Throughout the state there exists a host of myths regarding the basic nature of gang culture. This section will attempt to dispel some of these misconceptions by answering the ten most frequently asked questions posed to the author by the citizens of Utah.
#2--Utah gang members are nothing more than "wannabes," poor copycats
of big city gangsters!
False--There is no such thing as a "wannabe!" If a youth is identifying
with the gang culture and defines him(her)self by the culture's distinct mentality and behavioral
traits, then that individual is, in fact, a part of that culture. Different levels of commitment exist
among those who subscribe to the gang culture. The so-called "wannabe" is merely one who has,
at that stage of development, a low level of commitment. He is learning; feeling his way around, and
exploring what the culture is about while determining his role within it. If, however, that initial
involvement is not addressed at the earliest opportunity, then that involvement will increase, the
commitment will strengthen, the mentality will harden and become more refined, and the so-called
"wannabe" is "gonnabe" a hardcore drive-by shooter wrecking havoc on the community.
#3--All youth wearing baggy clothing (i.e., oversized pants which sag in the seat
revealing underwear) and who sport colored (usually blue and red) bandanas on their heads
are involved in the gang culture!
False--Identifying a youth as a gang member solely on the basis of the wearing of baggy
clothing is wrong and should not be indulged in by responsible citizens. The
wearing of such clothing can be an indicator of "possible" gang affiliation (especially if the
individual has not previously worn clothing in this manner and suddenly begins doing so), but in and
of itself should not be used to determine involvement with the gang culture. This style of clothing
is popular among today's youth (it can be purchased off the rack at nationally known clothing stores)
and has roots in the socio-economic climate of the hispanic migration to America from Mexico
shortly after the turn of the century. Falsely categorizing a youth as a gang member on the sole basis
of clothing can, and has, improperly inflamed community paranoia regarding the threat posed by the
presence of gangs.
Although young people wearing the popular clothing style of today should not be arbi-
trarily labeled as gang members on that basis alone, sporting that fashion can be misinterpreted by
bonafide gang members as being an indication of gang affiliation. It is therefore important to
recognize that this false labeling occurs on both sides of the law. Because of this the wearing of
baggy clothing can place an individual who is not attached to the gang culture at risk of being falsely
labeled as a gangster and thus put him(her) in a precarious and untenable position.
#4--Gangs in Utah are "organized" with ties to traditional organized crime
(i.e., Mafia)!
False--Traditional organized crime has a social hierarchy of leadership and strives to
assimilate within the framework of the greater society. Towards this end they seek to legiti- mize
themselves in terms of their outward appearance (i.e., dress/mannerisms) and social inter- action
with mainstream society. Criminal street gangs in Utah do not exist in a structured social hierarchy.
There is no single figure within these gangs who exercises total authority to determine plans of
operation and institute disciplinary measures. Where traditional organized crime figures strive to
assimilate into the mainstream, street gang members pride themselves on existing outside the rules
of proprietary mainstream acceptance.
#5--Crips and Bloods are "organized criminal cartels!"
False--There is no such thing as a "Crip organization" or a "Blood organization." The names
Crip and Blood represent an "umbrella" grouping of loose confederations that share like-minded
distinctions (such as "colors") but who are independent of one another. There is no formal
leadership structure and in spite of mutual alignment under one or the other umbrella, inter-gang
violence can (and frequently does) occur, especially among Crips.
#6--All gang members use drugs and are actively involved in the distribution
of drugs!
False--The substance most abused by Utah gang members is alcohol followed by marijuana.
Some gang members do, in fact, sell drugs but such activity is of a personal nature and not part and
parcel to the entire gang membership. In such cases the drug dealing is self-serving in nature, in that
the profits are maintained by the member selling the drugs and are not subject to further distribution
within the gang as a collective whole. There are instances in which the two lines of activity--drug
dealing and gang involvement--intersect, however as a general rule they are totally separate and
distinct issues: Drug dealers occasionally come from the ranks of gangs, however, one
does not join a gang in order to deal drugs!
#7--Gang members in Utah are satanically inspired!
False--Utah gang members, as is the general case throughout the country, tend to come from
a strong religious background. Hispanic gang members tend to have a strong spiritual foundation
based on their upbringing within the Catholic Church. Black gang members tend to have strong
spiritual roots based on their growing up in the traditions of the Black churches. Polynesian and
(some) white gang members have strong religious ties to the LDS Church. In many cases some of
the latter have been part of the church's missionary program. Ironically, when questioned as to the
incongruous nature of this background with their current life choices, LDS affiliated gang members
have expressed to the author a strong abiding belief in the doctrine of their church; however, they
insist that Sunday is reserved for worship while the remainder of the week is reserved for their
"gangbanging" activities (see pp 33-35).
#8--Laws regulating the purchase of firearms need to be strengthened to
reduce and/or prevent gang members from obtaining and using them in gang related
violence!
False--Gang violence involving firearms is not attributable to existing laws regulating their
purchase. Gang members in Utah are not legally purchasing firearms and then turning around and
using them in drive-by shootings, et. al. They are, in fact, obtaining them illegally through
burglaries, thefts, bartering, and illegal purchasing through the so-called "black market." Reacting
through the spate of gang violence involving firearms results in a collective call for the modification
of existing laws and increased penalties for the possession and/or sale of certain caliber (i.e., assault
weapons) firearms. The histrionics of such a reaction fail to take into account that the emphasis on
assault weapons ignores the fact that the overwhelming majority of gang related firearm offenses
involves small caliber weapons. This fact was noted by Sgt. Wes McBride (Los Angeles Sheriff's
Department), one of the foremost law enforcement authorities on the culture of criminal street gangs,
a nationally reknowned author and consultant on gang issues, and President of the California Gang
Investigators Association. Sgt. McBride has cited statistics in his jurisdiction which indicate
approximately 93% of gang related homicides involves firearms, of which approximately 76% were
from small caliber handguns, with only approximately 6% involving assault weapons.
#9--The prevalence of street gangs and youth violence is the direct result of the
breakdown in the family structure and the absence of "traditional family values!"
True & False--This popularly held notion is true in the sense that there is an obvious
breakdown in the traditional family structure throughout the country, especially among the minority
community. This notion, however, is false in the sense that in Utah the stereotype of a gang member
(i.e., minority, from a low income/welfare family, absentee father or a lack of any other male role
model, et. al.) does not always hold true. Many Utah gang members come from a strong nuclear
family and have been brought up in an atmosphere in which the concepts embodying "traditional
family values" has been a bedrock of their moral schooling. In spite of the inculcation of a moral
sense of right and wrong, these youth still succumb to the alluring temptation to profess allegiance
to the gang culture.
Determining the context of "traditional family values" is ambiguous at best. Utah, like the
greater American society, is a cacophony of people with diverse traditions and beliefs. The
universiality of select traditions and beliefs can (and should) be embraced, however, those that are
foreign should not necessarily be deemed as wrong. What one group accepts as "traditional" another
might view as an abomination. It is therefore imperative that cultural diversity be
embraced, and its many subtle nuances be understood to the fullest extent possible.
#10--The solution to the gang problem is increased law enforcement and more
severe penalties for those convicted of gang related crimes!
False--The culture of street gangs, its proliferation and emergence as an icon for youth to
embrace, is in many respects more a reflection of a great social malaise and indifference to human
plight than it is of criminality. The culture originates from an alienated and disenfran- chised
segment of the American population. Through no fault of their own, except the circum- stance of
birth, they are forced to live under the weight of socio-economic poverty. In attempting to cope with
their station in life they strive to achieve the "American Dream" with the limited resources available
to them. Too often, though, their coping mechanism finds salvation through embrace of the gang
culture.
The natural response to the criminality which follows such embrace is to increase the police
presence on the street, make more arrests, and send more gangsters to jail for longer periods of time.
The outcry from a frightened and concerned public demands this "get tough" approach and the
official response is to acquiesce to their demands. This short-term solution serves everyone's need.
The public fears are allayed and the law enforcement community can cite a host of statistics to
support their position of having responded to those fears in a forthright, aggressive manner.
At this point the corrections system enters the picture. Acting on judicial mandates regarding
inmate population, corrections officials, in complying with the mandates are forced to refuse certain
crime categories as acceptable reasons for incarceration. In some cases inmates are given early
releases so that compliance with the mandates can be maintained and room made to incarcerate a
new crop of offenders. At each step along this process each group can maintain their response was
appropriate and justify why they cannot do more towards addressing their constituent's needs.
Affixing blame in this too often played out scenario usually leaves the judiciary portrayed as the
ultimate "culprit."
This patterned response is a self-defeating never-ending circle. If aggressive law
enforcement alone was the solution to the problem, then the street gang culture would not be
growing exponentially all across the country. In some areas this problem and patterned
response has been going on for decades without abatement. It accomplishes nothing except to
demonize and criminalize a segment of the population, thus adding to the public's concern, without
truly solving the problem. In order to break this pattern of response, it is first necessary to break the
cycle of dependence which created the problem in the first place. That can only be accomplished
through prevention/intervention programs.
The law enforcement role is vital in the effort to diminish the effect of criminal
street gang activity. It should never be minimalized. It should, however, be a component
which works in conjunction with prevention efforts to break the cycle of development into the
gangster mentality and ultimate acceptance of the gang culture as a viable alternative lifestyle,
thereby diminishing the influence which the culture can have on those susceptible to its allure.
There must be a proper balance between the two.
Regional Survey on Gang Membership and Response Efforts along the Wasatch Front
Salt Lake County
The Salt Lake Area Gang Project was the first multi-jurisdictional gang suppression and
diversion unit in the State of Utah. Its concept has set the tone by which all other law enforce- ment
anti-gang response efforts across the state have been patterned after. From the start the Project was
unique in that it sought to meld the efforts of law enforcement with the community in one of the first
examples of what has come to be known as "community oriented policing." Its focus was on being
"proactive" to the rising gang issue through aggressive intelligence collection and dissemination to
the law enforcement community, and through an array of public awareness forums. In addition to
the necessary law enforcement efforts to curtail gang involved street crime, the Project attempted to
divert gang involved youth from spiraling deeper into the noxious black hole of gang culture by
directing them into counseling and recreational programs as well as job placement assistance. One
such diversion program is the tattoo removal efforts of the University of Utah hospital staff.
The wearing of gang tattoos signifies the personal committment an individual has towards
the gang culture. A key element in any attempt to escape the clutches of the gang culture is the
ability to disassociate from all tangible links to its influence. Gang related tattoos are among the
most visible indicators of that connection. For the gang member seeking to integrate back into the
flow of mainstream society, finding a comfort level in an already difficult transition is made doubly
so by virtue of the tattoos which announce his(her) link to an "outlaw" society. According to many
gang members throughout the state and country who have been interviewed by the author, the ever-present visibility of their gang tattoos impedes the development of a positive self-esteem outside of
the gang culture.
In an effort to aid such individuals in redirecting their negative energy and to provide a means
to stem the tide of violence in the community, members of the University Hospital staff agreed to
lend their services in the removal of gang tattoos. This laser procedure is initiated at the
recommendation of Project officials at no cost to the individual or his(her) family.
Unfortunately the initial effectiveness of the Gang Project's efforts helped to spread the
culture of gangs from the confines of Salt Lake City to the surrounding areas of the county and,
eventually, outside of the county to other areas along the Wasatch Front. This was due, in part, to
the fact that there were no other efforts in place in those areas to address the phenomenon of gangs
then manifesting itself in the region. Displacement such as this is not unique in terms of certain
crime patterns (i.e., prostitution). Aggressive enforcement naturally forces those committing the
offense to relocate to an area and environment they perceive as being safer for them to ply their
illegal trade. Thus an area that does not have an enforcement effort in place (or one that is limited
by manpower/budget constraints) will prove to be more attractive and experience a boon in criminal
activity. This point was key to the public awareness efforts on the part of Project Investigators: to
awaken the populace as to a growing problem and to induce initiation of a program (or programs)
to address the issue before it became deeply entrenched in the community. Unfortunately this caveat
was not heeded until that entrenchment was firmly in place.
