risk, and 47 states have mandated student testing standards./2 Has the increase in participation in academic courses "watered down" the curriculum or affected the achievement of advanced students? One measure of the quality of advanced students is the percentage receiving college level credit for their high school coursework. Since 1984, the number of students taking Advanced Placement (AP) examinations has more than doubled. Fifty-seven Advanced Placement examinations per 1000 11th- and 12th-graders were taken in 1992 compared to 24 per 1000 in 1984. Generally, about two-thirds of all 11th and 12th grade AP examinees received a score of 3 or higher, a score which usually qualifies for college credit (Indicator 27, Condition 1993). Another way to assess the impact of increased participation in academic courses on the achievement of advanced students is to look at how the NAEP scores of the highest performing 17-year-olds have changed since the early 1980s. The science proficiency of the highest performing 17-year-old students increased between 1982 and 1992 (table 15-3). Specifically, the 90th percentile score in science (the score that 90 percent of students score below and 10 percent of students score above) increased by 8 points for 17-year-olds. The reading and mathematics proficiency of the highest performing 17-year-old students has remained relatively stable since the early 1980s (tables 12-3 and 14-3). Furthermore, even though the number of Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) examinees as a percentage of high school graduates has increased since the publication of A Nation at Risk (41 percent in 1993 compared to 33 percent in 1983), the percentage of students with scores above 600 on the subsections did not decline. A higher percentage of students are scoring at 600 or above on the mathematics section (an increase from 16 to 19 percent) and the percentage scoring above 600 on the verbal has remained stable (7 percent) (table 19-1). Have students with lower abilities suffered because of the reforms instituted since the publication of A Nation at Risk? For the most part, students with lower abilities have shown no ill effects as a result of the reforms, either with respect to achievement or dropping out. In fact, fewer high school graduates are taking remedial mathematics courses: 17 percent compared to 33 percent (Indicator 25) and the mathematics and science proficiencies of the lowest performing students (as measured by NAEP) have increased (tables 14-3 and 15-3). For example, between 1982 and 1992, the 10th percentile score (the score that 10 percent of students score below) increased for 9-, 13-, and 17-year-olds in mathematics (12, 8, and 11 points respectively). The reading and writing proficiency of the lowest performing students remained relatively stable between 1984 and 1992 (tables 12-3 and 13-3). Furthermore, fewer students are dropping out of high school between 10th and 12th grade today than a decade ago. Eleven percent of the sophomores in 1980 left school without completing high school or its equivalent by the spring of 1982, while the comparable rate for the sophomore cohort of 1990 was 6 percent, a 5 percentage point decline in the dropout rate over the decade./3 The dropout news is not so encouraging for younger students, however. Although all states mandate compulsory schooling through the age of 16, a sizeable number of students drop out of school before completing the 10th grade./4 Of the members of the 8th-grade class of 1988, nearly 7 percent had dropped out of school by the spring of their sophomore year. Over half of the students left because they "did not like school," while about 40 percent left because they were failing school. Almost one-third of females who dropped out between 8th and 10th grade reported that they left school because they were pregnant./5 If students are taking more academic and advanced courses in preparation for college, are they learning more? Mathematics proficiency scores on the National Assessment for Educational Progress (NAEP) increased between 1982 and 1992 for 9-, 13-, and 17-year-olds (11, 4, and 9 points respectively) (Indicator 14). To get an idea of the magnitude of these increases, we can look at the difference in proficiency scores across ages in 1992. A 9 point gain in NAEP on the mathematics assessment corresponds to about one-quarter of the difference between the average scores of 13- and 17-year-olds in 1992. In other words, the increase in the mathematics proficiency of 17-year-olds between 1982 and 1992 appears to be roughly equivalent to about one year of schooling. Science scores also increased for all three age groups between 1982 and 1992 10, 8, and 9 points respectively (Indicator 15). Reading scores, however, are essentially unchanged since 1984 (Indicator 12), though in 1991, U.S. 14-year-olds did compare relatively well with their international peers in reading literacy (Indicator 16). What is motivating students to take more advanced courses? In addition to increases in graduation requirements, one possible factor is the increasing educational aspirations of high school students. The percentage of high school sophomores aspiring to no more than a high school diploma fell from 27 percent in 1980 to 10 percent in 1990./6 Along with students' own heightened aspirations, more parents, guidance counselors, and teachers are advising students to attend college. The percentage of sophomores reporting that their mothers recommended that they attend college rose from 65 percent in 1980 to 83 percent in 1990. The percentage of sophomores receiving advice to attend college from teachers more than doubled over the decade, from 32 percent in 1980 to 65 percent in 1990. Even low-achieving students are being advised to go to college. In 1990, 57 percent of sophomores scoring in the lowest test quartile on an achievement test of reading, vocabulary, and mathematics had received advice to attend college from a teacher (Indicator 7). Are students acting on these aspirations? The percentage of students making the immediate transition from high school to college continues to rise. Since most college students enroll immediately after high school, the percentage of high school graduates enrolled in college in the October following graduation is a leading indicator of the proportion of graduates who will eventually enroll. The percentage of graduates making the immediate transition to college has risen 11 percentage points since 1982, to 62 percent in 1992, with 39 percent going on to 4-year and 23 percent going to 2-year institutions (Indicator 9). Dramatic cost increases did not deter students from attending college in the decade between 1982 and 1992. At public institutions, tuition, room, and board increased from 11 percent of median family income in 1982 to 14 percent in 1992. For those at the 25th percentile of family income, public college costs increased from 20 percent of their income in 1982 to 25 percent in 1992; at the 75th percentile, the figures were 8 and 9 percent in 1982 and 1992, respectively (table 8-1). What do the parallel increases in the academic proficiency of 17-year- olds and the percentage of high school graduates going to college imply about changes in the learned abilities of college freshman? The picture is mixed. Mathematics scores on the SAT increased by 10 points between 1983 and 1993, while verbal scores decreased by 1 point (Indicator 19). So even though more high school graduates are taking the SAT, the learned ability of the average test-taker has generally not fallen over the decade. American College Testing Program (ACT) scores between 1983 and 1992 show a similar pattern./7 On the other hand, the percentage of colleges offering remedial instruction or tutoring grew during the 1980s, from 79 percent of 4-year colleges in 1980 to 89 percent in 1992, and from 84 percent of 2-year colleges in 1981 to 91 percent in 1992./8 Furthermore, many postsecondary institutions do not have competitive admissions. For example, in 1990, a quarter of the students enrolled in public community colleges were enrolled in institutions that did not require a high school diploma or GED for admission./9 What is the incentive for students to attend college? Jobs in manufacturing declined in the 1980s, although there was growth in comparatively lower paying service jobs. The market for unskilled and semi-skilled workers shrunk during the 1980s and American workers with limited skills were increasingly in