I;,:l,rintcd from A~IERKAX JOL'IIKAL OF PUBLIC HEALTII, Vol. 27, No. 1, January, 1937 The Newer Epidemiology of Yellow Fever * FRED L. SOPER, M.D., DR.P.H. International Health Division, The Rockefeeller Foundation, New York, N. Y. T HE extent to which present beliefs regarding the epidemiology of yellow fever differ from those of just a few years ago is not generally known out- side of the small group of workers actively engaged in the study and con- trol of this disease. It must come as a great surprise to the majority of the members of the American Public Health .\ssociation, meeting here in New Orleans, one of the cities of the United States previously most exposed to the ravages of yellow fever, but since 1905 free of this scourge of the American tropics, to learn that the epidemiology of yellow fever is still a sufficiently im- pc-rtant problem to merit a place on a program devoted to public health prob- lems of immediate interest to health `Read at a Special Session on Mosquito-Borne n&vases of the American Public Health Association . the Sixty-fifth Annual Meeting in New Orleans, `.a.. October 23, 1936. j The studies and observations on which this report is `Jased were made under the auspices of the Inter- national Health Division of The Rockefeller Founda- !;I+ in coSperation with the Governments of Brazil, r /ia, Pawgay, Peru, Ecuador, Colombia, and muela. The report covers the work of numerous eagues of the staff of the International Health hvirion and of the staffs of the Co6perativ.e Yellow Fever Services in the respective countries. workers in the United States. Your surprise, however great, cannot equal the reluctance with which those engaged in the study and control of yellow fever in South America have relinquished their faith in the simple man-il&des aegypti- man epidemiology, consecrated by the almost miraculous results obtained in the West Indies and in North, Central, and South America during a full quarter of a century by a brilliant coterie of workers drawing their inspiration from the early work of Gorgas in Havana and of Oswald0 Cruz in Rio de Janeiro. The period from the first observation of yellow fever to the demonstration in 1900 l that its virus could be transmit- ted from man to man by the mosquito, AZdes (Stegomyia) aegypti, may well be called the Dark Age in the history of the disease. More or less constant endemicity existed in many of the ports of tropical America, and the disease made not infrequent summer excursions into both the North and South Tem- perate Zones. Quarantine and other restrictive measures were `common, and trade with the American tropics was difhcult and costly. 2 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH Jan., 1937 The discovery of the urban, domestic vector of yellow fever was followed by a Golden Age of magnificent achieve- ment and glorious dreams based on that achievement. During this Golden Age which covers the period 1901 to 1925, anti-mosquito services organized in many of the most notorious key-centers of infection on the continent resulted in the rapid disappearance of yellow fever from the morbidity and mortality sta- tistics not only of the centers where such services were installed but also from those of large tributary regions. To the sanitation of Havana and Panama was attributed the great reduc- tion in the incidence of yellow fever throughout the West Indies and the littorals of the Caribbean Sea and the Gulf of Mexico; the cleaning of Rio de Janeiro and Santos resulted in the disappearance of the disease in Southern Brazil; and short campaigns in several of the principal cities of the Amazon River were followed by the apparently complete blotting out of yellow fever in the entire Amazon Valley! Upon these observed results there was built a simple epidemiology of yellow fever, and from this simple epidemiology the dream took shape that yellow fever might disappear for- ever from the American continent through the temporary organization of anti-aegypti measures in the largest cities of the few remaining endemic foci. Shortly after the founding of The Rockefeller Foundation, the Interna- tional Health Board became interested in the early `realization of this dream, and General Gorgas was invited to un- dertake the task of determining which were the remaining key-centers of in- fection to be sanitated, and of col- laborating with the respective govern- ments in the organization of the neces- sary campaigns. Between 1915 and 1919, in spite of the interruption caused by the `participation of the United States in the World War, preliminary surveys were carried out, and what was to have been the final drive for the elimination of th disease was begun. A noteworthy res onse b was made by the governments of the continent, and adequate authority and funds were available to carry out the proposed measures. During the first decade of Founda- tion collaboration in the control. of yellow fever, 1915-1925; the disease receded on all fronts and, with only minor and apparently unimportant ex- ceptions, obeyed implicitly all the rules which had been' laid down for its behavior. These rules have fortunately been outlined for us by Dr. Henry Rose Carter in a work written shortly before his death in 1925? This careful and devoted student of yellow fever, co- worker with General Gorgas in many important campaigns, during a lifetime spent in yellow fever work, had an un- equalled opportunity for close personal contact with the disease. Carter says: Author's Preface-We know quite well the conditions necessary for the existence of yellow fever, for it to become epidemic and to con- tinue at any place; and when we find its existence or an epidemic reported where the conditions necessary therefbr do not exist, we know that the disease reported as such is not yellow fever. (page 3) Yellow fever is contracted by man in nature from the bite of a mosqzdto, AZdes (Stegomyia) aegypti (Linnaeus), itself in- fected by having fed on a nzan sick of that disease, and, so far as known, is in nature only thus contracted. (page 7) . . . and, owing, to the invariable disappearance of yellow fever when this species (AZdes aegypti)-and this speae- * G atone -is sufficiently controlled, it seems quite cer- tain that in the Americas no other mosquito closely associated with man is a vector. (page 50) . . . It is a disease of collections of men-civic rather than rural. (page 71) . . . The duration of