Although some analysts
worry that people in the Western Hemisphere increasingly
are losing faith in democracy, most of the region's leaders
firmly are committed to expanding freedom and economic growth,
says Charles Shapiro, acting assistant secretary of state
for Western Hemisphere affairs.
In September 28 testimony before Committee
on International Relations' Subcommittee on the Western
Hemisphere, Shapiro told lawmakers that the political and
economic reforms that swept the region during the 1980s
have produced lasting changes: "Many of the old demons
are gone: inflation is largely tamed; countries are increasingly
open to foreign trade and investment; economic setbacks
still occur, but no longer do they lead inevitably to crises
affecting the entire hemisphere."
Nevertheless, "there is little doubt
... that many individuals in the hemisphere are frustrated
by the perceived inability of [regional] democracies to
deliver benefits to all citizens in equal measure,"
he said. "Some, in their frustration, are turning ...
to politicians who promise populist solutions to the region's
persistent problems or else entertain thoughts of a return
to authoritarianism."
Polls indicate that Latin Americans, by
and large, do not trust their governments and institutions,
with overwhelming majorities in "virtually all countries
in the region" reporting that they have "little"
or "no" confidence in their executive, judiciary,
legislature, political parties, armed forces or police,
Shapiro explained.
This crisis of confidence probably stems
from a gulf between the "political elites” and
the people they serve, he suggested, adding, "That
gulf is often reinforced by legal immunity granted legislators
and the de facto impunity afforded many other governmental
and political actors."
Such a climate contributes to mistrust between
voters and the government -- and to corruption. Also, said
Shapiro, "many formal democratic institutions in Latin
America are weak and overly politicized," further undermining
the rule of law.
To make matters worse, "poverty and
the inequality of income and wealth which characterize much
of the region make it difficult for democracy to thrive,"
he said, noting that a lack of resources and high crime
levels can “dampen voters' enthusiasm for democratic
rule."
Still, much can be done to reverse these
trends, he argued. “I am convinced they can be overcome
by strong leadership, a willingness to make tough decisions,
the forging of a national consensus, and the active implementation
of a reform agenda," said Shapiro.
He cited "trust, transparency, effectiveness,
inclusiveness, public safety, political consensus on the
need to have decision-making framed by the national welfare,
and cooperative civil/military relations" as "the
cornerstones of viable states."
Not surprising, the hemisphere's most successful
leaders "reach out to the opposition, civil society,
and minority groups," he noted. "They understand
that public relations matter." Moreover, "good
leaders recognize the importance of working with and cultivating
responsible media," vigorously prosecute corruption
cases, and implement procedures that promote public transparency
and accountability, he said.
Successful leaders also value multilateral
engagement, such as efforts by the United States to support
democracy and the rule of law, he said.
Yet U.S. assistance, “in and of itself,
cannot guarantee the deepening of the hemisphere's democratic
roots," he said, asserting there is no substitute for
strong local leadership. He urged regional leaders to enhance
governmental accountability, global economic competitiveness
and the fair distribution of services and opportunities.
No one disputes that the region has serious
challenges to confront, but there is much cause for optimism,
Shapiro said, but added, "There is a solid consensus
in favor of representative democracy and respect for human
rights in this hemisphere."
The United States will continue to work
closely with its regional partners to achieve the goal of
stronger democratic rule and greater prosperity throughout
the Americas, said Shapiro. The Bush administration "believes
strongly that hemispheric progress requires [U.S.] engagement
in trade, in security, in support for democracy, and across
the board we are deeply involved in expanding peace, prosperity,
and freedom in this hemisphere," he added. "Democracy
is indeed an essential element of our foreign policy agenda."
Following is the text of Shapiro's remarks,
as prepared for delivery:
(begin text)
Testimony of Charles S. Shapiro,
Acting Assistant Secretary of State,
Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs
Before the
Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere,
Committee on International Relations,
U.S. House of Representatives
September 28, 2005
"Keeping Democracy on Track: Hot Spots
in Latin America and the Caribbean"
Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee:
It has been fashionable of late to cite
recent polls that suggest that the people of the Western
Hemisphere have lost faith in democracy as an ideal. I believe
that while such concerns are real, they need to be tempered
by historical context.
The struggle for democracy in Latin America
and the Caribbean that characterized the 1980s is thankfully
now a mutual effort to deliver the benefits of freedom to
every individual in every country. The vast majority of
Latin Americans and their Caribbean neighbors live under
leaders of their own choosing. Today, free elections and
peaceful transfers of power are the norm and former adversaries
compete not on the battlefield, but in the democratic arena
of electoral politics.
Political progress in the region has gone
hand-in-hand with economic reform. Many of the old demons
are gone: inflation is largely tamed; countries are increasingly
open to foreign trade and investment; economic setbacks
still occur, but no longer do they lead inevitably to crises
affecting the entire hemisphere.