The Salt Lake Area Gang Project states they have identified 288 gangs with at least one (1)
documented member. Of these the following are considered to be the most criminally active, and
range in size from 5 members to 276 members:
In their federal grant application for FY 95-96, the Salt Lake Area Gang Project cited the
ratio of the county's racial/ethnic population to that of the gang population as follows:
Utah County
The seed for the Utah County anti-gang response effort was first planted in November, 1989
by former Orem Police Chief Ted Peacock. In response to graffiti appearing in his city, Chief
Peacock, acting on the recommendation of the Utah Division of Investigations, took the bold step
of assigning a small group of his officers to a newly designated gang squad. Though temporary, the
squad's full-time focus was on the emerging gang presence in the City of Orem.
During this same period of time gang members from Salt Lake County were making their
presence felt in Provo via the night club scene, especially on Wednesday "Ladies Night." Some of
these Salt Lake County gang members were transplants from Southern California.
In 1991 Utah County formed a Gang Task Force. This was a volunteer ad-hoc committee
designed to bring all aspects of the community (law enforcement, corrections, judiciary, and schools)
together in suppression/prevention efforts. The task force now includes representatives of the
business and minority communities.
The initiative shown by Chief Peacock was subsequently followed up on by the Utah County
Sheriff's Office. In 1992 the Utah County Chiefs of Police voted to support Sheriff Dave Bateman's
grant application to address the rising gang presence in the county. On July 1, 1993 the application
was approved and the Utah County Gang Project (UCGP) was born. The UCGP serves as the central
repository for gang information from the various municipalities in the county. Its cornerstone is the
Gang Specialists Group.
Each Utah County law enforcement agency has designated one or more of its officers to be
a "Gang Specialist." The Gang Specialist is responsible for the collection and dissemination of gang
information in his respective jurisdiction, as well as providing the necessary training within the
community to maintain awareness and focus on the issues.
There are currently approximately 25 Gang Specialists to address the 34 identified active
gangs in Utah County. These gangs combined have approximately 250 members. Crimes involving
these individuals include drug offenses, vandalism (graffiti), burglary, and theft. Firearms have, on
occasion, played a significant role in their criminal activities. The Utah County gang culture is
impacted by the relocation of Californians (Compton, Fontana, and San Bernardino County). The
single recommendation Utah County Gang Project officials would make to address the issue of
criminal street gangs would be to "STOP DENYING THE PROBLEM!"
Weber County
The gang presence in Weber County was first brought to the attention of law enforcement
in June, 1987. The Ogden Police Department received notification from the Los Angeles Police
Department that Crip gang members were migrating to the Salt Lake City-Ogden area for the purpose
of selling crack cocaine and stolen firearms. The next 18 months saw Utah law enforcement officials
engaged in several criminal investigations involving California Crip and Blood gang members.
In March, 1989 the arrest of a San Bernardino, California Crip by State of Utah and Ogden
narcotics investigators revealed that a cocaine distribution network he was involved with was
responsible for bringing in 1-2 kilos (approximately 2-4 pounds) of cocaine into the Wasatch Front
every 2-3 weeks. It was later learned this network was a major supplier to the Milwaukee,
Wisconsin area which, from the months of November, 1987 to May, 1988, brought in approximately
50 kilos (110 pounds).
All of these investigative efforts to address criminal activity by gangs in Weber County
focused strictly on their involvement in the drug trade. A concerted effort to simply address their
overall presence did not begin until July, 1992. Under the auspices of the Ogden Police Department
a federal grant was obtained creating the WEBER-DAVIS GANG PROJECT.
Since 1992-93 the Ogden Police Department has identified the presence of 62 criminal street
gangs of which 10 are currently criminally active. The demographics of the individuals involved are
as follows:
The crimes most commonly committed by these individuals include aggravated and simple
assaults, graffiti, and drive-by shootings. Weapons are seen as an issue of significant concern with
.22, .25, and 9mm being the most frequently used calibers (knives and screwdrivers were also listed).
Ogden police officials see outside influence as being a significant factor in their gang climate.
That influence is from California and Mexico. They cite their 18th Street gang (with some members
from California) as an example of this. The single recommendation they would make to address the
issue of gangs would be to have "increased education of non-English speaking immigrants to include
adult family members as well as school age children."
The South Ogden Police Department acknowledges a gang problem in their community
which results from racial/ethnic/cultural differences. They identify the majority of those involved
as males with a mixed racial/ethnic breakdown. The most commonly committed crimes are
vandalism (graffiti) and assaults. Weapons are not yet seen as a significant problem.
South Ogden police officials view outside influence as playing a major role in their particular
problems. That influence stems from California transplants. The single recommen- dation they
would make to address the issue of gangs would be to have "...the same multi-agency emphasis that
drugs have received."
The Pleasant View Police Department acknowledges an emerging gang problem in their
community that revolves around issues of turf and territory. The individuals involved are between
8-22 years of age. Their racial/ethnic background is described as white, black, and hispanic. Crimes
most commonly committed by these individuals include burglary, theft, and criminal mischief.
Firearms, seen as playing a significant part in the commission of these crimes, include .22, 9mm, and
30-30 caliber. Los Angeles is seen as the source of outside influence impacting gang activity in the
City of Pleasant View. Their single recommendation to address the issue would be to have "more
trained officers."
The Roy City Police Department reports having 13 gangs with a membership of
approximately 50-75. Their ages range between 10-25 with a gender breakdown of approximately
85% male and 15% female.?
Gang activity in Roy City is seen as being the result of turf/territory disputes, racial/
ethnic/cultural differences, and drugs. Involvement with drugs is seen as being an immediate source
of income for individual gang members rather than from the standpoint of being a major distribution
source. The racial/ethnic heritage of these individuals is mixed in that the gangs themselves are
hybrid in nature. No single race or ethnic heritage dominates Roy City gangs.
Crimes involving Roy City gang members include criminal mischief, assaults, and theft. The
weapons most often used in these incidents are knives and screwdrivers, though there have been
some cases in which small caliber (.22, .380) firearms were used.
Outside influences contributing to the Roy City gang problem include out-of-state students
attached to the Clearfield Job Corps and military dependants from Hill Air Force Base. Those
outside influences have origins in California and Colorado. Roy City police officials point out,
though, that within the last 18-24 months their gang problems have primarily involved local youth.
The single recommendation they would make to address the issue would be to "start intervention in
elementary school (2nd-3rd grade)."
The Washington Terrace Police Department acknowledges having a gang problem in their
community that revolves around turf/territory disputes. They have identified 35 juvenile gang
members of which 18 are males and 17 females. Their racial/ethnic makeup is listed as white and
hispanic. Criminal mischief and simple assault are cited as the crimes most frequently committed
by these individuals. Weapons are not yet seen as playing a significant role in gang criminality.
Though out-of-state influence was cited as slight (in terms of impacting the local gang climate),
California was emphatically cited as the source of that influence. The single recommendation
Washington Terrace police officials would make to address the issue of gangs in their community
would be to have "tougher laws and penalties for gang crimes [and] minimum mandatory sentencing
to deter crimes."
Davis County
The Davis County law enforcement response to the presence of criminal street gangs
officially began in July, 1992 with the creation of the federally funded Weber-Davis Gang Project
(under the auspices of the Ogden Police Department). Law enforcement agencies in Davis County
joined in the multi-jurisdictional aspect of the Ogden grant through signatory letters of support.
There was, however, no Davis County manpower allocated solely towards the gang issue.
Unofficially the Davis County law enforcement response began in 1990 when officers from
the Davis County Sheriff's Office and Layton Police Department began noticing various indicators
of an emerging presence in the county. They respectively began an informal process of tracking and
documenting this presence. In late 1993, following the recommendation of the Utah Division of
Investigations, the Davis County Sheriff formally assigned a deputy as a full-time gang investigator.
Shortly thereafter the Layton Police Department followed suit. In 1994, under the leadership of the
Layton P.D., other Davis County law enforcement agencies designated officers as part-time gang
investigators and an informal DAVIS METRO GANG UNIT was born. This effort has been
supported by Special Agents of the Office of Special Investigations (OSI) at Hill Air Force Base.
The exponential increase of gang membership in Davis County can easily be seen when
viewed on a yearly basis: The Layton P.D. grant application was subsequently approved for funding in the amount of
approximately $86,000. Unfortunately due to budgetary problems the required matching funds were
not able to be secured and the grant funding was not able to be accepted. There are plans to resubmit
the grant for consideration once the budget issues can be resolved. The single recommendation
Davis Metro Gang Unit officials would make to address the issue of criminal street gangs is to start
prevention/intervention efforts at a younger age. In addition they feel the need to get all "police
chiefs, city councils, and elected officials dealing with this problem on a high basis."
Hill Air Force Base
Hill Air Force Base experiences gang problems, in part, due to resident dependants of base
personnel (though there have been active duty Air Force personnel claiming gang affili-
ation). Problems also arise, in spite of the "protective environment" of a military installation, with
off-base gang members who frequent the installation for social activities. Virtually all gang related
crimes experienced off-base have also occurred on the facility. Base law enforcement officials
frequently interact with their civilian counterparts to curb gang activity on-base and throughout the
surrounding communities.
Beaver County
The Beaver County Sheriff's Department does not feel a gang problem exists within their
jurisdiction.
Box Elder County
Brigham City Police Department officials feel they have an emerging gang problem in the
community that is drug oriented. Though they do not identify any particular gang(s) plaguing the
community, these officials nonetheless place the age range of their gang involved youth at 11-20.
Further statistical breakdown reveals the following:
Brigham City police officials feel that the youth in their community subscribing to the culture
of criminal street gangs are being influenced as a direct result of transplants from the Los Angeles
area. They feel that much in the way of intent behind relocating to the area lies in the strong desire
for individuals and/or their families to escape the southern California gang climate, thereby removing
themselves from harm's way in terms of existence in the more volatile Los Angeles street scene.
On a final note, Brigham City police officials offer the recommendation that small
communities readily acknowledge that gangs do exist in their midst. This existence creates a
problem by placing citizens in a very vulnerable position.
The Tremonton Police Department acknowledges an emerging problem with gang related
activity in their city. Criminal mischief is cited as the most commonly committed gang related
crime. They, too, cite a California influence (drug oriented) as a major contributor to their particular
problems.
Cache County
In 1994 the Logan Police Department applied for and received a grant in the amount of
approximately $25,000. Their application was in response to area youth beginning to express
themselves in terms of gang culture. Prior to 1992 they did not experience any criminal incidents
that warranted classification as "gang related." In 1993, however, 15 such incidents were reported,
escalating to 41 in 1994 (NOTE--Utah State University Police Department reported investigating 17
incidents with gang overtones since July, 1995). The purpose of their grant was to fund a full time
position to conduct educational/awareness training in the community in an effort to stem the onset
of a full blown gang presence.
Logan authorities attribute much in the way of their particular gang presence to the influence
of Wasatch Front youth who occasionally frequent the area. Some of these young people are in the
Cache Valley as a result of placement within group, foster, or single parent homes. One such
individual was a Weber County gang member who had been involved in a drive-by shooting in the
Ogden area prior to arriving in the Cache Valley. In other cases that outside influence stems from
transplanted southern Californians. Logan police officials indicate they have had at least one
encounter with an 18th Street gang member from the Los Angeles area.