an epidemic, or even the infection of yellow fever at any place is limited unless stew human materid vat. 27 EPIDEMIOLOGY 0~ YELLOW FEVER 3 be supp&zd, and this independently of climatic conditions. But during the decade 1926 to 1936, which may well be termed the age of disillusion and partial enlightenment for yellow fever epidemiologists, yellow fever has refused to abide by these rules and has not continued to disappear from the continent in spite of the most conscientious application of methods previously so successful. The develop- ment of methods for the routine diag- nosis of unsuspected fatal cases and for the identification by the protection test of those who have suffered infec- tion has resulted in the revelation that yellow fever exists widespread through- out vast areas in the interior of South America under conditions pre- viously considered incompatible with its existence. Although the tenets of Gorgas and Carter are undoubtedly true for certain regions, it has been amply proved dur- ing the past few years that they do not hold for yellow fever in South America. Yellow fever does not in- variably disappear when the A&fes aegytpi mosquito is sufficiently con- trolled, and the duration of infection in many districts is not dependent upon the introduction of non-immune human elements into these districts. Yellow fever may occur under a great variety of conditions, and the factors de-' termining its occurrence are in large part still undetermined. Yellow fever has been observed in the complete absence of the AZdes aegypti mosquito as scat- tered cases in such sparsely populated rural and jungle areas that the con- tinuance of the disease in these areas cannot be attributed to the occurrence of human infections. This report presents a short resume of the efforts to control yellow fever in South America since 1920 and of the observations which have resulted in im- portant modifications of our knowledge of the epidemiology of this disease. RlkUMd OF YELLOW FEVER CONTROL IN SOUTH AMERICA, 192-1929 In 1919 it was believed by the closest students of the disease that the only important distributing foci of yellow fever infection in South America were the city of Guayaquil, Ecuador, on the Pacific Coast, and, on the Atlantic Coast, a small area of Northeast Brazil, extending `as far south as the city of Salvador, Bahia. Antimosquito meas- ures had been organized in Guayaquil in 191 8,3 and these measures resulted in the disappearance of the disease in 1919 from this city which since 1750 had been notorious as a center of infection. Campaigns in Northern Peru in 1920- 192 1 4 were equally successful, and no known outbreaks of yellow fever have since occurred on the Pacific Coast of South America. The known remaining focus of infec- tion on the Atlantic seaboard had been attacked in 1919 through a federal sanitary commission organized by the Brazilian Government for work against yellow fever in all states lying within the known endemic focus. Unfor- tunately no adequate report has ever been published of the work done by the CommissZo Sanitaria Federal during 1919 and 1920, and only those who came into personal contact with that effort can fully appreciate its scope and sincerity. But a partial report of the work in Pernambuco s made before the failure of this effort was apparent, con- tains the following significant para- graph, which is quoted in. translation from the Portuguese: Yellow fever constitutes in the north of the country (Brazil) a problem much more diffi- cult of solution than was believed; the dis- semination of the virus extends over a large area, both within and outside the cities, in sparsely populated points, and, at times, failing to obey in a most disconcerting manner 4 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH the epidemiological rules which belong to yellow fever, to the point of suggesting a morbid entity not yet catalogued, were it not for the unusual dissemination of Stegomyia calopus (At?des (Stegomyia) aegypti) in those regions together with the clinical observations and autopsies made by persons well trained in the subject of yellow fever. During 1922 it became very apparent that this federal campaign, which had been largely if not totally discontinued at the end of 1920, had failed of its objective and that yellow fever was still an important problem in Northeast Brazil. In 1923 The Rockefeller Foundation accepted an invitation to undertake the solution of the yellow fever problem in Brazil, and before the end of the same year Dr. Joseph White, veteran of many battles with yellow fever including and following the New Orleans campaign of 1905, had begun operations. Investigations were made and antimosquito measures were under- taken at all the principal coastal cities between Rio de Janeiro on the south and Manaos, the chief inland port of the Amazon Valley. No evidence was found of recent yellow fever south of Bahia or north of Ceari, and un- divided attention was finally given to the region between these points. Yellow fever dwindled on all sides, and by 1925 it was believed that the end of yellow fever on the American continent was in sight. It is true that an unexpected outbreak of the disease had been observed in Bucaramanga, Colombia, in 1923,' with no satisfac- tory answer to the question of the origin of the virus; but in the face of absolute quiet elsewhere on the con- tinent during a period of 2 years, and the increasingly favorable picture en- countered in North Brazil, the `final solution of the yellow fever problem on the continent was anticipated in the immediate future. The year 1925 has as the end of the Golden Jan., 1937 fever epidemiology. That such was the case was not, however, fully apparent until some years later. The 1926 out- break of yellow fever, which embraced the interior of several states of North- east Brazil was attributed to the move- ment of non-immune troops through the region, lighting up and fanning to a visible flame the dying embers of in- fection which otherwise would have spontaneously disappeared. The in- tensification of antimosquito measures was followed by a rapid decline in the number of reported cases, and in 1927 Dr. M. E. Connor, who had taken.over the technical direction of the service late in 1926, was able to report, after a survey trip covering the entire coast from Bahia to Pari, the Amazon Valley from the mouth of the river to Man&s, and the