- Swope:
-
This is the oral history of World War II Veteran Harry P. Guinther. Mr. Guinther served in the U.S. Army Air Corps, 386th Bomb Group, 55th Squadron. He was a radio operator and a waist gunner on a B 26 and his highest rank was tech sergeant. I'm Tom Swope and we've recorded this at Mr. Guinther's home in Chagrin Falls, Ohio, on June 18th of 2001. Mr. Guinther was 78 at the time.
- Guinther:
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I entered the service in the spring of 1942. I had -- of course, at that time everybody knew if you were young and if you were relatively healthy that you were going to end up in the service because we were at war and all indications were that it was going to be a long war and a difficult war because we were in that war in Europe and in the Pacific. And at that time if you -- if you enlisted, you were to a great degree allowed to pick the branch of service in which you served. While if you waited to be drafted, you were assigned a branch of service. And I really didn't want to be assigned to the infantry and I had always been interested in flying so I decided to enlist maybe a few months before I would have been drafted, but that way got to choose the Air Force, which I really wanted to do. I liked flying right from the time of being a young child. I built model airplanes and went out to the local airport and watched the airplanes fly and even took a couple of flying lessons in little Piper Cubs before I joined the service. When I joined the service I was sent to Fort Benjamin Harrison in Indianapolis, Indiana, just as an induction -- a service induction center, and then on to Keesler Field at Biloxi Mississippi, for basic training which was about six weeks of marching and learning all the things you needed to know about existing in the military life. How to make a bed, and how to get up at 5:30 in the morning and all the other things that were pretty new to a teenager. I was 19 years old at the time. But we learned pretty quick. Biloxi was on -- is on the Gulf coast, a very small town of only -- at that time only about 8,000 people and at Keesler Field we had about 35,000 men, which made social life a little difficult. It was pretty hard to get a date on Saturday night but we got our training done. And during training we were evaluated for potential list of going to technical schools and I qualified for either A and E, which is aircraft and engine mechanics or radio operator school. So I decided to become a flying radio operator. And they sent me to Sioux Falls, South Dakota, a lovely city in South Dakota, with very friendly people. And I spent about three months there in radio school, learning Morse code and also learning how to do simple repairs to radios, how radios worked, which radios to use for which purposes. Radio direction finding for navigation and so forth. And then, because I was going to be a flying radio operator, I had to be taught some aerial gunnery. And to do that they sent me to Fort Myers, Florida, to a field called Buckingham where we trained for another five weeks in the principles of aerial gunnery and in actual air to air shooting practice, plus a lot of shooting practice on the ground. From there I was sent to McDill Field where B26s were the main training plane being used in McDill and it was a little bit of a difficult time. B26s had a bad reputation for safety. In fact, the popular saying of the time was one a day in Tampa Bay. They also called the plane in fact Harry Truman who in fact was the vice-president at that time, titled the plane the widow maker. And it also had other very uncomplimentary sort of nicknames but the plane always treated me very well and I will touch on that later. I was then sent to Barksdale Field, Louisiana, for overseas training, and it was there I met my crew, five other young guys, a pilot from New York, a co-pilot from California, and three others and we were very compatible. We trained together, each training to do his own job, learning it well, flying all over southern and western part of the United States. And by May of 1943 we were able to go overseas. We flew to Savannah, Georgia, where we were assigned an airplane. We named it. We named it Yankee Doodle Dandee and took off for Bangor, Maine, and then flew across the northern route with the first stop after Bangor in a place called Goose Bay, Labrador, then Greenland which is the very, very southern tip of the huge island of Greenland and then on to Iceland on to Prestwick, Scotland. I remember being in Greenland on the 4th of July of 1943 and we were very, very fortunate because of flying over in the middle of the summer, the weather was very, very good. We had no problems with weather and we flew on our own. We were a replacement crew so we were not flying in formation or with other airplanes, but we had perfect sunny blue skies for the entire trip which we were very fortunate to experience because some of the guys did not, and we lost a few airplanes going across the northern route, mostly because of weather and some because of mechanical failure. When we arrived in England, we were assigned to the 386th Bomb Group which at that time was stationed in Colchester in Essex just north and east of London, about 40 -- maybe 45 miles. We joined the group in the last couple of weeks of July and although we were a replacement crew, the group had not yet known its first mission. So we joined in the training that was going on, and the group flew its first mission on the 30th of July and we flew our first mission on the 3rd of September. That was the first mission of 55 that I eventually flew. During that time, we were in the 9th Air Force -- I'm sorry, we were in the 8th Air Force because we were flying in strategic type of missions. However, in October of 1943 we were transferred to the 9th Air Force and started to fly tactical type of missions. Our missions were primarily marshaling yards, air fields, railroad bridges, across rivers, and so forth. In some cases once or twice the submarine pens in Holland. And later on during our term of missions, we flew quite a number of missions of what we call against no ball targets which were rocket launching sites on the coast of France which were being prepared by the Germans for the firing of the V1 weapons which created devastating havoc on London in late 1944 and 1945, no, in late 1944 I should say.