Logan police currently recognize 33 individuals between the ages of 14-21 who are
expressing themselves via the gang culture. They do not, however, recognize or acknowledge any
gangs currently existing within the City of Logan. The statistical breakdown on these individuals
are as follows:
The Cache County Sheriff's Office acknowledges an emerging gang problem within the
Cache Valley. They feel this problem is fueled by racial/ethnic/cultural differences among the youth
in the community. The problem, as they see it, involves mostly Hispanic and Tongan youth, but also
includes whites and Asians. Burglary and theft are the primary crimes being committed by these
individuals. As in the case of the Logan Police Department, the Sheriff's Office sees a great portion
of their problems as being the direct result of out-of-county/out-of-state relocation of individuals
and/or families, especially from southern California. In particular they cite the influence associated
with youth involved in the area's Proctor Home Program.
In terms of community involvement to address this issue, Cache County officials cite the
Cache Valley Options for Youth program. This grassroots program was the 1995 recipient of a
$5,000 grant to fund a part-time community mobilization coordinator to assist in community gang
prevention education training. In addition the community coordinator will plan conferences on peer
mediation and conflict resolution, and help implement a mentoring program throughout the Cache
Valley.
Carbon County
The Price Police Department does not acknowledge the existence of an actual gang problem,
but feels "the potential is there if the right 'leaders' come along." They do acknowledge some
"pseudo" attempts at forming gangs, but feel the individuals involved do not know what they are
doing. The problems affecting the community because of these "pseudo" attempts include tagger
graffiti, criminal mischief, and peer intimidation. The demographic breakdown of those committing
these offenses are males in the 14 year old age range. Although they cite the race/ethnicity of these
individuals as being "mixed," police officials, nonetheless, point out that they mostly seem to be
hispanic. Weapons do not yet seem to be a problem within the community.
These officials feel that a strong outside influence in this area could have serious
repercussions for the community. As an example of this outside influence, they cite those
individuals or families who relocate from a negative environment and thereby bring that negativism
to the City of Price. It is interesting to note that the Wasatch Front is cited by these officials as being
an example of outside negative influence on their youth. The single recommendation they would
make to alleviate this problem would be to discontinue state and federal programs that import this
negative element into their community.
Police officials with the College of Eastern Utah acknowledge they are experiencing an
emerging problem with gangs that is turf/territory oriented. They cite the racial/ethnic heritage of
those involved as being white and hispanic. Crimes most commonly committed by these individuals
involve graffiti and weapons offenses (i.e., handguns). They emphasize that most of the problems
they experience on campus that can be classified as gang related are primarily due to students from
the nearby high school and middle school. The single recommendation they would make to address
the issue of gangs would be to "ACT NOW!"
Duchesne County
The Roosevelt City Police Department acknowledges an emerging problem with gangs that
revolves around issues of race, ethnic, and cultural differences. The individuals involved range in
age from 13-30's with the following demographic breakdown:
Emery County
Emery County Sheriff's officials acknowledge an emerging gang problem within their
jurisdiction. Those individuals contributing to this problem are described as mostly white or
hispanic males. Vandalism is listed as the most commonly committed crime while weapons are not
seen as playing a significant role.
These officials see their particular problems as being a direct result of outside relocation to
remove children from the hostile environment of heavy laden gang communities. The single
recommendation they would make to address the issue of gangs would be to "stay ahead with
prevention programs."
Kane County
The Kanab City Police Department does not feel they have a problem with gangs in their
area.
The Kane County Sheriff's Department does not feel they have a problem with gangs in the
traditional sense (i.e., Blood vs Crip, People vs Folk, Surenos vs Nortenos, etc.), but do acknowledge
conflicts among area youth that revolve around racial/ethnic/cultural differences. The individuals
involved range in age from 12-24. The gender breakdown is 90% male and 10% female. They cite
the most commonly committed crime by these individuals as being assaults, though they do not yet
perceive weapons as playing a significant role. They, too, cite an outside influence from California
gang members moving to the county and interacting with local youth. The single recommendation
they would make to address the issue of criminal street gangs is to "make parents responsible for
juvenile activities."
San Juan County
Sevier County
The Richfield City Police Department acknowledges a problem with gangs that first emerged
approximately 2 years ago. It involves mostly white males (and a couple of blacks). Crimes
involving these individuals include assaults, shoplifting, curfew violations, and illegal use of alcohol
and tobacco.
Richfield City police officials feel that outside influences have little effect on their particular
problems. What they do have, however, they attribute to a California (most recently Arizona) origin.
The single recommendation they would make to address the issue of gangs is that they "need
additional officers and training to deal with the problem."
Uintah County
In the summer of 1990 Uintah County youth began expressing themselves in terms of gang
culture. Some of this expression was in the form of graffiti representing Wasatch Front based gangs.
Approximately one year later Uintah County law enforcement officials identified their first "home
grown" gang. WEST SIDE consisted of approximately ten 10 year olds whose criminal activity was
in the form of graffiti and bicycle thefts.
In 1993 a gang emerged using the name VICELORDS. This is the name of a major
midwestern gang which is a part of the PEOPLE alliance. Uintah County authorities later learned
their Vicelords gang began following the incarceration of one of their local youth in the Decker Lake
Youth Facility in Salt Lake City. While incarcerated the Uintah County youth came under the
influence of a Chicago transplant who provided the necessary education for a Vicelord faction to
later emerge in the county. Toward the end of the year a second gang appeared using the name
DUCE CRIPS or ACE DUCE CRIPS. Uintah County authorities determined this gang started as
a result of two sibling transplants from Texas. The arrival of the Duce Crips created a new issue of
concern for Uintah County officials--confrontational gang rivalry. In addition to graffiti, such
encounters resulted in assaults, aggravated assaults, and one attempted homicide.
The impact of this contentious rivalry was such that Uintah County authorities learned that
an entire neighborhood lived in fear of the Duce Crips. It was reported that this sense of fear made
the residents feel like prisoners in their own homes (NOTE--as early as 1989, a similar feeling was
expressed by westside Salt Lake City residents). Perhaps the true measure of this rivalry can be seen
in the context of the extreme to which one of these groups was willing to go to achieve superiority:
Vicelords began building bombs for use against the Duce Crips.
The 1994 conviction and subsequent incarceration at the Utah State Penitentiary of one of
the Vicelords involved in the bomb scheme led to a demise in their activity. Two siblings of this
individual, also Vicelords members, relocated to the Ogden area thus transplanting a potential
problem to a place already embroiled with its own brand of criminal street gang violence. In the Fall,
1995 one of these siblings, considered by Uintah County gang investi- gators to be the founder of
the Vicelords gang, was found dead in Salt Lake County. His death was believed to be gang/drug
related.
Incarceration of an influential Duce Crips member eventually led to a demise in their activity
as well.
In early 1995 Uintah County law enforcement officials began experiencing drastic increases
in gang related criminal activity. The crimes involved were graffiti, burglary, vehicle theft (joy
riding), drug distribution/usage, alcohol related offenses, bombings, and drive-by shootings
(aggravated assaults). At that time they had identified approximately 117 gang members plus an
additional 43 that they felt were attempting to become involved in gangs. The individuals fueling
this surge were from Los Angeles, Chicago, Denver, and Salt Lake City. During the spring and
summer months Uintah County authorities noted the development of gang activity among members
of the Ute Indian Tribe. Uintah County and Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) law enforcement
officials believe that perhaps as much as 200 young Ute tribal members are subscribing to the gang
culture. The following are known gangs involving Ute tribal members:
18th STREET 21st STREET 38th STREET SURENOS QVO
DIAMOND STREET WHITEROCKS CRIPS WHITEROCKS BLOODS
Some of these gangs (21st & 38th Street, Surenos, QVO, and Diamond Street) have long
been a part of the Wasatch Front gang scene. The 18th Street gang has its origins in Los Angeles,
California (where it reportedly is the largest street gang in Los Angeles County with a membership
totaling approximately 12,000). The California influence is believed to exist as a result of young Ute
tribal members who attend the Sherman Institute, a Native American training school located in
Riverside, California. Other out-of-state influence among Ute tribal members is attributed to their
attendance at boarding schools in the state of Oklahoma.
In response to the proliferation of gangs in Uintah County, law enforcement officials, under
the auspices of the Uintah County Sheriff's Department, applied for and received a $30,000 grant to
fund the UINTAH BASIN GANG UNIT. The unit's efforts have thus far determined the following
statistical data base:
Wasatch County
The Heber City Police Department acknowledges an emerging gang problem in the
community that revolves around drugs. Females account for the majority of gang involved youth
in the area. The racial/ethnic breakdown is dominated by whites and Hispanics. Drug offenses are
listed as the most commonly committed crime with weapons not yet playing a significant role.
Mexico is cited as the origin of outside influences impacting the area where street gangs are
concerned. Once again this is attributed to family relocation to improve upon personal living
conditions. The single recommendation these officials would make to address the issue of criminal
street gangs would be to "have more activities at a later hour to remove them off the streets."
The Wasatch County Sheriff's Office acknowledges an emerging problem with gangs that
centers along racial/ethnic/cultural differences. The individuals involved are primarily white and
hispanic males. The most commonly committed crimes involving these individuals are drug
offenses and assaults. Weapons do not yet play a significant role in the commission of these
offenses. There is a heavy influence from the families of hispanic migrant workers who relocate
from outside the state. The single recommendation these officials would make to address the issue
of criminal street gangs would be to "provide us with the manpower and resources to insure that the
gang problem is dealt with and doesn't get any larger."
Based on the information received from those police officials who responded to the UDI
questionnaire (see appendix), an overwhelming majority acknowledged the presence of gangs or an
emerging gang culture in their respective communities. This is significant in that denial of the
problem is still strong in many areas of the state, especially among rural Utahns. Many of the
respondent officials are rural Utahns and thus their positive response represents a major shift in
thinking. In order to effectively address a problem, you must first understand all aspects of it and
how it directly impacts you (or your community). These respondents, for the most part, now seem
to have a firmer grasp of the problem and accept the fact that it has a direct bearing on the quality
of life in their communities. They now seek a means to effectively address the issue. In spite of this,
the understanding on the part of many of the respondents appears to be incongruous at best. That
is indicated by their response to the first three questions.
For example, several respondents indicated they did not have a gang problem (question #1),
yet cited a specific problem (question #2) which they attributed to gang members. One stated they
had identified gang members living in the community who were committing crimes, but insisted they
had no actual gangs in the community. This discrepancy was justified, according to the respondent,
based on his understanding of the criteria used to identify individuals as gang members and groups
as gangs. In his opinion the gang members in his community were "wannabes" (see Gang Myth #2-p. 6) and therefore their bonding as a group did not warrant them being identified as a gang.
This respondent's reasoning is not unique, although it is not as commonplace as it once was.
It can indicate a lack of training and/or understanding of the criteria (question #3); or it can be
indicative of a reluctance to address the issue in a major way, preferring instead to deal with it in a
low-key manner so as not to arouse community concerns. This latter approach has, on occasion,
been cited by some law enforcement officials.
The criteria used by the Salt Lake Area Gang Project to identify individuals as gang members
and groups as gangs is the standard used by grant funded gang units around the state (and by a
handful of the respondents not receiving grant funds). That criteria is virtually identical to the one
recommended in the November, 1994 "Street Gang Symposium" report (see Appendix--page #2) to
be the national standard (Note--The term "wannabe" was also cited in this report as being one that
has been "...used to deny the existence of street gangs in particular areas [and]...should not be used
to describe any individual in connection with street gang activity or the street gang culture."). That
criteria is as follows:
* Group has a name (commonly identified along with symbols or hand signs)
* Group claims turf, territory, neighborhood, or criminal enterprise
* Associate internally (consistently together)
* Involved in "criminal activity"
It should be emphasized that it is incumbent upon every citizen of this state--from
professionals involved in addressing the gang issue to the lay person--to avoid the temptation to label
an individual as a gang member or a group as a gang on the sole basis of self-admission or internal
association. These two aspects of the criteria should be thoroughly assessed before a final
determination of gang involvement is established. If one has a firm understanding of 1990's
American youth culture this reasoning is quite simple.