Slo Francisco Valley to Pira- pora, that he could find no evidence of yellow fever activity. The renewed optimism, born of the failure to recog- nize `cases of yellow fever anywhere on the continent during 11 months, was rudely shattered by single yellow fever positive autopsies in the States of Sergipe and Pernambuco in March and .4pril, 1928, and by the discovery in May of. the same year that the virus of yellow fever had again found its way into Rio de Janeiro, the federal capital, after an absence of 20 years. The events of the months immediately following the discovery of yellow fever in Rio de Janeiro, one of the principal ports of South America, fully con- firmed the great importance attributed to large centers of population, especially seaports, in the epidemiology of aegypti-transmitted yellow fever. Be- fore the Rio de Janeiro outbreak terminated in July, 1929, locally in- fected cases had been recorded in the states of S5o Paulo, Minas Geraes, Rio de Janeiro, Bahia, Sergipe, Pernambuco, and Par-i, and cases infected elsewhere had been seen at various ports between Vol. 27 EPIDEMIOLOGY OF YELLOW FEVER Buenos Aires on the south and the inland port of ManBos, a thousand miles up the Amazon. The rapidity of ,the decline of visible yellow fever following the suppression of the Rio de Janeiro outbreak was noteworthy, and between July, 1929, and March, 1930, less than a dozen cases were recorded for all Brazil. How optimistic was the reaction to this striking recession of yellow fever late in 1929 may be ascertained from the following paragraphs of the Annual Report of the Yellow Fever Service (unpublished) for the year 1929: (page 3) (b) The history of the march of yellow fever gathered from available data indicates the centers where the infection might be expected to remain for an indefinite period in the absence of sanitary iniervention. Such centers proved to be the capitals and here intensive efforts are practised. Additional services are started for interior areas whenever there is need for same and continued until the situation is again normal or local officials take up the work. (page 9) . . . For the first time in the history of yellow fever prophylaxis, control measures are being applied in all centers where this disease was present or was menacing. UNEXPECTED OUTBREAKS IN COLOMBIA AND VENEZUELA, 1929 While the situation in Brazil was occupying the attention of those re- sponsible for its study and control, two totally unexpected and, at that time, unexplained outbreaks of aegypti-trans- mitted yellow fever were registered in Colombia and Venezuela, both in 1929. These outbreaks came at iso- lated points in the interior, completely out of contact with each other and with other known foci of infection. The place of one of these epidemics, Socorro, Colombia," is a small town in the mountains east of the Magdalena River in the, same general region as Bucaramanga, where the last previously recorded outbreak in Colombia had oc- curred 6 years before. The Venezue!an outbreak occurred in a series of small towns in the Cuyuni Valley, close to the towns of Guasapati and Tumeremo. This outbreak, like that at Socorro, cannot be linked in any way with the 1929 dissemination of virus from Rio de Janeiro. DEVELOPAMENT OF NEW EPIDEMIOLOGICAL TOOLS For a proper understanding of de- velopments since 1929, it is necessary to digress long enough to compare the tools with which epidemiologists worked before 1930 with those available today. Previous to 1930, knowledge of the distribution of yellow fever depended upon the occurrence of outbreaks of sufficient severity to be declared by local authorities. Acceptable diagnosis de- pended upon the demonstration of a series of cases with the classical symp- toms of yellow fever occurring under these conditions considered necessary for its existence. Final judgment was suspended on isolated suspect cases awaiting the occurrence of other cases in the neighborhood, and such was the faith in the epidemiological picture of the disease that the failure to find other cases or the failure to find aegypti were at times the basis for deciding against a diagnosis of yellow fever. Knowledge of the disease was largely based on observation of its manifesta- tions among immigrants in endemic areas and among non-immune popula- tions during its occasional excursions outside of endemic zones. Epidemio- logical surveys were limited to a study of mortality statistics and conversations with the medical profession and with local authorities, and such surveys were thought sufficient to indicate the presence or absence of the infection in an area. Even as late as 1928, the epidemiological picture of yellow fever 6 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH Jun., 1937 was held to be more concrete and defi- nite than the pathology of the liver of the yellow fever patient. The events of 1928 and 1929, how- ever, had shown that the pathological diagnosis based on the microscopical examination of liver tissue merits great respkct, and the wealth of material ob- tained during the Rio de Janeiro out- break established on a firmer basis among epidemiologists the belief that the pathological picture in the yellow fever liver is not duplicated by that of any other acute infectious disease. In 1930 ' the examination of liver tissue, which had previously been used in suspect cases, was introduced as a rou- tine measure for discovering unsuspected fatal cases of yellow fever in otherwise silent endemic areas. Although the virus of yellow fever had been successfully established in laboratory animals in 1927 8 it was not until 1931 that the perfection of the mouse protection test o enabled the epi- demiologist to study the distribution of immunity to yellow fever on a large scale to delimit existing' endemic areas, and not until 193.5 was the easily trans- ported mouse shown to be readily in- fectible with the virus of yellow fever from human cases in the field. YELLOW FEVER CONTROL IN NORTHEAST BRAZIL, Igp-1936 When the speaker became responsible in June, 1930, for the technical admin- istration of the CoBperative Yellow Fever Service jointly maintained by the Brazilian Government and The Rocke- feller Foundation, it was already ap- parent that the brief optimism of a few months before was not justified. Yellow fever had just been shown to be present in the State of Rio de Janeiro in the south, in the State of Pernambuco