- Swope:
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What made the B26 so difficult to fly?
- Guinther:
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Well, the B26 was a twin engine airplane. It was an airplane that had relatively short wings, so it had a -- what the aeronautical people call high wing loading. It would take tremendously high speed for it to get airborne, and it flew at only a few miles per hour over that speed and then land at a very high speed because there just wasn't a lot of margin between the speed where the airplane would stall and the cruising speed. Now, the airplane could fly at about 300 miles an hour but it used so much fuel at that speed that we didn't fly it at anywhere near that speed. We usually flew it somewhere around 200 or 210 miles an hour. But even at that, it was still a much faster airplane than the B17 or the B24, the ____, which were operating out of England at the time. The main difference was that our range was much shorter. We could only fly about four hour missions, therefore, all of the time that I was flying, which was from May -- I'm sorry, from September of 1943 until May of 1944, our missions were entirely in Holland, Belgium and France, because we did not have the range to reach Germany. After the invasion and after we conquered most of France, the group moved to France and then we were able to make missions into Germany with ease because we were so much closer. But flying from England we stayed in the occupied countries. During the fall or during the winter and early spring of 1944, many of our missions were in preparation for the invasion. We knew that -- we could tell that because we were bombing railroad bridges, we were bombing marshaling yards and just knowing that we were doing this to inhibit the German's ability to move troops toward the -- what they thought would be the invasion area. And also our bombing of the air fields tremendously helped the mission of the heavies, the B17s and the B24s because we effectively drove the Luftwaffe back into Germany, which meant that when the heavies took off from England, they had a couple of hours of freedom from fighter attack because the fighters did not have the range to fly toward the heavies as they were approaching Germany so they waited until they hit Germany and then the fighters attacked so our destruction of the airfields in France and Belgium and Holland really had a -- was a great help to the 8th Air Force in that they lost far fewer planes. And of course, when we bombed the airfields we also
destroyed their airplanes, and their ability to
launch massive fighter attacks decreased as the war
proceeded. And in fact, in the last months of the
war, the fighter attacks by the Germans were
negligible. There were still some and, of course,
they developed the ME262, the first jet fighter the
world had ever known, and they were showing those off
but they were very short missions. They only had
enough fuel to make one or two pass-through
formations, and so our missions were primarily
tactical, as I have described, and we were successful
in our mission to do that. We accomplished our job
and we're very proud of that. And my particular
group, the 386th Bomb Group, we were also known as the Crusaders, received a Presidential Unit Citation
for the highest bombing accuracy record of all the
medium bomb groups from July of 1943 until July of
1944. Incidentally, the commanding officer of our
bomb group, Colonel Lester Maitland, is an
interesting guy, he is the man who received the
second Distinguished Flying Cross ever awarded. The
first one was awarded to Charles Lindberg for his
nonstop flight across the Atlantic and the second one
was awarded to my commanding officer, Lester Maitland, because he flew the first nonstop flight
from the mainland of America to Hawaii. Although he
flew with a co-pilot and a navigator in a trimotor
Volker airplane. And he did that just two weeks
after LindbergLindberg made his nonstop flight, therefore he
got practically no publicity because all of the
publicity was for Charles Lindberg as it well should
have been. But he was an interesting man, a fine
commanding officer, very demanding and as a result of
his expertise and his ability as a commanding officer
our group was the only B26 Marauder Group that did
not suffer a single mortality in training. We had a
couple of little accidents but nobody was ever killed
in training and all of our men killed were killed in
combat. My experience on 55 missions were I guess
normal. Not -- we had some very difficult missions
and we had some -- many very, what we call milk runs,
very easy missions. I do want to say that the
airplane itself, the B26 Marauder, the much maligned
B26 Marauder as far as I'm concerned was a fine
airplane, for in the 55 missions that I flew on, we
never once had to abort from a mission for mechanical
difficulties. Now I think that's a great tribute to
the airplane and a great tribute to the ground crew,
the mechanics, the armorers, the engine mechanics,
the hydraulic guys, all of the guys that kept those
airplanes flying. And I want to, if anybody ever
listens to this tape, I want them to make sure that
they know how much I really appreciate their efforts
because they saved a lot of lives. They did
marvelous work and got very little credit for it. We
got all the rank and we got all the medals, and we
got, if we were lucky, the ability to go home after a
certain amount of time. The ground crew got none of
that but they certainly deserved a great -- deserve a
great deal of platitudes from all of the guys that
flew the airplanes they maintained. May of 1944, on
the 27th to be exact, it was a Saturday, beautiful
Saturday, we were assigned a mission to bomb a
railroad bridge at Satrouville, which is a small town northwest of Paris, a town right on the Seine. And the railroad tracks go directly through the center of
town and then cross the river and on the other side
of the river is a Chateau called Maisons-Laffitte or
the House of Laffitte which is a very historical,
very beautiful Chateau and grounds. Our mission was
to bomb that bridge that day because this was May the
27th and as everybody knows now although we did not
know it then, the invasion was to be on June the 7th,
so we were only about 11 days ahead of the invasion
and if we could knock out that railroad bridge along
with other railroad bridges along the Seine, we would
certainly inhibit the German's ability to reinforce
troops on the coast and to move supplies, ammunition,
soldiers and so forth, tanks and weapons, to the
invasion area. So it was an important mission. The
City of Paris was extremely strongly defended by
German flak guns. We were told by intelligence
officers that there were 1000 guns surrounded in a
circle around the City of Paris. And in order to get
to the bridge that we were bombing we had to fly
through the western quarter of that circle. And so
we knew we were going to get extremely heavy flak.