Although in many communities (most notably within the inner-cities) membership in a gang
is a cultural legacy, a given based on a family's past, upbringing, and social environment; in other
areas it has become the "in" thing to do and/or identify with for young people. As a result informal
fraternities have been formed under the heading of common interests and/or time spent together.
These informal fraternities frequently adopt common identifiers to reference themselves--cliques,
crews, posses, tribes, et.al. They tend to identify one another by the universal "homie." Their origins
are relatively innocent in nature with no nefarious scheme to victimize society as their galvanizing
point of reference. As an example of this, members of a weekly bowling team could be a "posse."
Friends who get together on weekends to play basket- ball or members of a car club could be a
"crew." Or, a Greek fraternity or sorority at the local university could be a "clique." The common
thread of the particular group association--bowling, basketball, etc.--is what binds them together.
As described by author Donna Gaines in her book, Teenage Wasteland: Suburban's Dead End
Kids:
From the perspective of many of Utah's gang involved youth, their evolution from an
innocent posse into a gang was prompted by the community's insistence on branding them with that
label (see "Gangs in Utah..." report, pp. 2-3). Where the self-admission and internal
association criteria for establishing an individual as a gang member or a group as a gang is
concerned, it is imperative that these two areas be thoroughly solidified before the label is
attached. Failure to do so could (and has) result in a self-fulfilling prophecy causing the
expansion of criminal street gang culture.
The ages for gang involvement cited by the respondents ranged from 8-35. The
overwhelming majority are males, however, female involvement in the gang culture is steadily
increasing, not only in Utah but throughout the country. Female gang members should never be
taken lightly simply because of their gender. In many cases they are more of a threat than their male
counterparts because their gender is used to benefit the gang by lowering the threat level perception
among males (including police, who carry the age-old virtue of respect towards womanhood and thus
tend to treat them with more gentle reserve). For this reason females involved in the gang culture
have been used to gain the confidence of rival gang members, as well as for concealment of weapons
and contraband.
In terms of the general family structure among gang members (question #7), the few
respondents who answered this question seemed to agree that the gang members they dealt with were
from lower income families (one respondent cited middle-class income as well), with low levels of
education, and with a recurring history of involvement in the criminal justice system.
One respondent cited a single parent family structure, which is not unusual, but is not
necessarily the norm in Utah (see Gang Myth #9). The author is familiar with Salt Lake County gang
members who come from strong "traditional" family households where the income level is six
figures. This merely serves to emphasize the fact that gangs and their impact on society recognizes
no boundaries limiting their influence.
As seen throughout this report, crimes involving gang members run the gamut. In some areas
of the state misdemeanor violations of the laws pertaining to alcohol are viewed as major concerns
for the community. Graffiti crimes (vandalism) were reported by all of the respondents as a
community concern. In most areas of the state where a gang presence is recognized assaults have
become a fixture in the lifestyle of the youth in the community. Assaults, however have become
more violent with weapons controlling the outcome. This is not unique to Utah alone.
As a national presenter on street gang culture to law enforcement agencies, criminal justice
support organizations, civic groups, and the world of academia the author has had the opportunity
to interact with young people--gang members and non-gang members alike--who have expressed a
foreboding sense of danger in the day to day existence of their peer environ- ment. To their way of
thinking the climate of fear which engulfs them warrants the carrying of a firearm for "self-protection."
This perception was recently reinforced by a Louis Harris & Associates poll (the results of
which were reported nationally on January 12, 1996) of 2,023 students in grades 7-12. These youth
cited, among other things, the carrying of weapons and gang membership as a means of protection
out of fear of being victims of crime and violence. Living in such fear has prompted America's youth
to adapt their lives in order to cope with this "doomsday" view of reality.
Weaponry in the Utah gang scene (question #9) runs the gamut from knives and screwdrivers
to small caliber firearms (.22, .38, 9mms) to sawed-off shotguns and homemade bombs (in 1989
Molotov Cocktails--firebombs--were occasionally used in drive-by assaults by Salt Lake County
gang members).
Outside influence resulting from family relocation (questions #10 & 11) is seen as having
a major impact on the Utah gang scene. California (primarily Los Angeles) is by far viewed as the
major influential force affecting the Utah gang scene. Chicago is also seen as a problem but not to
the extent of California. Other areas of outside influence cited were Arizona and Texas (one
respondent each). Outside influence resulting from displaced offenders attending state/federal
vocational training schools (Job Corps) or treatment facilities (question #12) was cited by a couple
of respondents. Interestingly enough some of the respondents cited Salt Lake City as the outside
source influencing the gang presence in their communities.
The only areas in the state with a substantial anti-gang response effort (question #13) are the
counties of Cache, Davis, Salt Lake, Uintah, Utah, and Weber. With the exception of Davis County,
all of the others are recipients of grant funding (question #14). All of the efforts in these areas
combine some aspect of community mobilization programs with the law enforcement role. All law
enforcement efforts in these areas are generally on a full-time basis, supplemented (in some cases)
by part-time resources.
Community involvement (question #15) in this effort varies. The "community oriented
policing" concept was key to the initial success of the Gang Narcotics Intelligence Unit, and paved
the way for the community mobilization efforts later engineered by its successor, the Salt Lake Area
Gang Project.
With the exception of three respondents, all agreed that more in-state training on gangs
(question #16) was necessary. Two respondents chose not to comment on this issue, while one
simply stated, "If Wasatch Front problem was fixed we wouldn't have to worry."
The citizens of Utah have made great strides on the road to reclaiming their communities
from the negative and destructive influence of criminal street gangs. They have banded together in
great numbers to deny the hostile takeover of their lives by the youthful terrorism of gang violence.
In essence, they have emphatically stated their refusal to be held hostage by the fear which
accompanies a gang's efforts to dominate and control a territory and the people within it.
As previously stated in this report, criminal street gang membership is growing at an alarming
exponential rate. The street gang culture crosses all social boundaries and influences a cross-section
of American youth. As the number of its adherents increase, so too does the scope and effect of that
influence.
The author is often asked; "How can we stop gangs?" In 1994, one participant at the NDIC
Street Gang Symposium testified before the U.S. Senate Subcommittee On Juvenile Justice that
"...we will experience ten more years of gangs." He based this hypothesis on the following premise:
In a July, 1995 report on "The Evolution of Street Gangs," Lt. Mike McCort, an NDIC
participant and former supervisor of the Phoenix (Arizona) Police Department's gang unit, who was
temporarily assigned to the FBI's Operation Safe Streets program (for which this report was
prepared); described how "ethnic" gangs appeared on the scene following the arrival of foreign
immigrants to America. In successive waves Irish, Jewish, and Italian immigrants flowed to the land
of milk and honey in search of the "American Dream." Those that could not or would not seek a
means to that end legitimately, sought to do so illegitimately. Issues fueling their quest
were:
Addressing the gang issue from a more sociological perspective can be easily accom-plished
by simply expanding the direction of the routine line of questioning which occurs in the course of
police encounters with gang members. Addressing the gang issue from a more sociological
perspective is in keeping with the philosophy of the C.O.P. program and, as previously mentioned
in this report (see page #10), was the basis for the initial law enforcement response in 1989. It
encompasses closer interaction with the individuals involved, including innocent family members
who in many cases, through no fault of their own, become victims of gang crime by virtue of
association. It means staying in tune with the community's needs and concerns by understanding
their plight. It means personalizing them; and in so doing, learn to empathize with their social
condition. There must be a merging of the traditional law enforcement role with
the world of sociology if a long term, positive impact is to be realized.
A concern to Utahns should be the "good, clean, white" youth who eagerly embrace the
culture of street gangs. This phrase has frequently been used across the state by those who succumb
to the temptation to see the gang problem solely on the basis of minority involvement. Stereotyping
the problem in this manner relegates it to being an issue for "those" people rather than a concern of
"ours" because "our" children are not minorities (see gang myth #1). It should be noted that
throughout the history of Utah law enforcement's efforts to address the gang problem, some of the
more notorious gang related incidents have been at the hands of non-minority gang members. As
stated by the author in his Senate testimony:
Members of Straight Edge do not consider themselves to be gang members. In fact, they
maintain they are anti-gang, anti-drug, anti-alcohol, and anti-animal product use. Their path towards
realizing this philosophical agenda is through violent confrontations with those that stand in contrast
to their position.
The various religious denominations should somehow find a way to play a more active role
in turning the lives of Utah gang members around. From the beginning of the Salt Lake Area Gang
Project, the philosophy has been that the problems associated with street gangs are "community"
problems that should be addressed by all facets of the community: police, education, businesses,
neighborhood involvement, and religion. For too long the role of religion and/or spiritual faith has
been treated as sacrosanct in addressing the proliferation of the criminal street gang culture in Utah.
Utah's gang scene is unique in that the dominant religion plays such a significant part in the
lives of a substantial number of gang members. They do not simply pay lip service to it....they live
it! This is especially true among the Polynesian gang members, most notably the TONGAN CRIP
GANGSTERS.
Time and time again officers have encountered gang members who will profess their
allegiance to the doctrines of the LDS faith; but with an equally strong conviction, express their
adherence to the values of the gang culture. In many cases these individuals have been involved in
the church's missionary training program (Salt Lake Area Gang Project investigators have long been
in possession of photos taken at the Missionary Training Center on the campus of Brigham Young
University, showing missionaries-in-training displaying their gang hand signs). Some have
completed their mission (Several years ago the author confirmed the existence of a Blood gang in
Davis County which began following the return of an LDS missionary. His mission was served in
Compton, California, origin of the Blood gang. After completing his mission he returned to Davis
County, donned a red rag, declared himself an "O.G." [original gangster], and recruited new
members. Shortly thereafter his Blood gang began terrorizing youth in the community, including
drive-by shootings. The "O.G." was white.). The dichotomy of this existence--avid believer in and
student of religious scripture and ardent church attendee vs red and blue ragging, pants sagging,
drive-by shooting gang member--does not seem to pose a problem to these youth. They rationalize
it as a natural part of their existence. The author was once told by such a youth that he believed in
the doctrines of the LDS faith and would be in church every Sunday professing that belief. He stated
he intended to serve on a mission, but that did not preclude him from putting on his blue rag and
"gangbanging" with his "homies" (fellow gang members). He punctuated this statement with,
"Sunday is reserved for worshipping God; the rest of the week is reserved for gangbanging."
As expressed by Detective Isileli Tausinga, former Gang Investigator for the Salt Lake City
Police Department/Salt Lake Area Gang Project and the foremost law enforcement authority on
Polynesian gangs in Utah; "...nearly all [LDS] gang members believe in God." (3/12/95 Salt Lake
Tribune article: "Believing in God Doesn't Keep Kids Out of Gangs, Expert Says")
The LDS world must somehow find a way to appeal to the spiritual nature in these youth, to use their
devout faith as a means of reaching them in order to steer them away from the path of self-destruction.
This issue of religion as a means to counter the negative influence of criminal street gang
culture is by no means confined to the LDS Church and their young brood. The Catholic faith must
also bear some responsibility for their gang involved charges.
As previously mentioned in this report hispanic youth account for nearly half of the identified
gang members in Salt Lake County. In Brigham City the figure is approximately 75%, in Davis
County 30%, and in Logan 27%. There is a clear disproportion of hispanic youth
identifying with the gang culture in comparison to their overall population in the state. This
is a generational crisis that warrants further study and response. Alternative options
have to be made available to not only hispanic youth, but all youth, as a means of keeping them from
succumbing to the enticing, hypnotic lure of gang dependancy. Among these options should be
increased recreational outlets (especially for the younger gang member) and job opportunities (in
particular for the older gang members).