competition with low wage workers in poorer countries./10 Furthermore, the 1980s were characterized by a growing gap in earnings between those with high school diplomas and those with college degrees. For example, between 1982 and 1992, the earnings advantage of having a bachelor's degree over a high school diploma increased from 30 percent to 55 percent for white males 25 to 34 years old. The earnings advantage of completing college increased even more for white females, black females, and black males (Indicator 34). In summary, since the publication of A Nation at Risk, more high school students are taking core courses and are more frequently taking high-level courses in those subjects. More high school students are taking advanced placement examinations and fewer are dropping out between 10th and 12th grade. Mathematics and science achievement has increased since the early 1980s and more students are both aspiring to and attending college after they graduate. Teachers as an Educational Resource Most of what we consider formal childhood education takes place in classrooms through interactions among teachers and students. Teachers are one conduit through which education and societal values are passed. Because good teachers are central to education and teacher salaries are a major portion of the elementary and secondary education budget, the state of the teaching profession is of continuous concern to policymakers and education administrators. The National Commission on Excellence in Education found that not enough "academically able" students were being attracted to teaching as a career option; that teacher preparation focused on courses in educational methods at the expense of courses in the subjects to be taught; and that teacher salaries were low and teachers had little influence in decision making. Because of the critical importance of having qualified teachers in the education process, we will examine the current state of the teaching profession and how certain aspects of it have changed since the publication of A Nation at Risk. Have the demographic characteristics of teachers changed? Demographic characteristics of teachers have changed substantially in the last few years. A greater proportion of teachers were female in 1991 than in 1981 (72 percent compared to 67 percent). The teaching force became considerably older, with a median age of 42 in 1991, up from 37 in 1981. It has also become more ethnically diverse, with more Hispanics, Asians, and Native Americans making up the teaching pool./11 Has the size of the teaching force changed? Growth in the teacher workforce since 1981 has outpaced increases in elementary and secondary student enrollments. Between 1981 and 1991, the number of teachers per 100 students increased from 5.3 to 5.8 (Indicator 57, Condition 1993). The number of principals, assistant principals, and school district administrators per 100 students remained stable over the decade. This increase in the ratio of teachers per 100 students corresponded to a slight drop in average class size for public elementary teachers between 1981 and 1991. However, the average class size for public secondary school teachers increased from 23 to 26 students over the same time period./12 This apparent contradiction may correspond to growth in the number of special education, compensatory education, and bilingual education teachers in the workforce who often work with smaller classes or as resource teachers. In 1991, 5 percent of secondary school teachers reported that they spent the largest fraction of their time teaching special education students, a 3 percentage point increase from 1981. Where are newly hired teachers coming from? When hiring a new teacher, principals weigh the relative cost of an applicant's starting salary versus the amount of prior teaching experience that person can bring to the job. Former teachers returning to teaching offer more teaching experience but at higher salaries than first-time teachers. First-time teachers, on the other hand, have high rates of attrition from the profession. The mix of first-time and reentering teachers has implications for school budgets, teacher recruitment, and teacher retention. In 1991, 42 percent of newly hired teachers in public school districts held regular teaching positions for the first time, while about a third were transfers from other districts and about a quarter were reentrants. Between 1988 and 1991, there was a shift in sources of supply of newly hired teachers as both public and private schools hired more first-time teachers and fewer reentrants. A substantial number of new hires in both sectors worked as substitute teachers in the previous year (Indicator 58). Have teacher salaries changed since the publication of A Nation at Risk? Between 1980 and 1993, average overall public school teacher salaries adjusted for inflation increased by 21 percent, from $29,319 to $35,334. The salaries of teachers in some regions of the country increased more than those in other regions. Percentage increases in teacher salaries between 1981 and 1993 ranged from a high of 54 percent in New England to a low of 10 percent in the Rocky Mountain states. Between 1980 and 1993, average beginning teacher salaries increased 17 percent, from $20,504 to $23,969 (Indicator 56). Part of this rise in salaries is due to increases in both the education and experience levels in the teacher workforce. Between 1981 and 1991, the median number of years of teaching experience among public school teachers increased from 12 to 15 years./13 Although teacher salaries are based on a 9- or 10-month contract, the annual salaries of some white collar professionals are more than 20 to 25 percent higher than the salaries of teachers. For example, in 1992 lawyers earned nearly double the average teacher salary and chemists and engineers 50 to 60 percent more. Auditors and accountants, however, earned only about 10 to 20 percent more than teachers./14 Are teachers better educated than they were a decade ago? A higher percentage of today's teachers have advanced degrees. The percentage of teachers with a master's degree or higher rose from 49 to 53 percent between 1981 and 1991./15 The minimum requirements to become a teacher are strikingly similar across countries. Overall, teachers in the United States, Canada, Japan, Australia, and the United Kingdom receive similar amounts of basic teacher training as measured by minimal years of schooling 4 years of college or teacher training programs in universities./16 How do the college course-taking patterns of new teachers compare to those of other college graduates? Generally, the course-taking patterns for new teachers graduating in 1985-86 were not markedly different from those of all bachelor's degree recipients that year. A smaller percentage of new teachers took calculus and economics and a larger percentage took geography and history than did graduates as a whole (Indicators 28 and 60, Condition 1993). How well are teachers trained in the subjects that they teach? A Nation at Risk suggested that half of the newly employed mathematics, science, and English teachers were not qualified to teach these subjects and that fewer than one-third of U.S. high schools offered physics taught by qualified teachers. Although qualified is a subjective term, several measures exist to determine how well-matched teachers are to their main and additional teaching assignment fields. In 1990-91, only 5 percent of full-time public secondary school teachers were not certified to teach in their main assignment field, that is, the field in which they taught the most classes. However, 36 percent of teachers with a an additional assignment field were not certified to teach in that field. While 83 percent of teachers with a main assignment in English or humanities had college majors matching that assignment field, only 75 percent of mathematics and 62 percent of science teachers had an appropriate match (Indicator 59). Only 35 percent of teachers who taught mathematics as an additional field, in addition to courses in their main assignment field, had majored or minored in mathematics or mathematics education (table 59-1). Are current teachers updating their skills? About 15 percent of public and private school teachers in school year 1991-92 reported pursuing a new degree or completing a degree program within the last year. Besides working on a formal degree, teachers can attend school or district-sponsored workshops to further develop their