in the northeast, and in the State of Pa& at the mouth of the Amazon River. The most important control problem to be attacked was whether further extension of antimosquito measures to smaller towns would result in the elimination of yellow fever, which " key-center " control had failed to accomplish, and the most important epidemiological problem seemed to be to discover how the virus of yellow fever is maintained during periods of " invisibility." The State of Pernambuco, a long, narrow area extending directly west- ward from the Atlantic Ocean, possesses in more or less well defined belts the various climatic conditions characteristic of Northeast Brazil, and was chosen for the initiation of intensified control measures and for special studies. An analysis of the available information regarding the distribution of yellow fever in Pernambuco previous to 1930 seemed to- justify the division of the state into 4 rough epidemiological zones : 1. Key-renter Endemic-Recifc, the capital city and principal port, with a population of more than 250,000, a typical key-center of yellow fever in- fection which might be expected in the absence of antimosquito measures to maintain endemicity in and of itself, with the more or less constant occur- rence of " visible " yellow fever in immi- grants from non-endemic areas. 2. Regional Endemic-The heavily populated coastal plain, where impor- tant outbreaks of yellow fever were rarely reported but where the presence of the virus was from time to time made manifest through the infection of occasional foreigners. 3. Endemo-epidemic - A relatively heavily populated zone just back of the coastal plain, where yellow fever was frequently reported as sharp epidemics in the native population. 4. Non-injectible-The sparsely pop- ulated SertZo or hinterland comprising roughly the western half of the state, subject to occasional droughts of great vol. 27 EPIDEMIOLOGY OF YELLOW FEVER 7 severity, with no history of yellow fever in the past. The plan of campaign drawn up in June, 1930, called for the routine or- ,oanization of anti-aegypti measures in all cities and towns.of 2,000 population and over throughout the key-center en- demic, the regional endemic, and the endemo-epidemic zones, leaving only the (` non-infectible " zone without con- trol. The extent to which this program differed from the original key-center theory of control can be appreciated when it is remembered that Carter 2* P. 2o states in discussing the spontaneous dis- appearance of yellow fever: It has disappeared from Cartagena, Bar- rsnquilla, Maracaibo, Cucuta (towns of from 20,000 to 75,000 people) ; from all of Hayti and Santo Domingo; from Porto Rico, St. Thomas and a host of smaller places; and this without any sanitary work and with aegypti abundant. Only a few months intervened be- tween the inauguration of this intensive program and the perfection of the viscerotome, a.n instrument for the rapid removal of pathological specimens post- mortem without autopsy lo which made possible the extension of the routine collection.of liver tissue from the bodies of persons dying in 10 days or less `after onset of illness, for the diagnosis of unsuspected yellow fever. Viscerotomy confirmed the absence of yellow fever from Recife, the capital city, but re- vealed fatal cases in the regionaE en- demic, the endemo-epidemic and " non- injectible " zones! `In other ivords, key- center control in Pernambuco after 7 years' constant application had resulted in the elimination of yellow fever only from the key-centers worked! The installation of anti-aegypti serv- ices in the towns of the eastern part of Pernambuco was followed by the rapid disappearance of positive diagnoses on liver tissue collected in this area. The theory of key-center control only needed application to smaller towns than had been previously worked to give the desired results. Not so in the SertHo! The organization of anti-aegypti measures was carried to smaller and smaller centers of population, until villages of less than 50 houses were be- ing worked; but nevertheless, visce- rotomy continued to reveal fatal cases in this " non-infectible " hinterland. After conclusive proof had been obtained that the disease would not spontaneously disappear from the rural districts, the so-called " fine-tooth-comb " method involving anti-aegypti measures in every home throughout rural districts was authorized for the Sert%o. This method eventually gave satisfactory results, and since August, 1934, visce- rotomy has failed to reveal yellow fever in Pernambuco or in the 5 neighboring states lying between the %o Francisco and Parnahyba Rivers. It should be noted here that, al- though Northeast Brazil has been more intensively studied than any other part of South America in recent years, no evidence of the occurrence of yellow fever without AL;des aegypti has been `found in that region, and, conversely, the disease has not continued long in those places where the incidence of this mosquito has been reduced by control measures. The reason underlying the success of anti-aegypti measures limited to the cities and towns in the coastal plain and the failure of the same measures limited to towns in the interior merits discussion. Investigation has shown that the ri&fes aegypti mosquito, al- though widely disseminated throughout the towns and villages of the coastal plain, is not common in the rural habi- tations of this zone; on the other hand, the dry interior is unique among all the' districts investigated in Brazil in that there is a high index of infestation with this mosquito in the rural homes 8 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH Jan., 1937 throughout a wide area. This excep- tional distribution of AZdes aegypti is attributed to the fact that the dryness of the climate obliges the inhabitants to store whatever water is to be had for domestic use. The containers used for storing water provide ideal breeding places for AZdes aegypti once it has been introduced, and the custom, bred of necessity, among those travelling on business and on religious pilgrimages, of carrying drinking water containers, has provided the means of such almost universal introduction. The experience in Northeast Brazil has confirmed the opinion expressed in the report of the CommissHo Sanitaria Federal (vide supra) that yellow fever will not obey the epidemiological rules in the face of an unusual dissemination of