NOTE--Vocational training programs with lifelong career potential should be more
thoroughly explored by the business community. The author has spoken with countless gang
members in Utah and throughout the country and they tend to live in a different reality regarding jobs
than the rest of society. Gang members tend to shun the prospects for minimum wage fast food jobs,
preferring, instead, to make "big money" in some area that has potential for a career and that has
more dignity attached to it than "slinging hamburgers at McDonald's," (to quote from a commonly
repeated refrain used by these individuals). Their grasp of reality regarding the "legitimate"
workplace and the preparation required to achieve distinction in a particular field is so flawed that
they feel "big money" prospects should automatically be theirs. This line of reasoning is used by
them to justify their involvement in "illegitimate" business ventures such as drug dealing, et. al.
Taking orders at McDonald's is an affront to their sense of dignity--the sale of crack, etc., is not.
Therefore the "big money" prospect is eagerly embraced while the less dignified (but honest)
prospect is held in contempt.
For many young people involved in the gang culture "hustling" to survive has become a way
of life. They do not see it in a negative, parasitic light as perceived by the mainstream. They feel the
socio-political climate of this country has pushed them into a corner and like a trapped animal, they
resort to the most primal instincts in order to survive and, in their own way, conquer. Such
individuals feel fully justified in maintaining this lifestyle and accept the consequences of their
actions (i.e., incarceration and/or death) as a natural part of their existence. When these individuals
do seek to change their lifestyle and integrate with the mainstream flow, they find it difficult because
they are presented with options that have previously been foreign to their way of thinking and living.
The author is reminded of the 20 year old Venice Shoreline Crip (Los Angeles) who was
living in Salt Lake City and sought to leave his past behind and start anew. This young man had
been affiliated with his gang since the age of 10 and had been raised in a household centered around
the core values of the gang lifestyle. His mother and father, though separated, were both members
of the gang as were his brothers (one of which was in a California prison for homicide). This
individual had never worked in a "legitimate" job and his father had earned his way in life by selling
drugs.
The author was able to secure a job for this young man with a program specifically designed
to help such individuals. Problems arose, however, when this individual was unable to comprehend
the ways in which the job market compensates employee labor. He felt he was being taken
advantage of because the employer paid on a bi-weekly basis and he expected to receive money at
the end of the work day. At the request of the employer the author had to intervene and explain
living in a "9 to 5" world to the young man because his entire upbringing had not prepared him for
this reality. Because he was not given money at the end of the day he felt he was being "hustled" by
"the system." The thinking demonstrated by this young man is not unique.
The business community's endorsement of apprentice type programs could possibly have a
major impact in redirecting the focus of some gang involved youth by allowing them to build on
career sustaining prospects for achievement in mainstream society. Right or wrong, the reaction
shown by the young man above to a reality of life which, to those in the mainstream is taken for
granted, is how a great number of gang members tend to think. The fallacy of their reasoning should
not blind the greater society's quest to impact the problem by offering opportunities with long-range
(i.e., lifelong) possibilities.
Hispanic culture, by tradition, is deeply rooted in the Catholic Church. The respect hispanic
gang members have for their church is demonstrated by the fact that in the years the author has
worked on the gang issue along the Wasatch Front, he personally knows of no Catholic Church
which has been the victim of graffiti (in contrast to LDS gang members who, despite their profound
faith, have been known to graffiti their churches). The close relationship between the hispanic gang
member and the Catholic Church has also been described by Los Angeles Sheriff's Department Sgt.
Joe Guzman, perhaps the foremost law enforcement authority on hispanic gang culture in the
country. Sgt. Guzman has stated that once hispanic gang members are incarcerated, the first things
they ask for are rosary beads and a Bible. Their faith is also shown in the form of tattoos of religious
icons (i.e., Christ, the Virgin Mary, etc.).
Approximately two years ago a Catholic priest in the Tooele area announced that he would
withhold the sacrament from gang involved youth in his parish. His declaration created quite a stir,
and not only in the hispanic community. His story was featured on the television news and appeared
in the Salt Lake Tribune. Such a pronouncement is not to be taken lightly. Though it was more a
symbolic display of the angst felt by this particular priest as to the loss of productivity in the lives
of his parish's youth (either by death or by being caught up in the criminal justice system), it
nonetheless showed his committment to make a change by appealing to their spiritual nature.
All denominations and religious/spiritual beliefs need to place the spiritual role as a
means to impact the gang culture at the top of their agenda. We must use the moral and
spiritual power of the religious institutions to reinvest in the future of "our" children. For
their sake it should be a program of ecumenical unity at its best.
The language barrier serves a two-fold purpose in dividing the two societies: 1) it impedes
acculturation into the flow of the American mainstream, and 2) it creates problems within the
southeast Asian family structure because the young find it easier to become "Ameri-
canized" and thus reject the traditional ways of their elders. When this process of "American-
ization" sets in the elders find themselves in a societal "no-mans land." Events are unfolding around
them that they have no understanding about, that runs contrary to their traditional values, and which
they find difficult to intercede. It is interesting to note that this latter issue also occurred within some
of the Polynesian families (as detailed over the years by Det. Tausinga).
As previously stated (page #13) the failure of the southeast Asian community to trust
in the police and banking institutions makes close interaction between them next to impos-
sible. Including southeast Asians into the Utah law enforcement family would vastly improve
on this condition. Southeast Asian officers would help bridge the language and trust barriers
and allow Utah law enforcement access into the inner-sanctum of that community. Such access
would allow Utah law enforcement to better serve the needs of the people, thereby aiding them
in the acculturation process.
An in-depth program of instruction on gang culture should be required of all Utah law
enforcement officials. Since July, 1991, the author has taught such a course for the Department of
Corrections as a part of their basic and in-service training program. To the best of his knowledge
the Salt Lake City Police Department is the only other Utah law enforcement agency which regularly
provides gang training to its new recruits.
The spread of gang culture, from the confines of its traditional place of feeding--the inner-cities--to the rural heartland, has redefined the law enforcement experience. The street gang culture
and the problems associated with it represents a "new breed of animal" that requires specialized
training. It is strongly recommended that a program of instruction similar to that
taught at the Department of Corrections be adopted by the Peace Officer Standards and
Training (P.O.S.T.) as a regular part of their curricula.
The entrenchment of gang culture into the community adversely affects the standard of living,
in part by taking a heavy financial toll on the citizens. Determining the financial liability which the
gang culture exacts on society is a difficult proposition at best. No figure can be assessed on the
peace of mind that comes from living in a safe and secure neighborhood, nor can a value be placed
on a neighborhood's communal sense of pride and integrity. As gangs and gang violence spreads,
so too does its cost to honest, hard working, taxpaying citizens. Graffiti is perhaps the most visible
example of the financial costs shouldered by taxpayers as a result of the gang culture becoming
institutionalized in the community.
From a law enforcement perspective gang graffiti serves as a valuable tool. It is frequently
referred to as the "newspaper of the street" because it provides information as to events unfolding
within the local gang community. It identifies the gang members, their alliances (if any), their
claimed turf or territory, their enemies, their preferred weapon of choice, the crimes they have been
involved in (or intend to be involved in), and reflect their attitude towards police or other institutions
of authority. From a public standpoint, however, gang graffiti represents an eyesore, a negative
reflection of community standards, and a devaluation of property. It can also serve as an inducement
to keep potential businesses away, thus affecting the financial stability of the community.
In many respects reclaiming the community begins with the removal of graffiti. Graffiti is
not a singular crime. Though the specific intent of its placement may be directed at a particular
individual or group, the crime of graffiti (vandalism) makes victims of the entire neighborhood or
community. The popular appeal that gang culture has on our youth has made it an adjunct of popular
youth culture.
The youth culture in Utah, as is the case throughout the country, is dominated by a dynamic
of living called HIP-HOP. The hip-hop culture (courses in this subject are being taught at colleges
and universities across the country and is part of the core curricula at a private secondary school in
Brooklyn, New York) consists of four components: 1) DeeJaying, 2) Break- dancing, 3) Rapping,
and 4) Graffiti art. Although rap music is the most popular aspect of hip-hop culture, graffiti art
rivals it in terms of widespread visibility. The merger of gang culture with popular youth culture has
made the desecration of property by means of graffiti a common- place occurance. The exploits of
TAGGERS are a classic example.
A tagger is an individual generally between the ages of ten to late teens who adopts a specific
nickname or moniker (i.e., "tag") and runs with a CREW (a likeminded group, sometimes referred
to as a POSSE). The objective of taggers is notoriety; that is to put their name or their crew's name
on as many public surfaces as possible. This practice is known as BOMBING. The harder or more
dangerous the bombing target, the more prestige attached to the tagger and/or his crew.
The question is often asked, "What is the difference between tagger graffiti and gang graffiti
and aren't taggers, in fact, gang members?"
Gang graffiti is specific to gang cultural issues. It is generally confined to the specific
neighborhood or turf of the controlling, dominant gang. Tagger graffiti, on the other hand, is not
confined to a specific area. Notoriety is the goal, therefore they "bomb" wherever and whenever they
choose, including recognized gang territory.
The need for recognition, to express their sense of identity and place in the world, was the
subject of the following poem, "Graffiti Forever," which appeared in a recent national publication
on hip-hop culture:
This violent response by street gang members has prompted taggers to likewise resort to
violence as a means of "self-protection." In some cases, to avoid an escalation of the conflict,
tagging crews have been "jumped" (initiated) into gangs as individual cliques. The line of
demarcation between the two groups, clearly, is no longer defined or relevant.
As mentioned earlier graffiti crime makes everyone a victim of gangs (though there is graffiti
that has nothing to do with street gang culture). It is the single, most dominant gang related crime
which adversely affects a community's sense of security, integrity, and pride. For example, in 1994
the Salt Lake Area Gang Project reported a total of 8,516 gang related crimes. Of these, 6,399 were
graffiti (75%). As of January 1, 1996 these figures were 8,496 (total gang crimes) and 6,366
(graffiti) for 75%. Clearly graffiti plays a major part in establishing a gang's totality
of control over the life of a community. Eliminating the graffiti factor places control back into
the hands of the citizens.
Efforts to eliminate graffiti as a tool for gang takeover of a community is a costly proposition.
The Salt Lake City Police Department's graffiti clean-up component of their Crime Prevention Unit
operates on a budget of approximately $140,000 (Note--In their 95-96 grant application, the Salt
Lake Area Gang Project estimated the cost for graffiti crimes in the county at #1-$3 million dollars).
The Layton Police Department's Gang Investigators reported that 1993 figures for graffiti clean-up
among public areas in Layton City, Layton Hills Mall, and the Davis School District totaled
approximately $30,000. Through the end of July, 1995 the total was approximately $50,000. In
1995 (through October) Davis School District Police reported 97 incidents of graffiti for a total cost
of $18,276 (includes labor and equipment. Figures obtained from the Utah Department of
Transportation show that between November, 94-October, 95 their Maintenance Management
System cleaned graffiti from 277,869 square feet of property at a cost of $135,491. For FY95,
UDOT's graffiti clean-up efforts indicated the following:
Other areas of the state with graffiti clean-up programs include Cache County (an estimated
$200 spent on paint supplies and approximately 89 volunteer man-hours), Ogden (approximately
$6,000 obtained through a private foundation and $4,000 in public monies), and Utah County (which
uses $21,000 from the twenty-one municipalities, and $45,000 from the Fourth Judicial District
Juvenile Court). Many jurisdictions have begun using the criminal justice system to address graffiti
crime by virtue of court ordered community service for juvenile defendants to provide clean-up of
graffiti sites. (NOTE--To put this issue and its financial impact in perspective, the Tagger And
Graffiti Network Enforcement Team, an affiliate of the California Gang Investigators Association,
estimates approximately $65 million is being spent in the L.A. County area on graffiti clean-up.)