skills. Sixty-one percent of public school teachers and 49 percent of private school teachers reported participating in teacher workshops or in-service training requiring 30 or more hours of class attendance at some time in their careers; over 85 percent of these teachers said that the training was relevant to their main assignment field (Indicator 60). Are teachers influencing the decision-making processes in schools? One aspect bearing on the climate and responsiveness of a school is the extent to which teachers participate in making decisions concerning important school policies and issues. A Nation at Risk found that "individual teachers had little influence in such critical professional decisions as, for example, textbook selection." Relatively few secondary teachers in 1991 reported that faculty in their schools had a great deal of influence over school policies, including: determining discipline policy (10 percent), determining content of faculty training programs (12 percent), grouping students by ability (8 percent), and establishing curriculum (14 percent) (Indicator 47, Condition 1993). A third of secondary school teachers indicated they had considerable influence over decisions for their classroom about selecting textbooks, selecting course content and topics, and disciplining students. They were far more likely to indicate they had considerable influence over decisions concerning instructional procedures within their classroom, such as selecting teaching techniques (62 percent), grading students (62 percent), and determining the amount of homework (68 percent). How much of a problem is teacher attrition? There has been considerable policy discussion regarding the ability of schools to attract and keep qualified teachers, both in general and in specific subject areas such as mathematics and science. In general, teacher attrition in public elementary and secondary schools is low. Only 5 percent of full-time public school teachers left the teaching profession between 1987-88 and 1988-89. Keeping mathematics and science teachers is not as big a problem as was once suggested. The percentage of teachers in public secondary schools in 1987-88 who left the teaching profession in the next year was no higher in mathematics and science than in other teaching fields (table 58-1, Condition 1992). How do school districts respond to shortages in particular teaching fields? Fifteen percent of all schools reported having teaching vacancies in 1990-91 that could not be filled with a teacher qualified in the course or grade level to be taught./ More than one method of covering an unfilled vacancy may be used by a school district. For example, almost half of school district administrators reported that they used substitute teachers to cover vacancies; 26 percent hired less qualified teachers; 23 percent assigned other teachers; 11 percent increased class sizes; 10 percent increased teaching loads of other teachers; 10 percent used part-time or itinerant teachers; and 7 percent canceled classes./17 When there were teacher shortages in particular subject areas, 10 percent of public school districts and 16 percent of private schools provided free retraining to prepare staff to teach in these subjects. In the case of any one specific field, relatively few public school districts provided free retraining (2 to 5 percent, depending on the field). However, more districts provided free retraining for special education than for any other field except mathematics./18 Pay incentives, however, are not generally used to recruit or retrain teachers in fields of shortage. In 1987-88, 3 percent of public school districts offered increases in the salary schedule to recruit or retain teachers where a shortage existed; and fewer offered cash bonuses or other pay incentives./19 Have teachers' attitudes toward teaching changed over the decade? Teachers seem to be happier about their choice of profession. In 1981, 46 percent of teachers said that they would be willing to teach again. In 1991, this percentage had increased to 59 percent./20 In summary, the teacher workforce has changed over the decade. The teacher workforce has grown faster than enrollments over the decade, though average class size has generally not fallen. Almost all teachers are certified to teach in their main assignment field. However, one-quarter to one-third of teachers with a main assignment in mathematics or science neither majored nor minored in those subjects. A higher percentage of teachers had master's degrees in 1991 than in 1981 and the college course-taking patterns of new teachers are generally comparable to those of other college graduates. Teacher salaries have risen and the teacher workforce is more experienced in terms of the number of years of teaching experience. Teacher attrition is not particularly high, though some schools have difficulty finding qualified teachers to fill vacancies. Few districts, however, provide salary incentives or bonuses to recruit or retrain teachers where there is a shortage. Progress in the Achievement and Attainment of Black Students Attaining a high quality education has always been seen as a way to improve one's prospects. This is especially true for those who are socially and economically disadvantaged. Black children are at an educational disadvantage relative to whites because of several factors, including: lower average levels of parental education, a greater likelihood of living with only one parent, and different community characteristics deriving from income-based residential segregation. Furthermore, black children are much more likely to experience poverty than white children. In 1992, 46 percent of black children compared to 16 percent of white children lived in families with an income level below the poverty line (Indicator 47). In many regards, blacks continue to trail whites with respect to educational access, achievement, and attainment, though many of these differences have narrowed over time. Outlined below are some examples of the educational differences between blacks and whites with respect to preschool attendance, grade retention, academic achievement, dropout rates, parental involvement, school climate, course-taking patterns, educational aspirations, college attendance and completion, labor market outcomes, and adult literacy levels. Although many of these differences remain large, some of the gap between blacks and whites has decreased over time. Do black children start elementary school with less preschool experience than white children? There are differences in participation in education before kindergarten among black and white children. Several federal programs, such as Head Start, a popular program for disadvantaged preschoolers, were begun to give children from low income families an early start in education. Yet, even though these programs exist, fewer black children are enrolled in preschool than white children, and the gap has widened. In 1991, 31 percent of black 3- and 4-year-olds were in nursery school programs compared to 40 percent of white children. However, during the middle 1970s, white and black enrollment rates were similar, around 25 percent. While there has been an increase in the proportion of both white and black 3- and 4-year-olds attending nursery school, the proportion for whites has increased at a faster rate. Black 3- and 4-year-olds, however, are more likely than whites to be enrolled in kindergarten, 8 and 4 percent respectively (Indicator 2). Since the provision of preprimary education is not mandatory, it is usually not offered in public schools whereas kindergarten typically is. Limited financial resources may make it difficult for many black families to afford private preschool tuition. Differences, then, in black and white enrollment rates in preschool may be due to a lack of available low-cost nursery schools. In 1991, a far lower proportion of black preschool students (29 percent) were enrolled in private preschools than white preschool students (68 percent) (table 3-2). Do black children progress through school more slowly than white children? Since the mid-1970s the percentage of 8- and 13-year-old children who were one or more years below the modal (most common) grade for their age has risen for all children (Indicator 3, Condition 1992).