And it made it all the more easy for the Germans that
it was a very, very clear bright sunny day, although
this was relatively late in the evening and they
could see us very easy. Now, the Germans had just
started to employ a new tactic in their antiaircraft
defenses wherein as before each one of the 1000 guns
surrounding Paris, each one would have an aimer and
would track the airplanes and fire independently of
all the other thousand. Well, there would be a lot
of flak up there but it would be of a different sort
and the Germans decided to try a new tactic. And
what they did was aim all of the guns from a central
point and they aimed them so that they filled a cubic
mile of sky with flak and fired all the guns at one
time centrally controlled. So that incidentally it
took about 9 seconds to reload and refire a German 88
millimeter flak gun, which meant that every 9 seconds
a cubic mile of space in the air would literally
explode and that's the kind of flak antiaircraft
defense tactics that we were facing that day. The
first time we had faced that, our intelligence
officers briefed us on that and we knew what we were
facing and quite frankly we were quite nervous about
it. Well, on our bomb run, on any bomb run, it is
necessary to fly for several minutes straight and
level. You cannot take evasive action because the
bombardier has to sight on the target and if the
airplane is maneuvering with evasive action he can't
get a good constant sight on the target so he would
fly straight and level. This gives the antiaircraft
people a beautiful opportunity to target in on you
and which is what they did. And the aircraft fire we
encountered on that day was just incredible, as bad
as I had seen in any of my previous 55 missions.
When we dropped our bombs, the bombardier would
usually say into the intercom bombs away. And I
remember that he got the word bombs out, didn't get
the word away out, and we were hit hard in the left
engine. We -- the fuel tanks were ruptured and fuel
was spewing from the rear of the wing and ignited so
there was flames trailing the wing, there was flames
inside, we were burning. It was obvious that we were
going down and going down fast. I checked the -- I
was flying on the ways guns in the rear of the plane.
I checked the tailgunner and saw that he was backing
out of his tailgun position and reaching for his
parachute and I checked the top turret gunner who I
had seen had dropped to the seat and had dropped out
of his top turret and was also reaching for his
parachute. I pulled off my flak suit and tried to
reach the pilot by intercom, however, the intercom
was not operative but was shot out and so I rolled
out of the waist window abandoning the aircraft,
followed by the tailgunner and the top turret gunner.