An unexplored area of the financial impact gangs have on Utah citizens is that of individual
costs resulting from gang violence. A "simple" shooting can have far reaching consequences in
terms of agencies involved, man-hours, equipment costs, et. al. For example, such an incident, from
beginning to end, would entail the following minimum response:
What is the future of criminal street gangs in Utah and the spread of its unique cultural traits?
The attempted alliance in Salt Lake County (Murder One--see page # 13) is perhaps a portend of
what the future holds in store for the gang culture's impact on the citizens of Utah.
Historically gang alliances have led to attempts to legitimize and assimilate into the
mainstream of American society. The street gang culture of the 1990's has followed this same route.
All across the country street gangs are seeking to establish themselves as legitimate representatives
and/or spokespersons in community affairs. From Los Angeles to Connecticut they are adopting a
political stance as a means of group empowerment. The Connecticut based LOS SOLIDOS gang
has stated that their goal is to get as many of their members into the main- stream of American
society, especially in the medical and legal professions. Many gang members who have found fame
and fortune in the entertainment field (i.e., rap music and movies) have touted an agenda of social
change through the political process. They seek to accomplish this goal by endorsing candidates who
have the interests of the "hip-hop" nation at the forefront of their political agenda. Interestingly
enough, their quest for control of their environment through the power of the vote has received
widespread support from citizens in all walks of life. The political metamorphosis of the street gang
is easily embraced and accepted by these people because the gang speaks towards their concerns.
Those concerns lie at the root cause for the makeup of street gangs throughout the country.
Has the gang climate in Utah reached the same stage of political development as that of the
more reknowned areas of its influence such as Los Angeles and Chicago? The answer is no,
however, it must be remembered that the political agenda of street gangs is a relatively new aspect
of the culture that has only emerged within the past four years (most significantly since the 1992 L.A.
riots). Utah gang culture has not yet reached the stage of the two gang "Meccas;" however, as in all
things, if some force does not intervene to redirect the develop- ment of the culture, it will eventually
come full circle to rival those two more reknowned areas. If we are to move forward in our effort to
quell the acceptance of street gang culture as the "norm" among our youth, we, too, must look at the
root causes for its existence; some of which are:
1. Early acceptance of aggression as a viable means of expression, especially as it pertains
to conflict resolution. Mental and physical abuse at an early age all too often serves as the catalyst
for aggressive behavior at a later age.
4. Survival
Alignment with a group of like-minded individuals lessens the pain of being the victim of
intimidation by your peers. Alignment with a group of like-minded individuals lessens the pain of
having low self-esteem and a lack of status within the framework of mainstream society (a sense of
social isolation). Alignment with a gang lessens the blow of being in a poverty stricken,
disintegrating (or disintegrated) family.
In a March, 1990 article in Teacher Magazine on "The Moral Life of America's School
Children," it was reported that:
Certain goals of achievement are acessible to everyone if an individual is so inclined to
legitimately pursue them. Among these are money, prestige, self-respect, dignity, et. al. The effort
to survive in the street environment which governs gang culture dictates that pursuit of these
objectives often revolve around illegitimate means. How one goes about acquiring money, prestige,
self-respect, etc., is not important just as long as they are, in fact, acquired. This attitude was aptly
illustrated in a 1993 Mississippi workshop involving youths under the super-vision of the juvenile
court.
In a publication titled, War: The Unsensored Truth, the author, Milton Creagh, states the
teens were asked to list some things they wanted in life. Their legitimate goals included:
The sense of alienation mentioned on the previous page is especially strong among minor-
ities involved in the gang culture. In Utah this is especially true among Hispanics, Polynesians,
Blacks, and Asians.
Individuals from these racial/ethnic classes feel a sense of disfranchisement from main-
stream (i.e., white) American society. Their efforts to find a place, a sense of belonging, has fueled
their philosophical embrace of the ideology of classism, racism, and sexism as the reason for their
plight. Such individuals are searching for and finding justification in the failure of the American
system to embrace them. To these alienated young people, America is a battlezone, its political
institutions are the enemy, and they, in turn, are the "warriors" who are actively fighting for the rights
of the disfranchised in their community. These "warriors" call for the strengthening of the gang
society because it is the only avenue of protection for the minority masses. To their way of thinking,
the invigoration of the gang concept is essential towards the survival of the minority masses living
under the oppressive dominance of the white political power structure.
Whether or not this notion is false and utterly without merit should not be a question of
contention. What should be of concern is the fact that this perception, right or wrong, is the one
which guides the reality by which a substantial number of young people and their adult supporters)
live their day to day lives.
In the eyes of the minority gang community (and their supporters, including non-minority
youth who subscribe to the gang culture) it is not the street gangs that are the problem, but rather the
"legitimate" gang of the dominant white establishment--The Police. This perception--that the white
establishment is the enemy--lends credence to their belief that the police are the oppressors, an
occupational force whose sole purpose is to impose the will of the white establish- ment on the
minority community. The actuality of this perception dictates that gangs become stronger as a force
of opposition to the "white oppressors." Towards this end the gang society should arm themselves
in defense of the police brutality that, to their way of thinking, routinely manifests itself on the street.
The "reality" of this perception has become fodder for rap songs, music videos, and movies depicting
the gang culture and which furthers the cycle of belief and acceptance of this ideal among the youth.
This cycle can be broken, but it will require a significant investment in time and public/
community-based resources. The gang culture as we know it today has taken nearly a century to
develop. It's influence will not dissipate overnight. As the author noted in his opening address at
the 1993 Gang Violence Summit in St. George, positively impacting the gang crisis will not come
about in the single course of a political term in office. Seeds must be planted now with the
understanding that they will possibly not germinate until months, perhaps years down the road.
Promises should not be made that cannot immediately be kept, especially from the law enforcement
perspective. In this era in which public cynicism towards the police establishment has become the
norm (witness the Rodney King beating and subsequent rioting, the Mark Fuhrman issue in the O.J.
Simpson trial, and the highly publicized police abuse of authority in the cities of New York City,
New Orleans, Philadelphia, and Pittsburgh) maintaining trust and integrity with the citizens, a
significant segment of which have an inherent distrust of any law enforcement role in their lives,
should be at the forefront of any endeavor. This was a key to the initial success of the Gang
Narcotics Intelligence Unit as it eventually transitioned into the Salt Lake Area Gang Project.
We must understand the duality of existence for many young people involved with gangs.
They coexist on a plain which legally defines them as "children," but which events surrounding them
dictates they be "hard, macho, unemotional, uncaring, unfeeling, individual, social survivalist" (to
paraphrase the manner in which they frequently describe themselves). They see the latter part of this
coexistence as being a requisite for the "bad" persona they project to those that would challenge them
and their right to "be." This includes law enforcement officials.
The law enforcement response to their challenge--an aggressive crackdown on their criminal
activities--in many respects plays right into the hands of their attempt to project being "bad." Police
emphasis on a young person striving to be an outlaw can (and often) does serve as an enhancement
to that individual's quest for respect and reputation. In some cases this quest has fueled a personal
desire for incarceration as a means to that end--a sort of exclamation point to their street existence.
In this vein, such individuals quickly become institutionalized in their thinking and relationship with
mainstream society. Likewise the social worker emphasis on changing negative behavior through
a positive nurturing environment does not always work because by the time many "troubled/at-risk"
youth are placed in such programs the institutional process has already taken hold and guides their
way of life. It is not uncommon for these young people (the author has interacted with Utah youth
as young as 6 years of age) to voice their frustration with the duality of their existence with such
terms as "Life sucks", "I'm always depressed", "I hate my life", or "I wish I were dead." Usually such
expressions are punctuated with the desire to committ violence as a means of relieving that
frustration. These issues can be adequately and effectively addressed but only with the proper
balance between criminalizing and warehousing these "troubled/at-risk" youthful offenders and
social therapeutic-behavioral modification programs. Emphasizing one over the other
is an exercise destined to fail.
Utahns must work hard to reclaim their communities from the influential glue which bonds
our youth in claiming the gang culture as a "normal" lifestyle choice. We must remember that the
problems we face with the presence of criminal street gangs is the result of a small percentage of
youthful offenders. We must never loose sight of the fact that the vast majority of young people are
good, productive citizens who bring a wealth of substance and sustenance to Utah's table.
We must never give up on this generation! We must somehow find a way to give those
alienated young people, minority and non-minority alike, who dwell in the pit of the gang cultural
environment, a reason to hope and a reason to feel like they have a place and a value in our society.
We must learn to embrace rather than further alienate our young. They represent our future. THAT
FUTURE IS NOW!
In preparation for this report, the Utah Division of Investigations conducted a statewide
survey to determine the extent, if any, of criminal street gang activity in their respective jurisdictions.
Fifty-two (52) questionnaires (see below) were either hand delivered or faxed to police and sheriff's
departments throughout the state along with a cover letter. In those areas which have a gang task
force (Davis County, Salt Lake County, Utah County, and Uintah County) the questionnaire was sent
directly to them rather than individual jurisdictions. The exception was the Weber-Davis Gang
Project under the auspices of the Ogden Police Department. Their gang officials stated they only
maintain Ogden City statistics so individual questionnaires were sent to other jurisdictions in Weber
County. Twenty-five (25) question- naires (48%) were returned. Ironically, some jurisdictions
where a gang presence is known to exist failed to respond to the survey.
18th STREET DOPE BOY POSSE 21st
STREET GARDENIA 13
38th STREET KING MAFIA DISCIPLES
55th STREET LA RAZA
8 BALL POSSE LAY LOW CRIPS
801 LOS AMIGOS UNIDOS
801 PIRU LOS PACHOS UNIDOS
AVENUES LAO BOY CRIPS
BIG WEST SIDE MIDVALE VARRIO LOCO
BLACK MAFIA GANGSTERS MIXED RACE POSSE
DIAMOND STREET OQUIRRH SHADOWS BOYS
DOOMSTOWN CRIPS ORIENTAL CRIPS
ORIENTAL LAOTIAN GANGSTERS SYNDICATE STYLE GANG ORIENTAL POSSE STYLERS TONGAN CRIP GANGSTERS
PARK VILLAGE CRIPS TONGAN STYLE GANGSTERS
QVO ULTIMATE DESIRE BOYZ
ROSE PARK HAMOS VARRIO CHOSEN FEW
SAMOANS IN ACTION VARRIO LOCO TOWN
SKINHEADS VICELORDS
SONS OF SAMOA VIET HUNG
STRAIGHT EDGE WEST SIDE CRIPS
SURENOS 13 WEST SIDE LOCOS
Of these forty-four gangs 18 are categorized as hispanic/turf, 6--Blood, 6--Asian, 5--Crip,
3--Samoan, 2--white, 2--Tongan, 1--People, and 1--Skinhead. The total number of identified
members is 3,104 (see attachments A and B for gender and ethnic breakdown). The racial/ethnic
breakdown of Salt Lake County gang members, in relation to the racial/ethnic ratio of the county
population is an issue that warrants further study.
% of Total Population % of Gang Population
White 87% White 24%
Black 1% Black 10%
Hispanic 6% Hispanic 46%
Others 6% Others 20%
As seen by these figures approximately 13% of the county's population are ethnic minorities
while approximately 76% of its gang population fit this category. To all concerned citizens , not
only in the county but throughout the state, the disproportion in this ratio should be a cause
for alarm! As aptly stated in the Gang Project grant:
"Because of this disproportionate representation, two issues of
concern exist for both law enforcement officers and minority
representatives. First, a strong perception exists within the
county that gangs are a 'minority' problem (see Gang Myth #1).