AZdes aegypti but has shown that the extension of anti-aegypti measures to strictly rural regions is practicable and efficacious. No evidence of the presence of yellow fever has been found in Northeast Brazil for more than 2 years, and control measures could prob- ably be safely abandoned were it not for the danger of reinfection from nearby areas demonstrated to harbor the virus of yellow fever in the absence of aegypti and under conditions for which adequate methods of control have not yet been evolved. YELLOW FEVER WITHOUT AiiDES AEGYPTI JUNGLE YELT.OW FEVER Although the demonstration in 1928 l1 that the virus of yellow fever can be transmitted in the laboratory by various species of mosquitoes found in Africa, other than Aedes aegypti, had been followed, as early as 1929,lz by a similar demonstration for some of the South American species, it was not until 1932 l3 that the natural occurrence of yellow fever in the absence of aegypti was fully confirmed. The full sig- nificance of this first observation of yellow fever without Aifdes aepypti in the Valle do Chanaan, Espirito Santo, Brazil, was not understood at the time, since the spontaneous termination of the disease within a few weeks after coming under observation, when a very high percentage of the population of the valley was still non-immune, sug- gested that this outbreak had prob- ably been due to a temporary excursion of the virus under relatively unfavor- able conditions from nearby towns and cities where no yellow fever could be found but where high densities of aegypti and high percentages of im- munes were encountered. Later ob- servations of yellow fever without aegypti, to which the name jungle yellow fever has been givenI have sug- gested that it may be the more natural and permanent form of yellow fever and that the aegypti-transmitted type may be a highly exotic type maintained with great difficulty because of the tendency to burn itself out through the exhaustion of non-immune populations. Scarcely had the outbreak in the Valle do Chanaan been identified when epi- demiologists were astounded by an out- break of yehow fever at Santa Cruz de la Sierra, Bolivia, a town of less than 20,000 population, completely isolated from other larger centers of population, lying in the heart of the continent more than 1,000 kilometers from any focus of infection known during the previous two decades. The Santa Cruz epidemic occurred in the presence of a high density of aegypti and responded rapidly to anti-aegypti measures, but no reasonable explanation of the source of virus for this outbreak was found until viscerotomy revealed some months later that yellow fever was present at San Ramon, a small Indian village of the lowlands of Bolivia, in a region in which AC;des aegypti has not been found! By 1933, immunity survey results Vat. 27 EPIDEMIOLOGY 0~ YELLOW FEVER 9 were available from various parts of the Amazon Valley indicating that yellow fever had not been absent from any large portion of the valley in the pre- vious 20 years during which it had not been recognized. Likewise, independent protection test studies in Colombia l5 had suggested the maintenance of the virus of yellow fever in certain rural regions of the Magdalena Valley. Be- fore the end of the year, viscerotomy had confirmed fatal cases of jungle yellow fever for the Magdalena Valley at Caparrapi and for the Amazon Valley at Lauro SodrC, close to the Brazilian, Colombian, and Peruvian frontiers. The observations of jungle yellow fever previous to 1934, however, are relatively insignificant in comparison with those made during the years 1934, 1935, and 1936, which have shown that it is a very important epidemiological entity, not only as a factor in the preservation of the yellow fever virus, but also as a cause of illness and death among rural and jungle populations. Even those most intimately in contact with the work on yellow fever were totally unprepared for the rapidly un- folding epidemiological picture of the last 3 years. The events of these years include : 1. The discovery in 1934 of jungle yellow fever, confirmed by clinical obser- vation, autopsy, immunity t&ts and isolation of the virus with reproduction of the disease in susceptible animals, at Coronel Ponce on the Planalto of Matto Gross0 `0 100 miles east of Cuyabi, the state capital. Yellow fever as an urban disease had been known late in the past century in Cuyabir, but there was no history of its occurrence anywhere in the state during the pre- vious 30 years. An attempt to incul- pate Cuyabb, and other' towns of the state where high densities of AZdes aegypti exist, as the source of virus for this rural outbreak failed in `the face of negative histories substantiated by negative protection test results in the younger age groups of the population of these towns. However, immunity studies made on Indians at Sim6es Lopes, an isolated government post about 100 miles north of Coronel Ponce, showed high percentages of immunes among all age groups and suggested that the infection of the Planalto came from the jungle areas of the Amazon Valley. The slow moving outbreak on the Planalto was carefully studied during 1934 and 1935. The scattered popula; tion of this region had apparently not been exposed to yellow fever in recent years, since histories of recent illness were obtained from all persons with positive protection tests. Investigation showed that the local popular idea that the new disease was contracted in the fields next to the uncut forest was well founded. The paucity of human popu- lation in this area and the time and space distribution of cases make it highly improbable that man was at any time an important source of virus for human infection or was an appreciable factor in the dissemination of the dis- ease from ,one point to another. Posi- tive protection tests obtained with the sera of wild monkeys l7 indicate that infection in this area has not been limited to human beings. 2. The finai proof, by clinical ob- servation, autopsy, and isolation of the virus in susceptible animals, that jungle yellow fever continues endemic in the Muzo region of Colombia, as had been suggested by previous protection test results.15 Yellow fever was reported in Muzo even during the past century, but its careful differentiation from malaria and relapsing fever, both endemic here,`was first made in 1907.