//21 More black than white children were behind at age 13 than at age 9, however./22 In 1989, 27 percent of black 8-year-old boys were in second grade or below, about the same as their white counterparts, while 49 percent of black 13-year-olds were in seventh grade or below, compared to 32 percent of their white counterparts. Studies have shown that students who have repeated at least one grade are more likely to become dropouts,/23 so differential retention rates for blacks and whites may be associated with differential dropout rates. In 1992, 18 percent of black 16- to 24-year-olds had repeated one or more grades compared to 11 percent of their white counterparts. On the other hand, of the young adults who had been retained, blacks were no more likely than whites to drop out before completing 12th grade. Among those who had not been retained, however, blacks had twice the dropout rate as whites, 12 and 6 percent respectively (Indicator 4). Does the academic performance of white and black students differ in the early grades? As early as age 9 there are differences in the academic performance of black and white students. Academic proficiency in reading, mathematics, and science, as measured at age 9 by the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), is lower for black children than for white children. [Figure: The achievement gap between blacks and whites at age 9 remains large, though it has narrowed over the past two decades SOURCE: [Indicators 12 and 14] The black-white achievement gap narrowed in the 1970s and early 1980s, but has not narrowed further. In 1992, black 9-year-olds were 33 scale points behind whites in reading, compared to 44 scale points behind in 1971 (Indicator 12); 27 points behind whites in mathematics, compared to 35 points in 1973 (Indicator 14); and 39 points behind in science, compared to 57 points behind in 1970 (Indicator 15). The black-white achievement gaps for 13-year-olds show similar patterns. Although the gap between the proficiency scores of black and white students has narrowed, it remains large. For example, the average reading proficiency scores of black 13-year-olds (238 in 1992) fell about midway between the average proficiency scores of white 9- and 13-year-olds (218 and 266 respectively). This gap suggests that black children may be reading on average at a level as much as 2 years behind their white peers by age 13, a deficiency that they will carry with them into high school. Does the gap in achievement that we see between whites and blacks at age 13 persist in high school? When tested again near the end of high school, the NAEP scores for 17- year-old blacks again indicate a large, but narrowing, gap in achievement between whites and blacks. Since the early 1970s, the proficiency scores for blacks have improved relative to those of whites in reading, mathematics, and science. For example, in 1971 average reading proficiency among 17-year-old blacks was well below (52 scale points) that of 17-year-old whites and also below (22 points) that of 13-year-old whites; in 1992, the proficiency of 17-year-old blacks was closer (36 points) to that of 17-year-old whites, and about the same as that of 13-year-old whites (Indicator 12). In 1973, average mathematics proficiency among 17-year-old blacks was 40 scale points behind that of their white counterparts and about the same as that of 13-year-old whites; in 1992, it was 26 points behind that of 17-year-old whites, and 7 points above that of 13-year-old whites (Indicator 14). Even though the black-white achievement gap has closed somewhat over time, the gap persists across ages. In 1992, the black-white differences in mathematics at ages 9, 13, and 17 are remarkably similar (27, 29, and 26 points respectively). In other words, the achievement gap that exits at age 9 persists though age 17, though it does not widen. [Figure: The gap between the mathematics proficiency of blacks and whites does not narrow with age, though it does not widen either SOURCE: [Indicator 14] Do the learned abilities of college-bound blacks differ on average than those of college-bound whites? While blacks made substantial gains on the SAT between 1976 and 1993, a gap remains between the performance of blacks and whites. In 1993, average scores of blacks were 91 points lower than those of whites on the verbal component of the SAT and 106 points lower on the mathematics component; in 1976 they had been 119 and 139 points lower, respectively (Indicator 19). Are fewer black students dropping out of high school now than previously? Fewer black teenagers are dropping out of high school before graduating. Although the dropout rate is still considered too high by many educators, the 10th- to 12th-grade rate among blacks (7.9 percent) was substantially lower in 1992 than it was a decade earlier (12.6 percent)/24 and the gap between black and white dropout rates has been closing./25 However, the difference in black-white dropout rates is still large in earlier grades. Blacks in the 8th grade class of 1988 were almost twice as likely as whites to drop out between 8th and 10th grade: 10.2 and 5.2 percent respectively (Indicator 6). Many dropouts later complete their high school education, either by returning to school to earn a diploma or by obtaining a GED. Although blacks in the sophomore class of 1980 were less likely than their white classmates to complete high school by June 1982 (79 percent compared to 86 percent), they were equally likely to have completed by 1992 (Indicator 6). With fewer black students dropping out, the high school completion rate for blacks has increased. In 1991, 73 percent of black 19- to 20-year-olds had graduated from high school compared to 66 percent in 1972 (Indicator 20, Condition 1993). The completion rate for whites was higher (87 percent) than for blacks, but it was largely unchanged over the same period. How does the learning environment of black and white students differ? A student's achievement can be affected by the degree to which a safe and orderly environment is maintained in their school. Black sophomores are more likely than white sophomores to report that disruptions by other students interfere with their learning (51 percent compared to 37 percent) and that other students often disrupt their classes (76 percent compared to 70 percent). Blacks are also less likely than whites to feel that students get along well with teachers at their school (63 percent compared to 77 percent). Furthermore, in 1990, black sophomores were almost twice as likely as whites to report that they did not feel safe at their school (13 percent compared to 7 percent)./26 Between 1976 and 1991, blacks were both more likely to be threatened with and more likely to be injured with a weapon in school than whites. In 1991, for example, about 1 in 10 black compared to 1 in 19 white high school seniors reported being injured with a weapon at school. However, there were few other differences in the in-school victimization rates for black and white high school seniors over this period (Indicator 50, Condition 1993). Are the parents of black students more or less likely than those of whites to be involved in their children's education? The degree to which parents are involved in their children's education is another factor linked to effective schooling. Although the vast majority of eighth grade students report that they talk to their parents about school, black eighth-graders were slightly less likely than whites to talk with their parents about selecting their courses (80 percent compared to 87 percent). However, blacks were just as likely as whites to talk to their parents about their classes or have their parents check their homework, limit their television viewing, and limit their going out with friends. And black eighth-graders were more likely than their white counterparts to report that their parents had spoken with a teacher or guidance counselor and visited their classes (Indicator 43). Are the course-taking patterns of white high school graduates different than those of black graduates? The total number of courses taken and the type of curriculum followed appear not to vary by race. In 1992, black and white high school graduates on average earned a similar number of total course units (23 and 24 respectively) and academic units (17 and 18) (Indicator 23). And there was no measurable difference in 1992 between the percentage of black and white graduates who had taken the core curriculum (4 units of English, 3 units of science, 3 units of social science, and 3 units of mathematics) recommended in A Nation at Risk (Indicator 24). However, black graduates were less likely than their white counterparts to take the higher