And in knowing what we were up against as far as the
cubic mile of flak, exploding every 9 seconds, we all
had told each other beforehand, if anything happens,
be sure not to pull your rip cord until you fall at
least halfway to the ground. So we were flying at
about 12,000 feet when we were hit, and I don't know
how long I waited but I waited long enough that I was
free of any flak shells exploding around me and I
pulled my rip cord. I shortly after that looked
around and I saw two other parachutes which I took to
be my tailgunner and my top turret gunner, their
chutes, as mine was, were safely opened and we were
floating down towards the earth. As I got closer to
the earth I could recognize objects and I saw that I
was coming down in what looked a literally forested
area. It turned out to be a park like area on the
outskirts of Paris. And I could see a road going
through the park and on it was a truck followed by a
Jeep like vehicle and soldiers were in the back of
the truck and they were aiming their rifles and
shooting at us and I could hear little zings going by
me. But I was a pretty skinny kid and fortunately
they didn't hit me. When I hit the ground, I fell sideways and sprained my ankle pretty badly but I
started to scoop up my parachute thinking I -- our
training was to hide your parachute, and then try to
find a hiding place for yourself. I scooped up my
parachute and tried to hide it under a bush and then
I stood up and started to run and as soon as I stood
up I fell because of my sprained ankle. At that time
I heard a someone shouting in German and I turned
around and I saw a soldier about 30 yards away from
me but he was pointing his gun in another direction
and shouting, and I assumed he was pointing at one of
my crew members so I started to crawl on all fours
trying to get into some deep underbrush and I got
about halfway there when I heard the German shout
again, and this time obviously much closer and I
turned around and faced him and there he was about 15
feet behind me. With his Lugger pointed right at me
and I think he was more frightened than I was because
his hand was shaking badly and I thought he is going
to pull that trigger and not even know he did it
because his hand is shaking so badly. So I simply
put up my hands and said that's it and they came up
behind me, another German soldier came up and they
put handcuffs on me and although I had to limp I was
in great pain from my sprained ankle, they walked me to the Jeep and put me in the back of the Jeep, all the time screaming at me in German which I couldn't
understand. There was other activity around and it
was obviously the fact that my other two crew members
were going through the same kind of experience I was
but the two men who captured me put me in a Jeep and
drove me away. And they drove me to, I found out
later, the town that we had just bombed and drove me into a central square in the town and the air was filled with dust and smoke. There were houses burning around us. I found out also later that we had hit the bridge, however, unfortunately just before we hit the bridge a train had pulled into the station which was located directly on the edge of the river, and it also was hit and destroyed and more than 400 people were killed. And the people of the town, although they were our allies, they were French, some of them were collaborators with the Germans, and although I was handcuffed they stood me in the center of that square and a number of young Frenchmen begin to beat me up. And did a pretty good job of it until the Germans stepped in between them, between they and me, and finally turned their guns on the Frenchmen and told them to get away and then they put me in the back of the Jeep and I was bleeding pretty badly from being, you know, split lip and a
bloody nose, and so forth. And put me in the Jeep and started to drive me in towards Paris. I will
always look back on that beating that I took at the
hands of the Frenchmen with some the degree of
disappointment and sadness because I was risking my
life to help these people free themselves from the
occupying Germans and here they did this to me.
However, I found out later, as a matter of fact, only
a couple of years ago when I visited the town that
the people were very, very grateful of what the
American forces did in liberating their country and
in fact, the -- one of the -- the town, one of the
town's historians took me to their local museum where
they have in the museum a picture of our crew and a
model of our airplane and the story of the raid that
day and surrounded by both American and French flags
in a place of honor in the museum. So they do really
appreciate the fact that we lost a lot of guys
helping to liberate their country from the Germans.
As we drove in towards Paris, one of the soldiers
stopped and made a telephone call and when he got
back to the Jeep he excitedly talked to the other
soldier and I couldn't tell what they were talking
about but shortly we were into the center of Paris and we drove into a court yard of a large building. It was maybe only four floors high. It was not a
tall building but it was large. It probably covered
a whole city block and there was a court yard through
iron gates that we passed. They opened them for us
and then closed them as we got in there. There were
soldiers marching around it inside and it looked like
officers of some importance scurrying around and it
looked to me as though it was the headquarters of
some type, although I really didn't know. And they
took me out of the Jeep and walked me into the lobby
of the building, up a flight of stairs and in through
a very ornate entrance to an office and as I walked
or limped into the office with the two soldiers with
their guns pointed right at my head, I saw behind the
desk in the office a German officer who I assumed to
be a very high rank from the way he dressed. He was
dressed -- his uniform, his decorations and the
grandeur of his office, it was all mahogany paneled
and a beautiful oriental rug, and obviously a very
high ranking officer. And I said to myself, Oh, no,
what does this mean? The two German soldiers clicked
their heels together and raised their hands in a
smart Heil Hitler salute to the general who had now
stood up behind his desk. The general raised hisarm, although I sensed that he had raised it rather
limply, sort of halfway above his waist and below his
shoulder and rather limply said Heil Hitler. And
then he said to the soldiers something in German
which I didn't understand but the soldiers looked at
me and then looked perplexed, and looked at each
other and questioned -- I could tell by the tone of
their voices -- questioned what the general had said
to them and he screamed at them again, repeating the
order that he had given. They then proceeded to take
off my handcuffs and leave the room. I couldn't
believe what had happened. There I was by myself in
this room with the general and they hadn't even
searched me. I could have had a .45 in my pocket and
they didn't even know it or wouldn't even have known
that I didn't have. I was not armed. The general
looked at me and said -- motioned for me to approach
his desk. It was a very large office. I did, and I
-- by the rules of the Geneva Convention and military
law I saluted him because you must salute rank
regardless of whether it's the enemy or friendly,
rank always is to be rerespected. So I saluted him
with a traditional American salute. He returned the
salute in a traditional way, not Heil Hitler, but
saluted like I saluted. And I said to him, without
being asked, I said, Harry Guinther, Tech Sergeant,
15102451. Sir. And he smiled. And he said would
you like to sit down. And I really appreciated that
because I was hurting. And there were two very large
and comfortable easy chairs across from his desk and
I sat down in one and he looked at me and said rather
thoughtful, he said, well, young man, he said, I'm
sure you have had a very difficult time. But he says
now for you the war is over. He said if you behave
yourself, and incidentally he spoke flawless English.