This perception often leads to apathy, rather than action, on
the part of the majority population, who perceive that gangs
are simply not their problem. Second, an important goal must
be to strengthen minority families and children, and provide
alternative activities which give minority children the same
opportunities for expression, belonging, identity and power
that gangs currently provide. In essence, a self-fulfilling
prophecy exists within the local community in which the fears
of caucasian citizens provide reinforcement of a self-concept
among minority youth which leads to an increased level of gang
involvement for these young people."
The ages of those involved in Salt Lake County gangs range from approximately 10-35. It
is interesting to note that a vast majority of people want to portray gang members as juveniles, thus
leading to the frequent use of the term "youth gangs," to describe membership in the culture. In the
case of Salt Lake County (and a few other areas of the state), use of this term descriptor would not
be accurate. According to the Salt Lake Area Gang Project juveniles account for only 831 of their
total identified gang membership. The overwhelming majority (2,273) fall within the category of
adult. Therefore it is more appropriate, as well as accurate, to use the nomenclature "street gangs,"
rather than "youth gangs."
Crimes involving these individuals include but are not limited to the following:
ARSON AUTO THEFT BRIBERY BURGLARY
DRIVE-BY SHOOTINGS DRUGS EXTORTION HOMICIDE KIDNAPPING ROBBERY SEXUAL ASSAULT WEAPONS OFFENSES
Within recent years firearms have played a significant role in the commission of some of
these crimes. In 1995 (to December 1st only) Gang Project investigators seized 104 firearms of
various caliber (.38, 9mm, and sawed-off shotguns). There have long been reports of Salt Lake
County gang members having possession of military assault weapons (i.e., AK-47, Uzi, et.al.),
however, if true, they have never been employed in gang confrontations.
The gang climate of Salt Lake County has long been impacted by out-of-state influence.
Initially that influence came from students attached to the Clearfield Job Corps program (see "Gangs
in Utah..." report, pp. 8-14). The primary cities from whence these students came were Los Angeles,
Chicago, Denver, Kansas City, and St. Louis. California continues to play a significant role in
advancing the ideals of the gang culture among Utah youth. As stated by Gang Project officials:
"Many Salt Lake area gang members attempt to emulate their
California counterparts who they revere almost as if they
were deity." (see narrative on the origins of the SURENOS 13
gang and its founder, BABYFACE, in the "Gangs in Utah..."
report, pp. 4)
For those gang members influenced by the California scene, Los Angeles serves as the
"Mecca." Orange County, however, is also influential, primarily from the standpoint of Asian
gangsters.
UDI and Gang Project investigators have long known of interaction between Salt Lake
County's Asian gang members and their Orange County counterparts. It is known to gang
investigators throughout the country that a sophisticated network exists among Asian gang members,
who exchange intelligence and manpower in the course of preying on innocent members of the Asian
community. Therein lies the unique nature of Asian gang crime: with rare exceptions it is almost
xclusive to the Asian community. This exclusive nature makes it difficult for law enforcement to
impact. The cultural differences inherent in the life of Asian immigrants makes it difficult for them
to trust and confide in such American institutions as law enforcement and banks. They therefore
become vulnerable to the predatory actions of those within their own community who seek to exploit
the natural fear they harbor towards such institutions.
Gang Project officials also cite Chicago, Illinois as an area influencing the gang climate of
Salt Lake County. They state Chicago gang members (People/Folks) are known to be recruiting in
the area (Note--There are, at the time of this writing, approximately 100 Chicago area gang members
along the Wasatch Front who are in treatment programs contracted with Cook [Chicago] County.
In most cases these individuals are in secure facilities and are not allowed in the community without
appropriate on-site supervision. Some of these individuals are committed to these programs for up
to two years.). Within recent months these officials have cited a development in the gang
community which they liken to the People and Folks.
A group of Salt Lake County gangs have reportedly formed an alliance under the name
MURDER ONE. According to a confidential source intimately familiar with the issue, Murder One
formed strictly for mutual protection against physical assaults from rival gangs.
Although there has been speculation that Murder One formed as a "Supergang" (as described
in one media report) to criminally terrorize the community, the source and a former Gang Project
investigator intimately familiar with the issue, do not share this belief. The source maintains the
alliance pact was not strong to begin with and appears to be breaking down at the time of this
writing.
The current gang climate impacted by out-of-state influence seems to be from those
individuals and/or families who relocate to the area for the express purpose of improving their
quality of life. In such instances the young have already lived a good portion of their lives under the
influence of the gang culture. Leaving that aspect of their lives behind and starting anew proves
difficult, if not impossible. The cycle of dependence (Gang mentality and behavior is a
learned response to negative social conditions, not something that is genetically inherited.
Therefore if it can be learned, it can likewise be unlearned.) and self-destruction is thus
transplanted to a new locale and fresh, young lives are sucked into its vortex.
Although Salt Lake County gang culture is inspired by their counterparts from Los Angeles
and Chicago, they are no longer dependent on them exclusively for that guidance. There has been
enough of a history of gang culture in the Salt Lake Valley to where a genera- tional transference has
taken place. As a result the local gang community has started to establish its own traditions and, in
effect, put its own unique stamp on the culture. This is a further sign of entrenchment, of the
institutionalizing effect that the culture has on the community.
The Salt Lake Area Gang Project has influenced many community based programs designed
to combat the spread of criminal street gangs. The single recommendation its officials would make
to address this issue would be to "secure bed space for hardcore offenders with possibly a 'bootcamp'
facility that would house serious youth offenders for longer periods of time (i.e., 1-3 years)."
Males 795
Females 155
Adults 569
Juveniles 381
1990 20
1992 100
1993 240
1994 525
1995 965 (figures only through October)
Of the latter figure, the racial/ethnic breakdown is as follows:
Caucasian 58%
Hispanic 30%
Asian 9%
African-American 2%
Native American 1%
Davis Metro Gang Unit officials state 40 gangs currently exist within the county boundaries.
The most criminally active of these are:
O-13 18th STREET LOCALVILLE CRIPS LAYTON'S TINY LOCALS
LOCOS VATOS OGDEN'S VIOLENT GANGSTERS ASIAN BROTHERHOOD
MIXED RACE GANG BROWN SOCIETY IRISH CREW LAYTON'S ONLY CRIPS
CLEARFIELD'S LOCO VILLAINS HIGH SOCIETY CRIPS
In 1995 the Layton P.D., sought federal grant funding to formalize their initiative in creating
the Davis Metro Gang Unit. In their grant application they cited a 200% increase in gang related
crimes. They also noted that the population growth in the county's fifteen (15) municipalities was
rising at a rate of 2-5% yearly. With the population expected to at least double during the next 10-15
years, a corresponding increase in gang membership and criminal activity can be expected to occur.
Gender
Male 94%
Female 6%
Race/Ethnicity
Hispanic 75%
White 25%
Drug sales and graffiti are considered the primary criminal involvement of these youth. The
use of firearms in the commission of these crimes is not viewed as being significant (though they
have experienced at least one drive-by shooting).
Gender
Male 76%
Female 24%
Race/Ethnicity
Asian 36%
White 27%
Hispanic 27%
Other 3%
In 1995 the Logan Police Department applied for and received additional grant funding in
the amount of $2,782 to supplement its previous effort. With this money they intend to expand their
use of the G.R.E.A.T. curriculum in Logan City middle schools. The G.R.E.A.T. (Gang Resistance
Education And Training) program is the gang equivalent of D.A.R.E. and provides youth with the
necessary skills and information to say no to becoming subscribers to the gang culture and, instead,
become positive and responsible members of the community. In addition it helps to build a rapport
between the police and youth.
Gender
Male 60%
Female 40%
Race/Ethnicity
Native American 70%
Hispanic (no figures offered)
Roosevelt officials list assaults, thefts, and drug offenses as the most commonly encountered
gang related crime. Weapons do not seem to play a significant role at this time.
These officials, too, feel that outside influences impact their community in a negative way, due to
familial relocation and children already heavily indoctrinated in the gang culture. They cited, as an
outside contributor to their problem, displaced criminal offenders attending state/federal/ vocational
training schools or treatment facilities (though they did not specify which and whether it specifically
existed in their community). In terms of a single recommendation they would make to address the
issue of gangs, Roosevelt officials listed the following: "1) mandatory sentencing, 2) strict
punishment, 3) consistent consequences, and 4) more free activities provided by the city."
Total Number of Gangs 25
Total Number of Gang Members/Associates 152
Gender Breakdown
Male 110
Female 42
Age Breakdown
Juveniles 80%
Adults 20%
Race/Ethnicity
Whites 80%
Native American 15%
Mixed 5%
The single recommendation Uintah County gang officials would make to address this issue
would be for "The community to recognize the problem (as criminal) and deal with it. To the
community (with the exception of the victims) gangs are viewed as a trend, and that it causes no
harm."
"For kids, the hip lexicon of the day is to call your friends
your posse. It's the influence of the street culture on kids
who don't necessarily want anything to do with the street...
Posses are the way kids seek recognition. It's somewhere
between hanging out and being in a real gang."
The romanticizing of gang culture via the media has allowed an aspect of society that the
mainstream views as "outlaw" to be elevated to a realm out of the gutter and into a reputable status
level in they eyes of a substantial section of America's youth. In the world of the young, the
everpresent quest to "fit in" has changed the social dynamics to where identifying with gang values
(i.e., the walk, the talk, et.al.) is an acceptable (as well as desirable) option. As a result what starts
out as an innocent group of fraternal brotherhood (or sisterhood) gets caught up in a rapidly changing
social swirl of events and eventually evolves into a "criminal street gang."
"The present age of a gang member in the metropolitan area ...
is between 11-22 years of age. Should the 11 year old be lucky
enough not to be killed in a gang war over drugs or mugs (stares
exchanged between two gang members), and should this youth not
receive a lengthy sentence for committing a violent crime, he
will more than likely remain a member of the violent street gang
culture untill 22 years of age. In some instances even longer."
In other words, kids will eventually grow out of gangs. Although there is a rare element of
truth to this, it does not happen with enough frequency to have a defining impact on the nature of
street gang culture and the violence inherent to it. The flaw in this supposition is obvious. As stated
throughout this report (and in the NDIC report), street gangs represent a cultural pattern on the fabric
of the American quilt. They have been around in some form or another since the late 1800's.
"...ethnic under class use crime as a means to escape poverty,
ego enhancement, expression of aggression, and upward mobility.
As wealth is gained, power and influence is achieved." (p. 2)
The issues which led to the creation of ethnic gangs at the turn-of-the-century are the
same issues fueling the street gang scene of today: "...economic, social, and cultural
protection." (p. 4)
To posit the end of street gangs in ten years is naive and foolish. The social issues which
paved the way for their existence in the first place still exist, and in all likelihood will continue to
exist for some time to come. The people most adversely affected by these issues--minorities--have
always had a difficult (some would say impossible) time coexisting in a dominant white society
which all too frequently shows a disinclination towards sensitivity to their plight. Therefore, to those
most affected by this reality, association with a street gang becomes, in their eyes, a necessary tool
of survival. Until social issues change to insure unfettered inclusion into the American
socio-political process (rather than exclusion), criminal street gangs will find a place and
purpose for existence.
If the culture of street gangs cannot be eradicated then the only other alternative is to study
it to the fullest extent possible. By understanding the many facets of gang culture, the temptation
to depersonalize the individuals involved is reduced and/or eliminated. The issue of
depersonalization was noted by Dr. James Garbarino, a nationally reknowned author (Children in
Danger), during a December, 1994 meeting with the Anti-Violence Subcommittee of the Utah
Substance Abuse & Anti-Violence Coordinating Council. Dr. Garbarino, who has studied the effects
of violence on youth growing up in inherently violent societies (Ireland, the Middle East, Chicago,
Los Angeles, et. al.), noted that depersonalization--defining someone as being less than you--opens
the door to indifference and acceptance of violence as a natural and justifiable response.