level mathematics, science, and foreign language courses. In 1992, black graduates were twice as likely as white graduates to have taken remedial mathematics and were less likely to have taken algebra II, geometry, or trigonometry than white graduates (table 25-2). Although black graduates were about as likely as whites to have taken biology, they were less likely to have taken chemistry, physics, or the combination of biology, chemistry, and physics (table 25-2). Furthermore, black college-bound graduates were far less likely than whites to have taken at least 2 years of a foreign language in high school (60 percent and 75 percent respectively), which could affect their eligibility to attend selective colleges (Indicator 26). Do the educational aspirations of white and black students differ? The educational aspirations of black and white students are very similar. In 1990, 11 percent of black sophomores aspired to a high school diploma or less, compared to 9 percent of whites. Fifty-nine percent of black sophomores aspired to a bachelor's degree or higher, compared to 61 percent of whites./27 Black sophomores were more likely than whites to have teachers recommend college attendance, and just as likely as whites to receive advice on college attendance from guidance counselors. However, black sophomores were less likely to be advised to attend college by their parents than their white counterparts (Indicator 7). How are the gains made by blacks in elementary and secondary education reflected in higher education enrollments? Gains made by blacks in higher education are not as dramatic as those in elementary and secondary education. The percentage of blacks enrolling in college in the fall following high school graduation was 47 percent in 1991, about the same as it was in 1978. Since 1988, the enrollment rate for white high school graduates has been rising while for blacks it appears to have leveled off, which increased the white-black enrollment difference to 17 percentage points in 1991 (Indicator 9). Some of the difference in enrollment rates may be made up by delayed entry, as blacks are more likely than whites to enroll in college after a delay (Indicator 2:2, Condition 1991). Overall, about 30 percent of black high school graduates 16-24 years old were enrolled in college as undergraduates during the late 1980s, about the same as during the last half of the 1970s. In contrast, in 1990, about 38 percent of their white counterparts were enrolled in college, up from 30 percent a decade earlier (Indicator 9, Condition 1992). Do black and white students study different subjects in college? The distribution of fields of study of black degree recipients does differ from those of whites at both the associate's and bachelor's degree levels, but these differences have narrowed over time. In 1991, at the associate's degree level, black men were less likely than white men to major in the trade and industrial fields, but more likely to major in business. Black women were also more likely than white women to earn associate's degrees in business, but less likely to earn degrees in health-related fields. Differences in the fields studied at the associate's degree level by black and white men narrowed between 1987 and 1991, while the differences between black and white women remained about the same (Indicator 29). Among 1985-86 bachelor's degree recipients, blacks were less likely than whites to have taken courses in the physical sciences and calculus, but were more likely to have taken courses in area and ethnic studies and psychology (Indicator 28). At the bachelor's degree level, in 1991 blacks were more likely than whites to major in business and management and in computer and information sciences and less likely to major in engineering, the humanities, education, and health sciences. Overall, differences have narrowed since 1977 (Indicator 30). How do differential higher education enrollment rates influence the educational attainment levels of young black adults relative to young white adults? Although the persistence rates of first-time students pursuing vocational certificates, associate's degrees, and bachelor's degrees are generally similar for blacks and whites (Indicator 10), higher education attainment among blacks is far lower than among whites. In 1991, 41 percent of black high school graduates 25 to 29 years old had completed 1 or more years of college, compared to 55 percent of their white counterparts. In addition, 14 percent of black high school graduates in this age category had completed 4 or more years of college compared to 30 percent of whites. During the 1970s, the percentage of both white and black high school graduates completing 1 or more or 4 or more years of college grew; during the 1980s, however, there was little change in these college attainment rates (Indicator 22, Condition 1992). Blacks who do complete college on average take longer than whites. Of 1990 college graduates, 65 percent of black students completed in 5 or fewer years compared to 72 percent of white students. Taking longer to graduate may result from changing schools or majors, stopping out, or taking a reduced course load for financial, academic, or social reasons. The additional time in college can be costly to the individual, as it delays entrance into the full-time labor market (Indicator 6, Condition 1993). Black women earn substantially more bachelor's degrees than black men and the difference in the number of degrees earned by black men and women doubled between 1977 and 1991. Following a period of decline, the number of degrees earned by black men increased between 1989 and 1991, approaching the level attained a decade earlier. Between 1981 and 1991, the number of bachelor's degrees earned by white women increased faster than those earned by black women and the number earned by white men has been stable (Indicator 31). Does the relationship between education and labor market outcomes differ for blacks and whites? Among both blacks and whites, those with more education have better employment and earnings outcomes. In 1991, only a quarter of blacks who dropped out of high school between 1990 and 1991 were employed. Among black recent high school graduates who did not enroll in college, about one-third were employed (Indicator 32). However, for the period between 1973 and 1992, white high school dropouts were more likely to be employed than black high school graduates not enrolled in college. Earnings among 25- to 34-year-old blacks, particularly black women, show that the incentive to pursue additional education is sizeable. For example, in 1992, black males with 9-11 years of schooling earned 35 percent less than black high school graduates; those with bachelor's degree earned 83 percent more. Black females with 9-11 years of schooling earned 32 percent less than those with a high school diploma; those with a bachelor's degree earned 113 percent more. Between 1974 and 1992, the earnings advantage of completing college increased for black males and females as well as for white males and females (Indicator 34). However, black-white earnings differentials exist at each level of educational attainment. For example, white college graduates 25 to 34 years old earned 23 percent more in 1992 than black college graduates of the same age (table 34-3). How do the literacy levels of blacks and whites differ in the population? Large gaps between the literacy skills of blacks and whites exist both within and across levels of education. On the National Adult Literacy Survey, blacks scored at levels similar to whites with less education. For example, blacks with a high school diploma or a GED have literacy levels similar to whites who completed 9 to 12 years of high school but did not receive a diploma. The difference in prose literacy between black and white college graduates is 40 points, eight-tenths of the difference between the scores of white high school and college graduates (50 points). However, the gap in literacy between blacks and whites is less for 16- to 24-year-olds than for 40- to 64-year-olds (Indicator 20). The differences in the labor market opportunities of blacks relative to whites noted above may be related to the differences in the literacy levels of blacks and whites at similar levels of educational attainment. In summary, black children are less likely to be enrolled in preprimary education and are more likely to be below modal grade for their age. Gaps in reading, mathematics, and science