He said if you behave yourself you will live to see
your parents again. He said to me, you do have
parents, don't you? And I said, sir, but by the
terms of the Geneva Convention I can give you only my
name, rank and serial number. He said I understand.
And he looked at me and studied me and then he said
to me something that completely flabbergasted me. He
said would you like some wine? And I hesitated for
quite sometime because I was so shocked. I said, no,
sir. And he walked over to a sideboard where there
was a crystal decanter and four crystal glasses and
he poured himself a glass of red wine. He carried it
back to the desk, sat down, swirled the wine and took
a little sip of it and said to me, again, well, you
look like you've had a difficult time and I thoughtto myself, this general, and he was impeccably
dressed with an iron cross around his neck and in the
center of the iron cross looked like possibly it was
a diamond. And on his right pocket was the
traditional German eagle, and a number of decorations
over his left pocket. His trousers have a broad red
stripe down the side. And he wore beautifully shined
black leather boots and a belt and a small pistol at
his -- on the belt. And he said to me, your name
sounds German. And I said to him, well, my father
was German, and my mother was Scottish. I said, but
in America we don't think of those things, we just
called ourselves Americans. And he smiled again
rather wryly as though -- I felt, well, he got the
point that I was trying to make that I'm an American
and it doesn't matter what my nationality is. He
continued to make conversation. He did not ask me
anything about our mission. He did not ask me
anything of a military nature. He seemed very
concerned for me. And I just couldn't believe what
was happening to me. I couldn't -- I had seen movies
and I knew that Nazi Generals beat up American
prisoners and yet this man was being almost fatherly
to me and very, very kind. And he continued to drink
his wine and he said again, if you behave yourself, you will get home all right. And he said this war
may be over sooner than you think. It may take some
surprising turns. And I was again dumbfounded, why
was this man saying these things to me like this.
Shortly, he said, well, it's time for you to go now.
He said you will go to a prison camp in Germany and he said again, behave yourself. He reached under the
side of the desk, the edge of the desk and evidently
pushed a buzzer because the door opened and in came
the two soldiers who had captured me and they started
to put the handcuffs on me and I said to the general,
sir, may I ask you a question? And although he
didn't answer me, he said, or he nodded
affirmatively. And I said why did you have me
brought here? And he looked as if he were about to
say something but thought better of it and nodded to
the soldiers who proceeded to put the handcuffs back
on me and I saluted him again before they had
handcuffed me again and he returned my salute again
in another traditional manner and then as the
soldiers left they Heil Hitlered and he Heil Hitlered
back and they took me out. That experience I thought
was bizarre. Why did he select me? Here I was --
the night before I had been at a dance in London with
my girlfriend, now here I am a bloody prisoner of war
in the office of a high ranking German officer in Paris and he's not even beating me up. He's not even
threatening to shoot me. He's not even calling me a
Luft gangster. And I just was fascinated by the
entire experience. And as we drove across I was able
to -- as we drove across the city towards the prison
where they were taking me, I was able to get across
to the German soldiers the question, asking who was
that man? And they said to me in broken -- very,
very broken English but we were able to finally
decipher it that he was the commanding general of all
of the occupying German forces in France. And which
made me even more astonished at the experience I had
been through. And that was the last -- although I
thought about it constantly during my time as a
prisoner of war, that was the last that I knew any
details about what had happened to me. However,
after the war, I found out who he was. And his name
was he was a General Karl-Heinrich von Stuelpnagel
and who was, as I said, the commanding general of all
the German forces in France. Less than 10 weeks
after I was in his office, General von Stuelpnagel
was arrested by the Gestapo because he was one of the
major plot terrorist of Operation Valkyrie, the death
plot against Hitler which took place in July. And shortly thereafter he was taken to Berlin, was given
a very, very short perfunctory trial, was found
guilty, was hung from a meat hook and strangled to
death. And it was filmed for Hitler to watch later
and to gloat over as he did many of the several
hundred people he executed as the result of that
attempt on his life. The experience I had with the
general had obviously no major impact on the war but
I thought it was very bizarre and very interesting
what happened, and to this day I really and truly
regret that I did not share wine with that man
because he was trying to do something to end the
terrible war we were in. I was taken to a prison in
Paris called French prison, and I was finally
searched and they took away my escape kit and they
took away a fountain pen and my wrist watch and then
they escorted me into a cell in the prison. It was a
really old, old prison, probably built in the 1800s
but very much like you picture an old prison. Maybe
eight floors of cells with a large atrium in the
center and they put me on a very high floor and all
the time I'm wondering how about my crew. I knew
that probably Jerry and Henry, my tailgunner and top
turret gunner had survived but I didn't know about
the pilot and the bombardier and the co-pilot. It wasn't until after the war I found out that the
bombardier and the co-pilot did survive but our pilot
was killed because he finally lost complete control
of the airplane as they got to a low altitude and was
then unable to escape before the plane hit the
ground. The French civilians who lived near the
place where the plane hit were able to find a few
small fragments of his body and pulled them out of
the airplane after the plane had burned for more than
three days and they buried them in a woods nearby.