`* Since this early confirmation, cases of yellow fever among the non-immune 10 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH Jan:, 1937 laborers brought from the highlands of Colombia to work the famous emerald mines of Muzo have been sufficiently numerous to cause repeated investiga- tions but have not been numerous enough tb explain the continued endemicity of the past 30 years in this sparsely populated region. Although Aedes aegypti was reported as present in Muzo in 1907, repeated investiga- tions since have failed to confirm its existence anywhere in the area, and a careful reading of the early descrip- tion leads to the conclusion that the classification was in error.14 Epi- demiologists who investigated Muzo during the quarter of a century follow- ing the first description of yellow fever there and before the introduction of the protection test, failed to convince themselves, in the absence of aegypti and of explosive outbreaks involving many cases, that the disease under in- vestigation might be yellow fever! Even Gorgas, lo following a visit to the n&es in 1916, declared that the suspect cases which had caused his visit could not have been yellow fever, since the conditions necessary for endemicity did not exist. Viscerotomy has resulted in the con- firmation of cases at Muzo in March, June, and October, 1934; in December, 1935 ; and in January, April, and May, 1936. Cases have been limited, so far as is known, to persons who had in- timate contact with the forest, only a few cases occurring at a time. The or- ganization of viscerotomy throughout the surrounding region has shown that endemicity is not strictly limited to the immediate vicinity of Muzo but ap- parently covers a large sparsely popu- lated district on the right bank of the Magdalena River, between this river and the high mountain ranges to the east. The proof that this district har- bors endemic jungle yellow fever offers at last an acceptable source of virus for the unexplained outbreaks, occurring after periods of several years of apparent absence of the disease from Colombia, in Bucaramanga in 1923, and in Socorro in 1929, both of which towns are within a short distance of the known endemic district. Muzo is unique in that it has a definite history of constant endemicity of jungle yellow fever during at least 30 years; it is probable that the recently isolated Muzo strain of virus has not been transmitted by the ABdes aegypti mosquito during this period. 3. The identification of a rural epi- demic in 1934 on the eastern slope of the Andes at Restrepo, just at the edge of the llanos in Colombia, as yellow fever. This. general region, which lies in the drainage basin of the Orinoco River, had in 1886 suffered G an out- break suspected of being yellow fever, but there was no historical reason for believing this to be an endemic region. Careful investigation has shown that even the larger towns of the region are not even now infested with aegypti, and although cases have continued to be recorded during the years 193.5 and 1936, some of which have apparently been infected almost at the edge of the towns, no cases are known to have been infected in the towns themselves. 4. The diagnosis, through visce- rotomy, of, 4 isolated cases-l in May, 1 in June, and 1 in July, 1934, and 1 in May, 1935within a comparatively small area on the Ilha Marajo, the large island lying at the mouth of the Amazon River.20 Careful investigation has in- dicated that some undiagnosed cases may have occurred, but has failed to bring any clinical cases under observa- tion. The circumstances strongly sug- gest that there is some reservoir of virus in this region quite independent of the human population. 5. The demonstration that the anti- aegypti campaign, begun in the lowlands Vol. 27 EPIDEMIOLOGY OF YELLOW FEVER of Bolivia in 1932 at Santa Cruz de la Sierra, had probably not had any im- portant effect in limiting the distribution of the jungle virus, although only 1 case was diagnosed by viscerotomy in Bolivia in 1933, and none were found during 1934. Yellow fever without aegypti was shown to be present in the war zone south of Santa Cruz in 1935. The present year, 1936, has been a banner year for viscerotomy in Bolivia, and diagnosis of yellow fever based on liver examination has been made at numerous points on all sides of Santa Cruz, at many places in the foothills of the Andes, at San Ram6n and San Javier in the San Miguel River Valley, at Trinidad on the River MamorC, at Huichini, on the River Beni, and at Cobija, on the frontier of the Territory of Acre, Brazil. 6. The observation during 1935 and 1936 of an extensive outbreak of jungle yellow fever involving the southern part of Goyaz, the western and southwestern parts of Minas Geraes, a large part of the state of SCo Paula, the northern part of Paranb, and the southern- part of Matto Grosso. Most of the territory covered by this outbreak had never pre- viously reported yellow fever, and none of it was known to have produced cases during more than a quarter of a century. The area is far from uniform in topography and density of population, and ranges from sparsely settled regions where there are a few settlers along the river valleys, to very rich densely popu- lated districts, The known infected district covers several hundred thousand square miles; it is impossible even to hazard a guess as to the number of cases which have occurred, beyond stating that it is known to be in the thousands. This is by far the most im- portant and extensive outbreak of jungle yellow fever yet observed and is responsible for a new conception of the threat this disease represents for rural populations throughout much of South America. 