Depersonalization impedes any effort to control the negative impact gangs have on society
by exacerbating an already deplorable condition. It desensitizes the emotional response to the
individuals involved in the culture by seeing them as something outside the realm of the "normal"
human condition and thus not worthy of empathy. It is imperative that a human face be
applied to those who subscribe to the gang culture. It is also important that a humane attitude
towards them be applied by those who deal with them on a regular basis. Toward this end
there should be a greater emphasis on intervention/prevention programs as a means of
reducing future needs for detention and correctional facilities. It is also important to
recognize that the front end cost for implementing intervention/prevention programs is far less than
the back end cost incurred from incarceration and its aftermath.
An example of this was shown by information obtained from the Administrator of the Third
District Juvenile Court (Salt Lake City). According to the court's figures the average stay in a
secured facility (i.e., Decker Lake, et. al.) is approximately 8 months at a cost of approximately
$132.00 per day per individual (plus $15 per day education cost). The total cost to taxpayers is
approximately $35,280. According to officials with the Utah Department of Corrections, the annual
cost for incarcerating one adult at the Utah State Penitentiary is approximately $22,000. In
comparison an intervention/prevention program such as Salt Lake Neighborhood Housing Services,
which has a proven record of success in turning the lives around of "troubled/at-risk" youth, cost
$22.00 per day. This amounts to an approximate one year total of $8,030. It should be noted,
however, that the average length of stay in the NHS program is 4 months.
The importance of intervention/prevention efforts was stressed at the 1995 National Gang
Conference (co-sponsored by the California Gang Investigators Association and Bureau of Alcohol,
Tobacco, & Firearms) by Det. Tom McMahon, a seventeen year Gang Specialist with the Chicago
Police Department. Det. McMahon pointed out that without early intervention/
prevention efforts, an impressionable child succumbs more easily to the lure of the criminal street
gang culture. In a short period of time that child reaches the upper echelons of the gang culture
known as "hardcore" status. To quote Det. McMahon:
"Once a kid obtains 'hardcore' level or status in a gang, there
is nothing we're [society] going to do to change his path. There
is no program we're going to come up with--the school system,
religious groups, the help of any city agency--to stop this kid.
He is into the gang now for the long haul."
It should be added that once such an individual reaches this "hardcore" level, only
he(she) can affect the necessary change in their lifestyle to escape the clutches of the gang
culture. They have to want to change and then make a conscious effort to do so. When they
reach such a definitive decision, then societal programs can be employed to assist them in their
effort. Until that decision is reached, however, the gang is the be all and end all of their
existence and will remain so until they say "NO MORE!"
As society changes the nature in which it is victimized by those choosing to live outside its
legal parameters also changes. Law enforcement must learn to adapt to these changes. We must
continue in our traditional role ("hook 'em-book 'em"), but we must also recognize that the
effectiveness of such an approach is limited. If aggressive law enforcement was the key to solving
the gang problem in America, cities such as Los Angeles and Chicago would not have any such
problems today. They have been aggressively pursuing this strategy for decades, yet the problem
continues unabated. Their problems have now spread out to become "our" problems.
Emphasis on enforcement is a necessary but short-term approach to addressing the issue of
criminal street gangs. To be truly effective and have a long-term impact law
enforcement must learn to blend their enforcement role with a more sociological approach.
The author noted this in testimony he gave before the February, 1994 hearing of the U.S. Senate
Subcommittee On Juvenile Justice:
"...The criminal nature of the gang culture and its influence on
society-at-large is such that we must be prepared to take a some-
what different approach in addressing them. Traditionally the
law enforcement role has been one of reaction. A crime occurs,
the police are called...and the wheels of the criminal justice
system proceed in motion. No effort is truly made to get to the
root causes of the social forces that, over a period of time, led
the suspect to commit the offense. That effort, when undertaken
is usually left to the discretion of the court in terms of ordering
evaluation at the hands of trained clinicians...Addressing the
issue of gangs from a proactive stance requires that law enforce-
ment expand its base of function to include a more sociological
approach. Because they deal with seamier sides of the gang culture
in its natural environment rather than from the sterilized clinical
setting, law enforcement has become the 'experts' to which all
trained clinicians come for information in their study of the
subject. Assuming the sociological stance requires law enforce-
ment to delve deeper into the mind-set that governs gang behavior..."
Some law enforcement officials would argue that the police should only concern themselves
with arrests and leave sociological issues to the social workers. They would cite a lack of time in
their enforcement duties to address such matters as the sociological make-up of the gang culture in
their midst. Such thinking can be likened to the dinosaur: It is antiquated and should be made
extinct. It stifles any progressive attempt to understand and effectively deal with the rapid growth
of the street gang culture and its subsequent impact on society. If such thinking had been allowed
to dominate the development of the police institution, there would be no such thing as "Officer
Friendly" programs, D.A.R.E. (and the new anti-gang program patterned after it--G.R.E.A.T.), no
School Resource Officers, or the much ballyhooed Community Oriented Policing (C.O.P.).
"Stereotypically, there was no reason for Utah to have a gang
problem. The stereotypical approach to gangs is that it is a
minority problem; it is Black and hispanic males. They are
preying on the white community...They come from poor family
backgrounds, a single-parent environment. Usually, mom is the
one in the household. The father has long since flown the coop
and they are on welfare. That is the stereotypical approach to
what constitutes gangs."
"Yet, in my State gang membership consists of all that, but we
also have 'good, white, middle-class, Mormon kids' who are gang
members who are picking up the gun, who are running around with
blue and red rags, and who are doing drive-by shootings all in
the name of their particular gang affiliation."
Throughout the state, more and more of these so-called "good, clean" youth are subscribing
to the cultural lifestyle of street gangs. The so-called "Boyz from the Burbs" (as described at the
1995 Utah Gang Conference sponsored by the Salt Lake Area Gang Project) have become a force
to be reckoned with in Utah, especially along the Wasatch Front. The best example of this is the
gang known as STRAIGHT EDGE.
Who are we?
I guess you need a better definition.
Are we any different from a crackhead on a mission?
Yes, we're your sons and daughters to whom you've never paid attention.
So we felt it necessary to give you this visual resurrection.
Many will see the destruction and focus on the hate.
Others will see the flavor and say damn, that shit is Phat [fat]!
But who will catch the message that lies beneath all that?
Forget the bullshit
Images that media portrayed.
There's an essence in every tag, every burner and every fade.
Because of their penchant for bombing without regard for location, taggers frequently violate
recognized gang enclaves. This creates a conflict with the specific gang because they view such
violation as a sign of disrespect. In street gang culture an act of disrespect is a challenge to one's
sense of honor and reputation and necessitates a response by the offended party. That response is
almost always of a violent nature.
Labor Costs $110,888 (65%)
Equipment Costs $30,572 (18%)
Material Costs $29,849 (17%)
Total Cost to taxpayers $171,309
1) Responding law enforcement agency or agencies (if the incident crosses jurisdictional
boundaries)
2) EMT crew and special equipment needs
3) Hospital crew (doctors, nurses, lab technicians, special equipment, et. al.)
4) District/County Attorney's Office (prosecuting attorney, investigative staff, clerical,
witnesses et. al.)
5) Judiciary (judges, stenographers, clerical, et. al.)
6) Corrections maintenance (including probation/parole follow-up, treatment programs)
As seen by this one example, gang crime is mind-boggling in terms of who and what it
touches and the costs incurred to reach a resolution that satisfies the public's appetite for justice. A
story which appeared in the July 27, 1995 edition of the Private Eye Weekly attempted to assess
taxpayer costs for a "typical" gang shooting and the subsequent journey through the hospital and
juvenile court system for the victim and his assailant. Their total projected costs? $122,950.59!
2. Failure to achieve in the school environment.
3. Racial and economic class distinction.
The presence of street gangs and the ready acceptance of its culture among the young is
symptomatic of deeper social issues. The young do not join gangs for the specific purpose of
committing acts of violence or to become drug dealers. Joining gangs revolves around a host
of social issues and it is only later that the criminality kicks in to define and dominate the
association.
The sense of alienation among many young people is in some cases self-induced; a false
belief that they are unloved or otherwise unwanted by society. They feel disassociated from their
family structure and without friendships among their peers. The sense of being on the outside
looking in becomes a strong motivation for acceptance of the gang as a mechanism of survival in a
seemingly hostile world.
"...children from families who receive food stamps or children
living in families in which the parents are unemployed are at
least three times more likely than most children to feel pressure
not only to take drugs, but also twice as likely to feel pushed
into disobeying authority and four times more likely to feel
prodded into joining a gang."
In such circumstances affiliation with a gang and acceptance of its cultural traits among the
young becomes a preferential way of life. In understanding why adoption of the gang culture
becomes the preferred way of life among a substantial number of our youth, it is essential to
understand the quest among such alienated individuals to achieve the same as those in the main-
stream of society.
1. Big money (approximately $100,000)
2. A two or three bedroom brick house
3. A family with two children
4. A luxury vehicle or four wheel drive vehicle
Their methods for achieving these goals included the following illegitimate means:
1. Drug dealing
2. Theft
3. Gambling
In recognizing the criminality that eventually manifests itself with affiliation in the gang
culture, it should be understood that those who subscribe to the culture's value system view
achieving legitimate goals through illegitimate means as "normal." The author has interviewed many
gang members who see their lifeline in short increments. They expect to die by the age of 21, no
later than 25. This perception fuels their desire to live hard, live fast, and do for self at the expense
of any who get in their way (including the police). This creed is reflected in the "smile now-cry
later" tattoo frequently displayed by gang members (a take on this saying was recently put in the form
of a rap song titled, "Smile now-Die later"). With such a philosophy of living as a guide, it is better
to achieve something now than wait to achieve over time (following a period of preparation, either
through schooling or on-the-job training) because in all likelihood that "time" will never be realized.
Politicizing the gang culture, winning community support by giving a powerful voice of expression
to community concerns, is merely another avenue towards achieving legitimate goals.
Gang Questionnaire
1. Do you have an emerging or actual gang problem in your community?
Yes_____ No_____
2. What is the nature of your problem?
A. Turf/territory _____
B. Drugs _____
C. Racial/ethnic/cultural differences _____
D. Other _____ (specify)
3. What criteria do you use to identify individuals as gang members and groups as gangs?
4. What is the age range among gang members in your community?
Adult _____ Juveniles _____
Males _____ Females _____
5. What is the gender breakdown among gang members in your community?
6. What is the ethnic breakdown of gang members in your community?
7. What knowledge, if any, do you have of the general family structure among gang members
in your community (i.e., socio-economic background, education level, criminal history, et.al.)?
8. What crimes are most commonly committed by gang members in your community?
9. Do weapons play a significant part in the commission of crimes involving gang members in your community? If so, what types of weapons (specify caliber if a firearm)?
10. What influence does outside immigration (out-of-state/out-of-county) have on gang problems affecting your community?
11. Is that outside influence the result of family relocation? If yes, what is the origin of that relocation?
12. Is that outside influence the result of displaced offenders attending state/federal vocational training schools or treatment facilities (specify)?
Yes _____ No _____
13. Does your agency have an anti-gang response effort in place?
Full-time_____ Part-time_____
How many personnel do you have assigned to this effort?
14. Is this response effort the recipient of special (grant) funding?
Yes _____ No _____
15. Does your overall community take an active role in the anti-gang response effort?
Yes _____ No _____
What is the nature of that role?
16. Would you like to see more in-state gang training offered?
17. What single recommendation would you make to elected officials to address the issue of criminal street gangs in your community?
Judiciary
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