Took a piece of one of the propellers and used it as
a temporary kind of a tombstone and put a wrought
iron fence around the grave. And they, after the
war, forwarded a picture of that to my pilot's
parents which was quite comforting to them to know
that at least some of his remains were there and they
were able to inform the American Graves Recovery Unit
which recovered them and buried his remains in the
National Center at Epinal in France. After several
days in the prison in Paris, I was taken out and put
together with two other American prisoners and put on
a train of -- a regular civilian train to go into
Germany to an interrogation camp at Frankfurt. We
were in a compartment with the three GIs, all of us
fliers, and two German soldiers fully armed. And as we rode into Germany and crossed the border from France into Germany, the destruction of the cities
became very, very apparent, very horrible. Many of
the villages that we went through were just
absolutely leveled and the two guards who were
guarding us both broke into tears when they saw the
level of destruction. Now, they were really doing
double duty, they were guarding us but they were
really on their way to a leave. And it was very
emotional for us to see their reaction to the
destruction of their homeland. As we went through
some of the major cities on the way where the buildings were just leveled, it was quite a
horrifying experience. We obviously didn't know
whether they might lose it and decide to take it out
on us or any of the other people on the train for
that matter. We finally arrived in Frankfurt and in
Frankfurt, at that time at least, I don't know if it
is true today, there were two stations, either an
east and a west or a north and a south, I don't know
which. We arrived at one station and had to walk
about 10 blocks to the center of the city, to the
other station to catch the commuter train to the
little village outside of Frankfurt where the
interrogation camp was. At that time, there were probably 20 American POWs, maybe a few British but mostly American, who had converged at that arriving
train station in Frankfurt and they gathered us
together. We had two more guards, so there were four
guards and they started to march us through the
center of Frankfurt. Well, as they did, and
incidentally one man had what I think was a broken
leg, he couldn't walk, he had a cast on his leg so
some of us had to carry him, were walking down the
Main Street and I saw only one building standing.
This in the center of one of the largest cities in
Germany. And on the front of the building was a huge
Nazi flag and it obviously was the headquarters, the
only building standing. But we marched on by and a
crowd started to gather. Mostly old people, all the
young people were off fighting. But one old lady
proceeded to beat on us with her umbrella, calling us
Luft gangsters and I don't know what else in German.
And others started to do it and some of them threw
coffee on us as we got along and by the time we got
to the second station, the crowd was obviously -- it
had grown to maybe 50 people and was obviously
getting out of hand. And for the last block the
German guards who had been -- had their rifles
pointing at us had turned around and were now
pointing their rifles at the German population to
keep them away from us. And as we got into the
station, we knew we had to get to safety quickly or
it was going to be all over for us. And there was an
iron fence inside the station separating the ticket
area and the assembly area of the waiting room from
the track boarding area and we took the poor guy with
the broken leg, our GI, and lifted him up over the
iron fence and just dumped him over and then we
started to climb the iron fence and finally some of
us went there through a gate and they closed the gate
and then we were safe from the crowd. But they put
us on a small train and took us just a few miles
outside of Frankfurt to the interrogation camp.