Most of the region's leaders recognize that
democracy and the free market must be part of any sustainable
plan for development. The paradigm that has been so successful
in guiding the expansion of freedom and economic growth
in Latin America over the past twenty years remains firmly
in place. Indeed, most recently elected leaders, even those
characterized by some as "populist," are in fact
governing their nations responsibly within that framework.
Underscoring this transformation, last June
a key multilateral event took place in Fort Lauderdale,
Florida, when the United States hosted the OAS General Assembly.
That gathering advanced our agenda of delivering the benefits
of democracy to ordinary citizens, urging governments to
be more effective, transparent, and accountable. The "Declaration
of Florida," approved at the General Assembly, strengthens
the Secretary General's ability to raise with the OAS Permanent
Council situations that might lead to action under the provisions
of the Inter-American Democratic Charter. It also provides
him with a mandate to develop timely and effective proposals
for promoting and defending democracy. The Declaration also
affirms that adherence to the Democratic Charter is the
standard for member states' full participation in the inter-American
process.
There is little doubt, however, that many
individuals in the hemisphere are frustrated by the perceived
inability of democracies to deliver benefits to all citizens
in equal measure. Some, in their frustration, are turning
in increasing numbers to politicians who promise populist
solutions to the region's persistent problems or else entertain
thoughts of a return to authoritarianism.
That is to say, we continue to confront
challenges in the workings of democracy in the region.
What the polls show is that Latin Americans
by and large don't trust their governments and their institutions.
The survey numbers suggest that overwhelming majorities
in virtually all countries of the region have "little"
or "no" confidence in their executive, judiciary,
legislature, political parties, armed forces or police.
I believe this can be attributed to the
fact that, in many cases, political elites in the region
often are perceived to exhibit an aloofness from the people
they are supposed to represent and serve. That gulf is often
reinforced by legal immunity granted legislators and the
de facto impunity afforded many other governmental and political
actors.
The resultant mutual mistrust between voters
and the government encourages corruption, as citizens resort
to one of the few ways available to persuade government
officials to actually work on their behalf -- pay them directly.
Many formal democratic institutions in Latin
America are weak and overly politicized. In some countries
there is not one single body -- not a Supreme Court, not
an Electoral Commission, not a Regulatory Board -- that
can be relied upon routinely to make impartial, apolitical
decisions in accordance with the law.
Many political parties in the region are
not doing their job well -- they are often bereft of new
ideas, too focused on patronage, and too dependent on the
skills of one charismatic leader.
This "spoils mentality" is too
often reinforced by electoral systems that favor legislative
candidacy via party slate and over-represent rural areas
-- politicians owe too much allegiance to the party structure
and not enough to constituents; entrenched anti-reform opponents
are granted too large a voice in policy-making.
Poverty and the inequality of income and
wealth which characterize much of the region make it difficult
for democracy to thrive. Under-funded states lack the resources
to apply the rules of the game fairly -- even if leaders
have the political will to try.
That unfairness is sharpened by some governments'
tendency to overlook minority rights -- the rights of indigenous
peoples, ethnic minorities, women, children, and the disabled.
High crime levels, present in many nations
of the hemisphere, dampen voters' enthusiasm for democratic
rule.
These challenges to democracy are daunting
-- but I am convinced they can be overcome by strong leadership,
a willingness to make tough decisions, the forging of a
national consensus, and the active implementation of a reform
agenda.
The hemisphere's democratic agenda cannot
be advanced solely by the poetry of verbal commitment to
its principles; it must be advanced by the daily toil of
governments.
Sustainable economic growth and political
stability are only possible if governments consciously extend
political power and economic opportunity to everyone, especially
the poor.
Taken together -- trust, transparency, effectiveness,
inclusiveness, public safety, political consensus on the
need to have decision-making framed by the national welfare,
and cooperative civil/military relations -- are what enable
vibrant democracies to withstand political and economic
shocks to the system.
They are the cornerstones of viable states.
The hemisphere's most successful democratic
leaders understand what is needed to make democracy work.
They reach out to the opposition, civil
society, and minority groups. Dialogue builds trust, and
trust is the key element in encouraging real political participation
and keeping the political pot from boiling over.
They understand that public relations matter.
Citizens need to know when their government is effective
-- when new schools are inaugurated or inoculation programs
are undertaken.
Good leaders recognize the importance of
working with and cultivating responsible media.
Good governments in the region are vigorously
prosecuting corruption cases and institutionalizing procedures
that promote public transparency -- including electronic
procurement, freedom-of-information legislation, and the
establishment of ombudsman offices to monitor allegations
of corruption.
Successful leaders are promoting legal or
constitutional reforms that link elected officials to their
constituents better. Politicians will never behave if they
cannot be held accountable easily by the voters from a defined
district or are officially shielded from prosecution.