achievement appear at age 9, and do not narrow with age. Black students are more likely to drop out of school than whites, although this gap has closed over time. Black students are no less likely than whites to have their parents involved in their schooling, although black students are more likely to face a disorderly school environment than their white peers. Blacks are less likely to take advanced science and mathematics courses or foreign languages in high school. Even though they have similar educational aspirations and take a similar number of academic courses as whites, blacks are less likely than whites to make the immediate transition from high school to college. Educational attainment is positively associated with employment and earnings for blacks, although earnings and employment rates are lower for blacks than for whites with the same amount of education. Blacks have lower literacy levels than whites, both in general and at similar levels of educational attainment. Sub-baccalaureate Postsecondary Education Lifelong learning is at the core of goal 5 of the National Education Goals adopted by President Bush and the governors in 1990 and included in the Educate America Act submitted by President Clinton to the Congress in 1993. Goal 5 states: "By the year 2000, every adult American will be literate and will possess the knowledge and skills necessary to compete in a global economy and exercise the rights and responsibilities of citizenship." High school graduates seeking occupational and technical training to help them prepare for a career may enroll in sub-baccalaureate postsecondary education programs. Also, people who have been in the labor market for some time and want to upgrade their skills in order to advance in their careers or to change careers may enroll in these programs. This sector of education, which is characterized by diversity in its programs, institutions, and students, is a very important resource to people who want to learn throughout their lives. What is sub-baccalaureate education? Traditional higher education is usually imagined as enrollment in a 4- year college soon after high school graduation and continuation through the award of a bachelor's degree in an academic field. However, this educational path is only one of many after high school. Much of postsecondary education is occupationally specific./28 Many postsecondary institutions offer less-than-4-year or less-than-2-year programs, and many students in postsecondary education do not pursue bachelor's or more advanced degrees and enroll years after completing high school or without completing high school. The description below of the sub-baccalaureate sector of education is partly of less-than-4-year institutions, partly of postsecondary vocational education, and partly of students who do not attain bachelor's or more advanced degrees. This sector of education is diverse and there are no clear dividing lines between it and traditional higher education. In fact, many students in this sector are preparing to go on to a 4-year institution to pursue a bachelor's degree. Students. In 1993, about half of the population aged 25 to 49 reported they had attained a level of education beyond high school. About half of these had earned a bachelor's or more advanced degree. The remaining half had attended "some college" but had no degree or had earned an associate's degree (Indicator 21). Many of these people may have pursued occupational-technical programs of short duration. Others, however, may have dropped out of programs leading to a bachelor's or associate's degree. Institutions. Postsecondary institutions that do not offer bachelor's or more advanced degrees (less-than-4-year) are of two major types: 1) community and junior colleges and 2) vocational and technical education institutions. Public community and junior colleges, which are higher education institutions, enroll 86 percent of all students at less-than- 4-year institutions and offer both occupationally specific training and the opportunity to complete the first 2 years of a bachelor's degree program./29 Vocational and technical institutions, which are noncollegiate postsecondary institutions, almost exclusively offer training programs designed to prepare students for specific occupations and careers. Typically, vocational-technical institutes differ from public 2-year institutions in that they do not award associate's degrees and are more likely to provide programs lasting 1 year or less. Proprietary (private, for-profit) schools, which enroll over half the students at less than 1-year institutions, offer a variety of vocational programs ranging from very short programs in truck driving to 2-year associate's degree programs in business, allied health, or other subjects. Programs. Less-than-4-year programs vary considerably in length and type. Programs leading to an associate's degree typically take 2 years. However, there are many programs that lead to certificates, licenses, and other awards. Some are as short as 6 weeks, while others can take almost 4 years. Most of these programs are offered in less than 4-year institutions but some are offered in 4-year institutions. For example, 14 percent of all associate's degrees and 2 percent of less-than-4-year awards (certificates) were conferred by 4-year institutions in 1990-91./30 Fields. Associate's degree programs include vocational programs to equip students with skills for the workforce and more academic programs to prepare students to transfer to 4-year institutions to pursue a bachelor's degree. Two out of every three students receiving an associate's degree in 1990 specialized in technical/professional fields. The remainder pursued the arts and sciences fields, mainly liberal/general studies./31 Among those in technical/professional fields, the most popular programs were business and management, business administrative support, nursing, and engineering technologies. These four fields made up 38 percent of all associate's degrees awarded in 1990. How many students participate in the sub-baccalaureate sector of education? The sub-baccalaureate sector of postsecondary education is large in terms of the number of institutions, the number of students, and the number of credentials conferred. In 1989, almost 7,800 postsecondary institutions offered occupational and technical programs leading to sub-baccalaureate awards. Five thousand of these were private proprietary schools. In addition, 1,000 public 2-year institutions, 756 private nonprofit less-than-4-year institutions, 315 4-year institutions (both public and private nonprofit), and 282 public vocational-technical institutions offered vocational education programs./32 Almost all states support at least some form of postsecondary vocational education, although the number and type of institutions vary across the states. With the exception of Wyoming, in 1989 every state provided vocational education in both public and private 4-year and public 2-year institutions. California had the largest number of public 2-year institutions (102), followed by Texas (65) and North Carolina (60). Of the 5.4 million students enrolled in public 2-year institutions in 1991, 24 percent were in California alone. California also had the largest number of proprietary schools (644), followed by Illinois (284) and Pennsylvania (280). However, Arkansas, Florida, Ohio, and Tennessee have the largest systems of public vocational-technical institutes. Only 12 states and the District of Columbia reported having no vocational-technical institutes./33 Enrollment in less-than-4-year institutions is extensive. In 1991, 5.4 million students were enrolled in public 2-year institutions, compared to 8.7 million undergraduate and graduate students in 4-year colleges and universities. Not all of these students are in degree programs, however. Many are taking specific courses to acquire specific skills or to pursue hobbies. Enrollment in the less-than-2-year sector was 924,000 with over half of the students enrolled in proprietary institutions and the remainder in public (31 percent) and private nonprofit (17 percent) institutions./34 Enrollment at public 2-year institutions increased from 2.6 million students in 1972 to 5.5 million students in 1992 and the share of all students in higher education increased from 29 percent in 1972 to 38 percent in 1992 (Indicator 39). Institutions in the sub-baccalaureate sector confer many associate's degrees and other awards, primarily vocational certificates, each