There, they put us all in separate cells, it was --
they were obviously recently constructed for that
purpose. There were no iron bars or anything like
that. It was just cheap wooden construction with --
each cell had a window although the windows was
frosted glass and it was locked shut but there was
some light in there. And a cot, with a straw
mattress on it, and no toilet facilities. That was
down the hall, and the door. And there we sat and I
was there for 7 days in solitary wondering what was going on. Finally, after about 5 days, they decided or started to question me and they called me into an
office where there was a German officer sitting
behind a desk and he welcomed me, asked me to sit
down. And he said are you hungry, and I was because
our rations were very, very meager. There was just a
bowl of some kind of porridge in the morning, two
pieces of bread at noon with some ersatz coffee, and
one boiled potato at night, and that's all we had to
eat. Also he buttered a piece of bread and put
marmalade on it and shoved it on a plate across the
desk toward me and said help yourself. So I did. I
started to eat it. And he said you have to fill out
some forms so we can inform your parents that you are
a prisoner of war and he handed me a regular 8-1/2 by
11 white sheet of paper with a large Red Cross
printed at the top of the form which asks for my
name, my rank, my serial number, fine so far, then my
father's name, my mother's name, our hometown, the
name of our bomb group, the target, so on down a
whole list of obviously that we by training said we
cannot give. We can give only our name, rank and
serial number. And I said to him, I can't give you
that information, I says I've given you my name,
rank, and serial number. I had filled that out and
returned it to him and he handed it back to me and
says you have to fill out the rest of it. And I
said, no way, you know better than that. I says
you've interrogated probably hundreds of guys like
me, we can't give you that information. I said, in
the first place, I don't know most of that
information. I said I'm just a tech sergeant. I'm
not a general or something, I don't know any military
secrets. I said why are you wasting your time. He
said, well, if you won't cooperate with us, he said
we don't need to cooperate with you, because we don't
know if you are a member of the armed services. We
don't know if you are a soldier. We don't know for
sure if you are a flier, could be a spy. He said,
how do I know that you are a soldier if you won't
give me the name of your unit so that we can check
our records. And I said, well, I said, I know the
rules of the Geneva Convention and that's where it
is. He said, well, we don't have to cooperate with
you and he sent me back to my cell. So I sat there
for another couple of days and they called us out
again. And at that time after I was in there maybe a
minute in his office, another German officer came in,
and raised his arm in a Heil Hitler salute and then
smirked, and the officer interrogating me also said
Heil Hitler and also smirked. And I said to myself,
what's going on here? And I finally decided that
they were trying to give me the impression that they
really weren't on Hitler's side, that they were
really nice guys. And it would be all right for me
to converse with him. Well, I still didn't and,
incidentally, the man who interrogated me had until
1939 lived in the United States and had been the
manager of an F.W. Woolworth store in New Jersey so
he spoke perfect English. And I thought it was
interesting that there he was in a Nazi uniform and
he had formerly been a Woolworth store manager.
Well, they returned me to my cell and then after
about an hour, the guard came in and unlocked the
window and opened it and said to me would you like a
couple of books to read? And I said sure. So then
that indicated to me that it was over with. And I
would soon be going on to a regular prison camp which
I did. And I think the next day they sent me to a
small camp in Wetzlar, Germany and then on to Stalag
Luft IV in Pomerania, which is in an area which is
now Poland, at that time northern Germany, right upon the Baltic Sea. It was there I spent the next few
months -- can you put that on a pause for a second?
- Swope:
-
Sure.
- Guinther:
-
So adjusting to life in the
prison camp was a little difficult. We -- the camp
was a fairly new camp and it was built on soft sand
in pine forest in northern Germany. There was no
chance to tunnel because when you would dig, the sand
would cave-in and that's why the site was selected,
this was specifically for a prison camp. We were
fortunate in that our guards were Luftwaffe guards.
And there is a certain amount of respect that air men
give to each other regardless, and that was one of
the things that Herman Goring did and I don't think
much of Herman Goring and his tactics but one of the
things he did which I approved of and appreciated was
convince Adolf Hitler that the Luftwaffe or the
German Air Force should be the ones who guard Air
Force prisoners, Air Force men taken prisoner rather
than having the infantry or some other of the German
forces guard Air Force men. He insisted that Air
Force men guard their own. So we were appreciative
of that and the guards were for the most part
relatively benign as far as we were concerned. Now,
they had their disciplines. We had our early morning
and late evening roll call and they were very
exacting and very demanding and but, generally
speaking, the guards were not cruel or they did not
cause us a lot of problems. Now, there were -- I was
placed in the first compound of this prison camp it
eventually became four compounds but this was very
early the prison camp had only been occupied for a
couple of months when I got there, and I was as a
matter of fact in barracks one and in room one of
compound A. And each barracks had 10 rooms which
held 24 men each in a space 24 by 24. There were
bunks three high on almost all four sides of the
room. There was space for a window and space for a
door. Other than that, the bunks covered all of the
walls, three high. The mattresses were what we then
called gunny sacks filled with wood shavings which
were not very comfortable because the beds had just
six 1 x 2 slats across them and this sort of mattress
placed across that. So it was very, very
uncomfortable, later to become very, very lice
infected. With 24 men in a room you would think
there would be problems of men getting along but I
think there was an atmosphere that they are all in a
big kettle of fish here, we were all in big trouble
together. And in the months that I was a prisoner, I
never once saw an altercation between our own guys.