Successful democracies are closing the gap
between politicians and voters by decentralizing political
power and revenue collection. Granting municipal governments
both real responsibility and revenue can tamp down corruption
and give people a greater sense of direct participation
in the political system.
Responsible leaders are spearheading legal
or constitutional reforms that foster impartial, professional,
and apolitical judiciaries. Some countries in the region
have enjoyed great success in judicial reform by streamlining
civil-code procedures, introducing computerized case-tracking
systems, staggering the appointment of Supreme Court justices,
and naming judicial councils that oversee hiring, firing,
and disciplining judicial employees.
Successful leaders understand the link between
democracy and individual economic opportunity. The path
to prosperity is built upon affording individuals the chance
to pull their own weight and create personal wealth -- by
reducing the red tape of business registration, encouraging
the broader provision of bank credit, harnessing remittances
for productive purposes, providing wider access to education,
and accelerating property titling.
Good governments must have good police forces.
Not only is public safety a crucial function of government,
but police officers are often the most visible personification
for most citizens of the power of any administration --
so they must act with efficiency and respect.
Successful leaders in the region also value
multilateral engagement as a tool to shore up the hemisphere's
democratic institutions. The work of the Bolivia Donor Support
Group, OAS election observation in Venezuela, and regional
contributions to MINUSTAH in Haiti are but three recent
examples of how multilateral engagement can help speed the
progress of democracy.
Our assistance programs are also lending
a hand. We are providing democracy-building support in the
hemisphere ranging from legal-code reform and judicial training,
to anti-corruption projects and conflict resolution.
But our assistance, in and of itself, cannot
guarantee the deepening of the hemisphere's democratic roots.
There is simply no substitute for strong
local leadership willing to make tough decisions and embrace
civil society as a key contributor to policy debates.
We support the Rodriguez administration
in Bolivia and its efforts to advance that nation's interests
at the same time that it prepares for presidential and legislative
elections later this year, and a constituent assembly election
for constitutional reform scheduled for next year. But on
a day-to-day basis, it is the Bolivian people and Bolivian
democratic institutions who must reach a consensus on key
domestic issues such as how to exploit the country's vast
natural gas resources in a way that best supports the common
good; on how to include the aspirations of indigenous people
within the country's democratic framework; or on how to
address regional calls for autonomy.
We support the presidency of Enrique Bolaños
in Nicaragua and are pleased that his government has made
the effort to combat corruption -- to the point that Nicaragua
and the Millennium Challenge Corporation concluded a compact
on July 14, opening the way for that country to receive
$175 million in much-needed assistance. Challenges remain,
especially the dramatic politicization of that country's
judiciary and the damage done to both the presidency and
the National Assembly by the tug-of-war between two political
caudillos (strongmen) -- one of whom remains enamored with
the obsolete politics of the 1940s and another with a bankrupt
leftist ideology from the 1970s. The USG remains committed
to strengthening democratic institutions in Nicaragua and
to supporting free, fair, transparent and inclusive elections,
scheduled for November 2006. At the same time, we want to
ensure that undemocratic forces do not prevent President
Bolaños from completing his legitimate term. The
USG has supported OAS efforts to resolve the political crisis.
These include resolutions supporting democratic order and
sending a special envoy to facilitate a national dialogue
to reach agreement among the political parties that will
maintain the governability of the country.
In Cuba, the [U.S.] president's message
to democratic reformers facing repression, prison, or exile
is clear: "When you stand for your liberty, we will
stand with you." We are implementing the recommendations
of the President's Commission for Assistance to a Free Cuba
designed to hasten a democratic transition, and the regime
is being pressured as never before. We will continue to
prepare to support a rapid, peaceful transition to democracy.
And we will assist Cuba's democratic opposition and civil
society as it seeks to organize itself for the coming transition.
Supporting Haiti's slow ascent from a decade
as a predatory state is an enormous challenge, but we are
determined to stay the course as long as the Haitians themselves
remain engaged in fashioning the truly democratic government
they so deserve.
In Ecuador, we have been vocal in our support
for constitutional democracy and its institutions. We have
good relations with the Palacio administration on issues
ranging from protecting the environment, to fighting global
terror, to making progress towards an FTA. But it is the
Ecuadorians who must work to strengthen and safeguard their
fragile democracy against political self-interest that threatens
to weaken and fracture it and paralyze any attempt at much-needed
reforms.
Peru looks ahead to a future that is brighter
than it has been in recent memory. After the turmoil of
the 1980s and 90s, Peru's market economy reforms have turned
things around. Under President Toledo's watch, the country
has developed at unprecedented levels, finally beginning
to reduce poverty and improve the life of ordinary Peruvians.