7. The occurrence of small isolated outbreaks of aegypti-transmitted yel- low fever under circumstances strongly suggesting that the virus for the pro- duction pf such outbreaks had come from nearby areas of jungle infection. Outstanding examples of such outbreaks are that of Theofilo Ottoni in the state of Matto Grosso, Brazil, in 1935,20 and that of Cambar& in the state of Paran& in 1936. DISCUSSION OF JUNGLE YELLOW FEVER There is ample reason for believing that aegypti-transmitted yellow fever and jungle yellow fever are identical except for the conditions under which infection occurs. The identity. of the disease occurring in the absence of aegypti in the Valle do Chanaan, in Matto Grosso, in Goyaz and in both the Magdalena and Orinoco River Valleys in Colombia, has been fully established by clinical observation, autopsy, protection test, and isolation of the causative virus with reproduction of the disease in susceptible animals. Furthermore, the jungle virus has been transmitted from monkey to monkey in the laboraiory by the AZdes aegypti mosquito *I just as the urban virus has been transmitted by various jungle mosquitoes. Aegypti-transmitted yellow fever is largely a house disease, since the vector breeds and spends its entire life either in or in immediate proximity to human habitation; the close contact between vector and cases in the home results in building up a high concen- tration of virus in the vector; thus most of the non-immune members of the household become infected before the disease dies out because of a shortage of new cases to infect succeeding agen- erations of the short lived vector. In jungle yellow fever, on the other hand, man is not an important source 12 AMERICAN JOURNAL of virus for the infection of human cases; the human case is apparently an accident in the course of some as yet unknown extra-domiciliary cycle of in- fection. In support of this idea,%udies of immunity distribution in wild animals in South -4merica have already shown that animals of various types,14, 17, ** including opossums and several species of monkeys, may acquire immunity un- der natural conditions in the jungle. Much further study is necessary be- fore the entire story can be known; the demonstration of one cycle of in- fection in the jungle should not be in- terpreted to exclude other cycles, and a thorough search must be made for all possible blood-sucking vectors and all possible vertebrate hosts. The possi- bility of virus reservoirs consisting of long lived vectors, vectors capable of transmitting the virus from generation to generation, or even vertebrates in- capable of acquiring immunity and therefore permanent reservoirs of the virus, when once infected, must be investigated. The questions most frequently asked by those who learn for the first time of the recent developments in the epi- demiology of yellow fever are, " Is jungle yellow fever a recent adaptation of the virus of yellow fever to non- domestic conditions? " and `( If not a recent development, how could jungle yellow fever escape observation and description in the past? " The answer to these two questions is that jungle yellow fever is not a recent adaptation but may even be the original and natural form of yellow fever and that it did not entirely escape observa- tion and description in the past. There are two quite convincing descriptions of yellow fever from former times and a third, published many years after the observations on which it is based, which undoubtedly refer to what is now known as jungle yellow fever. OF F+JBLIC HEALTH Jan., 1937 The first description of this kind which has come to my attention is the report 23 of an investigation made in 1887 among the Catholic missions along the foothills of the Andes south of Santa Cruz de la Sierra, Bolivia. A series of cases diagnosed as yellow fever by a clinician familiar with the disease in Cuba, is described at Abapo, El Espifio, Muchiri, and Masavi, in exactly the same region in which yellow fever without aegypti was encountered among the troops in the trenches in 1935. Quite naturally this early report carries no reference to the presence or absence of AZdes aegypti, since it was written some 13 years before the trans- mission of yellow fever by this mosquito was first demonstrated. The authors realized that their diagnosis would be criticised and probably not accepted, as indeed it was not, no reference to this report reaching the international literature until after the discovery of yellow fever in Santa Cruz in 1932. ,To quote in translation from the Spanish: Without doubt many authorities will be unwilling to admit the presence of yellow fever, isolated in the heart of Bolivia, far from the places in which yellow fever gen- erally exists and without known routes of penetration from without. These words fittingly describe the dificulties of accepting the same diag- nosis in this same area 45 years later. That this last outbreak should not have been unexpected is suggested by the fact that the 1887 epidemic was ap- parently not the first. To quote in translation: The older inhabitants state that Abapo was stricken some 20 years ago by a disease which presented these same symptoms and which Dr. Jo& Lorenzo Sanchez, who was then in charge of the local parish, called yellow fever. Likewise this year, it was a priest who an'- nounced the true name of the disease. The virtuous Seiior Sarrazona, the priest at Abapo, who was to be one of the first to vol. 27 EPIDEMIOLOGY OF YELLOW FEVER 13 pay tribute to the scourge, styled it, as a good Spaniard would, Black Vomit. The second description of jungle yellow fever is that made at MUZO, Colombia, in 1907.l' The careful clin- ical observations then recorded do not permit any doubt that yellow fever was present and the epidemiological notes point conclusively to jwngle yellow fever. To quote in translation: (a) It is contracted in the forest and not in the neighborhood of the houses. (b) It is transmitted by Stegomyia calopus and probably also by other culicines. (c) Inoculation takes place during the day- light hours, which are spent by the workers in places where the transmitting mosquitoes predominate. Except for the statement that " Stegomyia calopus " (ABdes aegypti) was present, the description of yellow fever as given for Muzo in 1907 can stand as a true description of the jungle yellow fever observed there in 1934, 193.5, and 1936. That the mosquitoes diagnosed as Stegomyia calopus were not Addes aegypti is clearly indicated by the description of the habits of these mosquitoes and the failure of numerous investigations between 1916 and 1936 (vide szrpra) to reveal this mosquito at Muzo. In addition to these descriptions there is the reference made in 1929 24 to two outbreaks many years before in the State of S5o Paulo, Brazil, reputed to have occurred in the absence of aegypti. This reference, made several years before the observations in the Valle do Chanaan, is very interesting in that it describes so closely the condi- tions under which jungle yellow fever has recently been found. The first of these outbreaks, of which I know only from the reports of others, oc- curred in an Indian village on the Rio Verde. ln