year. In 1990-91, 507,000 associate's degrees were awarded./35 Most of these (363,000) were awarded by public 2-year colleges. In addition, 912,000 certificates were awarded that year. The majority of these (538,000) were awarded by less-than-2-year proprietary schools. By comparison, about 1 million bachelor's degrees were conferred that year. What are the characteristics of students who participate in the sub- baccalaureate sector? The characteristics of students in less-than-4-year institutions differ from those of students in 4-year institutions. Overall, the students at less-than-4-year institutions are more likely to be over 24 years old, married, living off campus, and attending part-time than those in 4-year institutions. Also, the students at less-than-4-year institutions are more likely to have parents with, at most, a high school education. However, there are some important differences within the less-than-4- year sector (Indicator 51). o At public 2-year institutions, 70 percent of students attended part-time in 1989-90 compared to 29 and 17 percent at private not-for-profit and private for-profit less-than-4-year institutions, respectively. o At public 2-year institutions, 70 percent of students attended part-time in 1989-90 compared to 29 and 17 percent at private not-for-profit and private for-profit less-than-4-year institutions, respectively. o Students enrolled in public 2-year colleges are very likely to be attending part-time (70 percent), however, those enrolled at private not-for-profit and private for-profit less-than-4-year are very unlikely to be doing so (29 and 17 percent, respectively). o The parents of students attending proprietary institutions have less education than the parents of students attending 2-year colleges. o Financially dependent students at proprietary institutions are more likely to be from low and lower middle income families (64 percent) than dependent students at public 2-year colleges (44 percent). What is the cost of enrolling in sub-baccalaureate programs and how much financial aid do students receive? The cost of attending less-than-4-year postsecondary institutions varies. At public 2-year institutions the cost is low. Average (in- state) tuition and fees were just over $1,000 in 1992-93, compared to $2,600 at public universities and $13,000 at private universities./37 Average tuition charges also have risen more slowly at public 2-year colleges than at universities. Between 1980 and 1991, tuition charges, in constant dollars, grew 21 percent at public 2-year colleges, compared to 36 percent at public universities and 53 percent at private universities (Indicator 55). At proprietary schools, tuition charges are higher. In 1989-90, the average tuition students paid was $4,900 at propriety institutions compared to $577 at public 2-year institutions./38 These amounts are for the number of terms and number of courses students were actually enrolled. The average tuition charges for full-year full-time students would have been higher./39 Overall, 37 percent of students at less-than-4-year institutions received financial aid compared to 50 percent at 4-year-institutions. The average amount received was $2,800 for students at less-than-4-year institutions compared to $4,300 for those at 4-year institutions./40 Because students attending less than half time are less likely to receive financial aid than those attending at least half time and because students attending public institutions receive on average less financial aid than those attending private or proprietary institutions, the figures above are determined in large part by the proportion of students in each sector who attend less than half time and who attend public institutions./41 Within the less-than-4-year sector, there is a great deal of variation in the percentage of students receiving financial aid and the average amount of this aid. For example, 28 percent of public 2-year college students received aid compared to 82 percent of students at proprietary less-than-2-year institutions. The average for public 2-year college students receiving aid was $2,000 compared to $4,100 for their counterparts at proprietary less-than-2-year institutions./42 How much do institutions that offer sub-baccalaureate programs spend? Expenditures per pupil at public 2-year colleges were less than at universities. In 1990-91, public 2-year colleges spent $5,800 per full-time-equivalent student, compared to $12,300 at public universities and $21,900 at private universities./43 Expenditures also grew more slowly at public 2-year colleges than at universities. Between 1980 and 1991, expenditures per full-time-equivalent student increased 8 percent at public 2-year colleges, compared to 20 percent at public universities and 37 percent at private universities (Indicator 55). Faculty at public 2-year institutions are more likely to be part-time and earn lower average salaries than their counterparts at 4-year institutions. In the fall of 1989, 61 percent of faculty at public 2- year institutions were part-time compared to 21 percent at public 4-year institutions and 36 percent at private 4-year institutions./44 Average salaries for faculty at public 2-year colleges are lower than for those at 4-year institutions, particularly for those with higher academic rank. In 1992, full-time professors at public 2-year colleges earned an average salary of $48,100 compared to $59,800 at public 4-year colleges. However, full-time assistant professors earned an average salary of $34,900 at 2-year colleges compared to $37,700 for those at public 4-year colleges (Indicator 57). How many students who begin sub-baccalaureate programs persist to completion of the program? A large percentage of students pursuing sub-baccalaureate degrees do not complete those programs. Among students seeking an associate's degree in 1989-90, by spring 1992 only 12 percent completed it, while 19 percent were continuously enrolled and 23 percent had re-enrolled at least once (after an interruption). Nevertheless, close to half (46 percent) had left school without reenrolling (Indicator 10). Among associate's degree students, not delaying entry into postsecondary education, being single without children, and being employed were associated with higher completion rates and lower interrupted enrollment (without re-enrollment) rates (table 10-1). For example, those who started postsecondary education within 12 months of high school graduation (no delay) were more likely to complete the program than those who started more than 12 months after high school graduation (delay), 16 percent and 5 percent, respectively. Similarly, a smaller percentage of the students who did not delay entry had an interruption in their enrollment (without reenrollment) (38 percent), compared with those who delayed entry (60 percent). On the other hand, the average number of hours worked per week while in school was not associated with the likelihood of completion or interrupting their enrollment. Among first-time postsecondary students in the 1989-90 academic year whose degree objective was a vocational certificate, only 1 in 3 received one by early 1992, and most of these were in very short programs of 1 month or less (Indicator 10). However, some of these students were more likely to finish than others. For example, those who started postsecondary education within 12 months of high school graduation were less likely to complete the certificate program than those who started more than 12 months after high school graduation. How common is it for students to move from the sub-baccalaureate to the baccalaureate sector, that is, from 2-year to 4-year colleges? Students can use community and junior colleges as a stepping stone to a bachelor's degree program at a 4-year-college or university. About one-quarter of the senior class of 1980 who enrolled in public 2-year institutions within 4 years of high school graduation had transferred to another postsecondary institution by 1984. Of those who transferred, 54 percent went on to public 4-year institutions and 18 percent went to private 4-year institutions./45 In summary, the sub-baccalaureate sector is made up of a variety of institutions (ranging from proprietary schools to community colleges) and offers a variety of programs, though most are vocational in nature. Less-than-4-year institutions make up a large part of postsecondary education in terms of the number of institutions, size of enrollments, and number of degrees and certificates conferred. Students in this sector differ from those of traditional 4-year college students. They are more likely to be over 24, married, living off campus, attending part-time, and from lower income families. Completion rates of vocational certificate and associate's degree seekers are generally low, though a small portion do go on to 4-year institutions. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, enrollment in community colleges and universities grew faster than in 4-year institutions. Conclusion The preceding discussion has highlighted only a few of the issues treated by the 60 indicators in this volume. The Condition of Education presents data and analyses on a wide variety of issues in education. The reader is encouraged to read the overviews to each section for discussion of other issues, to peruse the indicators of interest, and to use the tables for additional details. NOTES: 1. The panel's recommendation of 0.5 units in computer science is not included in this description; however, it is included in supplemental tables 24-1 and 24-2. 2. R. Coley and M. E. Goetz. Educational Standards in the Fifty States: 1990. Princeton, N.J.: Educational Testing Service and U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. Overview and Inventory of State Requirements for School Coursework and Attendance. Washington, D.C.: 1992. 3. U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. Dropout Rates in the United States: 1992, Washington, D.C.: 1993, table 21, based on High School and Beyond (Base Year Survey) and National Educational Longitudinal Study of 1988 (First Follow-up Survey). 4. U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. Digest of Education Statistics, 1993. Washington, D.C.: 1993 table 150. (footnote about Montana) 5. Dropout Rates in the United States: 1992, table 19, based on the National Educational Longitudinal Study of 1988 (Base Year, First Follow-up, and Second Follow-up Surveys) and Dropout Rates in the United States: 1991, Washington, D.C.: 1992, table 18, based on the National Educational Longitudinal Study of 1988 (First Follow-up Survey). 6. U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. America's High School Sophomores: A Ten Year Comparison. Washington, D.C.: 1993, table 6.1, based on High School and Beyond (Base Year Survey) and the National Educational Longitudinal Study of 1988 (First Follow-up Survey) . 7. Digest of Education Statistics, 1993, table 132. 8. Digest of Education Statistics, 1993, table 300. 9. U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. National Postsecondary Student Aid Study, 1990. Data Analysis System. 10. Harvard Education Letter, IX(1) January, 1993. 11. Digest of Education Statistics, 1993, table 68, based on National Education Association, Status of the American Public School Teacher, 1990-91. 12. Ibid. 13. Ibid. 14. F. H. Nelson and T. O'Brien. How U.S. Teachers Measure Up Internationally: A Comparative Study of Teacher Pay, Training, and Conditions of Service. American Federation of Teachers, Washington, D.C.: 1993, table II-1. 15. Digest of Education Statistics, 1993, table 68. 16. F. H. Nelson. Survey and Analysis of Salary Trends, 1993. American Federation of Teachers, Washington, D.C.: 1993, table II-4. 17. U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. Schools and Staffing in the United States: A Statistical Profile, 1990-91. Washington, D.C.: 1993, table 7.2, based on Schools and Staffing Survey: 1990-91 (School Questionnaire). 18. Schools and Staffing: 1990-91. table 7.5, based on Schools and Staffing Survey: 1990-91 (Private School and Teacher Demand and Shortage Questionnaire). 19. U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. America's Teachers: Profile of a Profession. Washington, D.C.: 1993, table 3.12, based on Schools and Staffing Survey: 1987-88 (Teacher Demand and Shortage Questionnaire). 20. Digest of Education Statistics, 1993, table 68. 21. This trend may be due to a variety of factors, including 1) parents being increasingly willing to have their children repeat kindergarten or start first grade late, 2) schools being increasingly less willing to let parents start their children in school early, and 3) a decline in the practice of "social promotion" or promoting academically unprepared children to the next grade for social reasons. 22. Most 8-year-olds are in third grade and most 13-year-olds are in the eighth grade. Many 8-year-olds who are in first or second grade did not start school until they were 7. This is particularly true for boys who are often less mature than girls at ages 5 and 6. However, the percentage of students below the modal (most common) grade for their age generally increases with age. The increase is an indication of the practice of parents and teachers deciding to hold a student in a grade who they believe is not ready for the next grade. The increase, which was larger for black than for white boys, is an indication that parents and teachers were for frequently holding black boys back compared to white boys. This difference, in turn, is an indication that black boys were falling behind white boys academically. 23. See Dropout Rates in the United States: 1988 and School Dropouts: Patterns and Policies, ed. G. Natriello (New York, NY: Teachers College Press. 1989) for a discussion of the relationship between grade retention and dropping out of school. 24. Dropout Rates in the United States: 1992, table 21, based on High School and Beyond (Base Year Survey) and National Educational Longitudinal Study of 1988 (First Follow-up Survey). 25. Differences in family income may account for most of the differences in dropout rates between racial/ethnic groups. When comparisons are drawn across racial/ethnic groups within an income level, there were no differences in status dropout rates of white and black 16- to 24-year-olds in 1991 (Dropout Rates in the United States: 1991, table 10, based on the October Current Population Survey). 26. Digest of Education Statistics, 1993, table 140, based on the National Educational Longitudinal Study of 1988 (Base Year and First Follow-up Surveys). 27. America's High School Sophomores: A Ten Year Comparison, table 6.2, based on the National Educational Longitudinal Study of 1988 (First Follow-up Survey). 28. The Carl D. Perkins Vocational and Applied Technology Act of 1990 defines vocational education as programs that prepare students for paid or unpaid employment requiring other than a baccalaureate or advanced degree. These types of occupational-technical programs are offered in a wide variety of institutions, including some that also offer academic education. 29. Digest of Education Statistics, 1993, table 166. 30. Ibid. 31. The Condition of Education, 1993, Indicator 29, 1993. 32. U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. Vocational Education in the United States: 1969-1990. Washington, D.C.: 1993, table 31. 33. Ibid. 34. Digest of Education Statistics, 1993, table 166. 35. Ibid. 36. National Postsecondary Student Aid Study, 1990. Data Analysis System. 37. Digest of Education Statistics, 1993, table 300. 38. U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. Financing Undergraduate Education: 1990. Washington, D.C.: 1993, tables 3.6a and 3.6c. 39. For example, in 1989-90 at public 2-year institutions, tuition charges paid varied from $277 for a part-time part-year student, to $867 for a full-time full-year student. The National Postsecondary Student Aid Study, 1990. Data Analysis System. 40. National Postsecondary Student Aid Study, 1990. Data Analysis System. 41. In 1989-90, 40 percent of students at less-than-4-year institutions attended part-time compared to 74 percent at 4-year institutions. Whereas 57 percent of full-time students received financial aid, only 30 percent of half-time students and 21 percent of less than half-time students received aid. In addition, 81 percent of students at less- than-4-year institutions were at public institutions compared to 69 percent of students at 4-year institutions. At public institutions 34 percent of students received some financial aid compared to 63 percent of those at private nonprofit institutions and 81 percent of those at private proprietary institutions. 42. National Postsecondary Student Aid Study, 1990. Data Analysis System. 43. Digest of Education Statistics, 1993, table 326. 44. Digest of Education Statistics, 1993, table 217. 45. Vocational Education in the United States: 1969-1992, figure 47. ***last update 3/28/95 (cschmitt)***