Venezuela, frankly, does not present a promising
picture. We have no quarrel with the Venezuelan people,
but despite the United States' efforts to establish a normal
working relationship with his government, [President] Hugo
Chavez continues to define himself in opposition to us.
The United States works with leaders from
across the political spectrum in a respectful and mutually
beneficial way to strengthen our democratic institutions,
build stronger economies, and promote more equitable and
just societies. Our neighbors know that we are good partners
in fighting poverty and defending democracy. We do more
than respect each other's sovereignty: we work together
to defend it by promoting democratic ideals and by fighting
terrorism, drugs and corruption.
But President Chavez has chosen a different
course, and he has a six-year track record that tells us
a thing or two about him. His efforts to concentrate power
at home, his suspect relationship with destabilizing forces
in the region, and his plans for arms purchases are causes
of major concern.
Our policy is very clear: We want to strengthen
our ties to the Venezuelan people. We will support democratic
elements in Venezuela so they can fill the political space
to which they are entitled. We want to maintain economic
relations on a positive footing. And we want Venezuela to
pull its weight to protect regional security against drug
and terrorist groups.
We also want Venezuela's neighbors and others
in the region to understand the stakes involved and the
implications of President Chavez's professed desire to spread
his "Bolivarian" revolution.
Many of them are fragile states without
the oil wealth of Venezuela to paper over their problems.
They are striving hard to strengthen their democratic institutions
and promote economic prosperity for all.
Should the United States and Venezuela's
neighbors ignore President Chavez's questionable affinity
for democratic principles, we could soon wind up with a
poorer, less free, and hopeless Venezuela that seeks to
export its failed model to other countries in the region.
Mr. Chairman, before concluding, I want
to address one other point that has somehow become part
of the conventional wisdom: that the United States is "ignoring"
the Western Hemisphere.
I think that what people have to understand
is that the world has changed dramatically in the past two
decades, and U.S. policy has changed with it.
During the Cold War, strategic considerations
dominated our policy, and U.S.-Soviet tensions turned the
region into a giant chessboard whereby forestalling the
creep of totalitarianism necessarily trumped all other considerations.
That approach was not always appreciated. In those days,
we were not accused of ignoring the hemisphere, but were
accused of being too heavy-handed, further enforcing the
historic perception of a "paternalistic" United
States approach to the region.
Today, that has changed.
History has proven to be a most reliable
guide as to how nations can best expand prosperity and better
lives for their citizens. Open economies and political systems,
outward-looking trade regimes, and respect for human rights
are the indisputable requirements for a 21st-century nation-state.
So those who would inveigh against U.S.
"paternalism" in the Western Hemisphere have lost
their essential talking point, because we seek to impose
this model on no one. For those countries seeking to follow
the same path, we are committed to helping, but for those
countries that will not open their economies and political
systems, there is little we can do to help them, and no
amount of assistance or moral support can stop them from
failing.
This is the basis of President Bush's Millennium
Challenge Account, his historic new assistance program that
rewards countries making the tough decisions to help themselves.
To be eligible for MCA funds -- amounting
to $1.5 billion for fiscal year 2005 -- nations must govern
justly, uphold the rule of law, fight corruption, open their
markets, remove barriers to entrepreneurship, and invest
in their people.
Three countries from our own hemisphere
were among the first 16 to be declared eligible for MCA
assistance: Bolivia, Honduras, and Nicaragua -- and Honduras
and Nicaragua have already signed compacts with the Millennium
Challenge Corporation. Two additional countries were recently
selected as "MCA threshold countries" for FY05
-- Guyana and Paraguay. These countries will receive assistance
aimed at helping them achieve full eligibility.
By placing a premium on good governance
and effective social investment, the MCA approach should
help countries attract investment, compete for trade opportunities,
and maximize the benefits of economic assistance funds.
But let us recognize, again, that no amount
of external aid will substitute for governments making the
tough decisions for themselves to open up their economies,
to make their governments more effective and accountable,
to make themselves more competitive in a global economy,
and to extend the most basic services and opportunities
equitably.
To their immense credit, most of the leaders
of this region recognize these obligations and are working
hard to fulfill them. And as they do so, they have found
in the Bush administration a creative partner, reinforcing
the forces of reform.
The good news is that this hemisphere has
many leaders with ambitious social agendas who are adopting
sound economic policies and seeking mutually beneficial
relations with their neighbors, including the United States.
There is a solid consensus in favor of representative democracy
and respect for human rights in this hemisphere.
To conclude, this administration believes
strongly that hemispheric progress requires continues American
engagement in trade, in security, in support for democracy,
and across the board we are deeply involved in expanding
peace, prosperity, and freedom in this hemisphere. Democracy
is indeed an essential element of our foreign policy agenda.
Thank you very much, and I look forward
to answering any questions you may have.
(end text)
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