the other case which I personally investi- gated, yellow fever was found in some huts built in the midst of the forest and inhabited by laborers. These men were cutting the forest in preparation for the constrtiction of a railroad which was to join Funil to Campinas. I examined several huts from which had come cases of yellow fever, with- out finding any trace of larvae or adults of Stegomyiu, although forest mosquitoes were present. This observation is especially in- teresting since it has lately been shown in Africa that transmission may occur through mosquitoes other than the domesticated stegomyia. This latter will always be among us the most important vector and the trans- mission by other species must be rare and exceptional, but nev&theless the determina- tion of other species which may transmit the virus is an interesting problem. During the last few years, Ai;des aegypti has not been the most important vector but may be expected rapidly to regain its dominant position should anti-aegypti measures be abandoned. Paradoxically, one of the most im- portant results of the observation of endemicity without aegypti has been to emphasize the need of permanent anti-aegypti services throughout en- demic areas and in regions in close con- tact with endemic areas. And today it is true that the entire continent is, through the development of rapid transportation facilities, in close contact with endemic areas. With present facilities it would be possible for the members of this Association to leave New Orleans, visit a known infected region, probably seeing active cases, and return to the United States, all within the generally accepted 6 day incubation period of yellow fever. The situation is not one calling for undue alarm, but it is one which merits careful evaluation of the implied threat of pos- sible extension of infection. SUMMARY Work during recent years in South America has shown that- 1. Elimination of yellow fever from the larger " key-centers " of population by anti- mosquito measures will not result in the disappearance of the disease from the continent. 14 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH 2. Aegypti-transmitted yellow fever may, ratory Animals. Am. 1. Trap. Ilied., 8:103-164 (Mar.). 1928. 9. ikvyer, W. A.: and Lloyd, W. The Use of Mice in Tests of Immunity Against Yellow Fever. 1. &per. Med., 54:533-S% (Oct.), 1931. 10. Rickard, E. R. The Viscerotome, an Instru- ment for the Removal of Fragmenb of Liver for Pathological Examination without Autopsy. Rocke- feller Foundation Quart. Bull., 5:310-320 (July), 1931. fan., 1937 under the conditions prevailing in Northeast Brazil, maintain itself for long periods of time as a rural disease requiring organization of anti-aegypti measures in strictly rural dis- tricts for its elimination. 3. There exists throughout vast areas of the continent, a previously unsuspected epi- demiologica! type of yellow-kver to which the name " jungle yellow fever " has been given. Jungle yellow fever differs from the classical disease in that it occurs in the ab- sence of AZdes aegypti, and under conditions previously considered incompatible with yellow fever endemicity. 4. Jungle yellow fever, in the absence of adequate methods for its control, must be considered as a possible permanent `source of virus for the re-infection of cities and towns where high densities of AZdes aegypti are tolerated. REFERENCES 1. Reed, Walter; Carroll, James; and Agramonte, Aristides. Ex;:erimental Yellow Fever. Tratrs. Assn. Am. Phyr., 16:45-70, 71, 1901. 2. Carter, Henry Rose. Yellow Fever: An Epi- demiological and Historical Study of Its Place 01 Otigin. Williams 81 Wilkins, 1931. 3. Connor, M. E. Yellow Fever Control in Ecuador. I.A.M.A., 74:650 (Mar. 61, 1920. 4. Carter, Henry Rose. Yellow Fever in Peru: Qidemic of 1919 and 1920. An. 1. Trap. Med., 2, 87-106 (Mar.), 1922. 5. Coma da Cmta, Clovis. Febre Amarella. Notas sobre 0s trabalhos da Cornmiss& Sanitaria Federal em Pernambuco. Arch. Brazileiros de Medicim. 1920. 6. Pena Cbavarria, Antonio; Serpa, Roberto; and Be&r, George. Yellow Fever in Colombia with Special Reference to the Epidemic in Socorro in 1929. 1. Prev. Med., 4:417-457 (Nov.), 1930. 7. Soper, F. L.; Rickard, E. R.; and Crawford, P. J. The Routine Post-mortem Removal of Liver- Tissue from Rapidly Fatal Fever Cases for the Dixovery of Silent Yellow Fever Foci. Am. 1. Hyg., 19:549-566 (May), 1934. 8. Stokes, A.: Bauer, J. H.: and Hudson. N. P. Experimental Transmission of Yellow Fever to Labo- 11. Bauer. J. H. The Transmission of Tellow Fever hv Mosauitws other than AMes oe~vbti. Ant. 1. Trap: Med.: 8~261-282 (July). 1928.--' 12. Davis, N. C.; and Shannon, R. C. Studies on Yellow Fever in South America: V. Transmission Experiments with Certain Species of Culex and AUes. 1. Exper. Med., 50, 803-808 (Dec.), 1929. 13. Soper, F. L.; Penna, H.; Cardoso, E.; Sara- fin J., Jr.; Frobisher, fi4., Jr.; and Pinheiro, J. Yellow Fever without AZdes oegypti. Study of a Rural Epidemic in the Valle do Chanaan, Espirito Santa, Brazil, 1932. Am. 3. Hyg., 18, 555-587 (Nov.), 1933. 14. So er, F. L. Rural and Jungle Yellow Fever. A New Public Health Problem in Colombia. Rev. de Hi&nc, Bogotd, 4:47-84 (May-June), 1935. 15. Kerr, J. A.: and Patino Camargo, L. Investi- gaciones sobre fiebre amarilla en Muzo y en la regi6n de Santander. Rev. de Higiene, Bogotd. 2:63-91 (A4ar.), 1933. 16. Burke, A. W. An Epidemic of Jungle Yellow Fever on the Planalto of Alatto Grosso, Brazil. In ~reyaration. 17. Soper; F. L. Jungle Yellow Fever: A New Epidemiological Entity in South America. Rev. de Higiene e Sande Publica, Rio de Janeiro, 10:107- 141 (Apr.), 1936. 18. France. R.: Mar&z Santamaria, J.; and Two Villa. G. Fiehre Amarilla y Fiebre Espiroquetal. Academia National de Medicina, Sesidnes scien- tificas de1 Centenario, Bog&, 1911. 19. Gorgas, w. c. Rev. de Higiene, Bogotd, 8 (Jan.), 1917. 20. Soper, F. L. Recent Extensions of Knowl- edge of Yellow Fever. Quart. Bull. Health Organiso- tion 01 the League 01 Nationr, 5:19-68 (Mar.), 1936. 21. Whitman, L. 1935. Personal communication. 22. Wilson, D. B. 1936. Perwnal communication. 23. Ortiz, Nicholris, and Cam6 Montobbio, Jose. Fiebre amarilla en Bolivia, 1887. Original report reprinted in La Revisto del Institute Medico, Sucre, Bolivia, 1932. 24. Lutz: Adolpha. Reminiscenciae da fehre amarella no Estado de SHo Paula. Memorias do lnrtiluto Oswoldo Cnrz. 24, No. 3, 1930.