Now, there were 10 barracks like ours, 240 men to a
barracks, so there were 2,400 men in the first
compound. There was also a kitchen, and a pool which
was used was filled with water in case of fire, where
they could pump water from, and there were wash house
facilities, there was running water, no hot water and
no facilities to heat water and at the end of each
barracks was an open pit latrine. When you put 2400
men together, there you will find that you have a lot
of talents. We had guys who had been studying in
divinity schools, we had guys who were trying out for
major league or minor league baseball teams and
football teams. We had professors from colleges,
teachers from high schools, we had barbers, we had
the businessmen, we had people with musical talent or
singers. So when you have all of that together, you
find -- you are I guess forced to make a life for
yourself. So after a while, we had a school going
where you could take courses in accounting,
literature, history, all sorts of things. We had a
little theatre group that put on plays, Christmas
shows, a spring show, any chance they could get to
put on a show. We had dancers. Some of them were
dressed up as girls. And we had chorus lines. We
had comedians. A lot of amateurs, a lot were pretty
bad but it was pretty good entertainment for somebody
who -- you know, when you are in a prison camp you
just can't go down to the corner movie theatre for
entertainment. So generally speaking, we had a good
time and a lot of humor came out. We would play
tricks on the German guards. Innocent things. For
instance, we would accumulate sand in our -- in the
legs of our trousers, we would tie a string around
the cuff of our trousers and load our trousers up
from the waistband with sand, and then walk in the
back door of a barracks and walk out the front door
and pretend to be sneakily disposing of the sand in
the compound. Well, the guards would spot this and
they would say, Oh, oh, they are tunneling. They are
tunneling and soon there would be a whole force of
German soldiers come in to search the barracks and
look for the tunnel. Well, we did this sort of thing
constantly to amuse ourselves and I think after a
while even the Germans started to get a big kick out
of it. One of our tricks was to take a piece of
paper and a prisoner standing out in the compound, in
full view of one of the guard towers, would read the
paper, and fold it up but hand it to a person near
him who would read the paper and nod to the first
person, fold it up again and hand it to another
person as though a secret message were being passed
around. Well, shortly a guard would come in and walk
over to where the paper was being passed around and
the GIs with the paper would start to -- on a fast
walk. The guard walking fast behind him. Pretty
soon they were into a run and then into a dead run
and all the time passing the piece of paper because
this had all been planned. Pretty soon the guard
would catch us. We would let him catch us and the
guard would open up the paper and on the paper we had
written Hitler is a son-of-a-bitch. So that's what
-- we did things like that to occupy our time. Our
room one time decided -- and I'm sure that other
accounts of prisoner of war life will talk about some
of the nastier things but I will speak about some of
the fun things. Our room at one time decided that we
would open up a gambling casino so we took one of the
tables and turned it upside down and drew out a crap
table on it. And some how one of the prisoners had
some dice and we sat up blackjack tables and we
couldn't roulette tables because we didn't have the
mechanics. But our crap table and our blackjack
table and our poker tables were all functioning and
as soon as the barracks were locked at dusk each
night the gambling casino would open for the 240 men
in the barracks. Well, nobody had any money so the
currency that we used was cigarettes because that was
the things that we had that had the most units to it.
Because we would get several packs of cigarettes a
week and each one had 20 cigarettes in it so you may
get eighty or a hundred units that could be used like
currency and pretty soon everything in the campus was
priced in numbers of cigarettes so people would
gamble cigarettes. Well, within a few weeks our room
was rich because we had taken cigarettes from
everybody in the barracks. So we decided to move to
the next barracks and we traded rooms with prisoners
so that we could open up our -- well, we had a lot of
money. Then low and behold the American Red Cross
delivered a lot of cigarette parcels or a lot of food
parcels which contained cigarettes. And we had an
immediate inflation where the value of cigarettes was
obliterated. But we did a lot of things like that.
We had religious services because we had people who
had been in divinity schools, some various religious
organizations. We had singing. Generally speaking,
it was -- it was a very, very bad experience because
you were not free, but we had -- we certainly didn't
have enough food. We were hungry. We sort of got
use to that to some degree. Everybody lost a lot of
weight. But we got along, and we were able to
survive. We had two or three of the incidents where
in one case a GI was shot because he disobeyed a
rule. We had a number of rules. You could not jump
out of a window. You could only use the doors of the
barracks. You couldn't enter or exit the barracks by
going out of a window. And one GI forgot about that
and jumped out of a window one day and a German shot
him dead. We also had a little railing around the
fence about 10 feet in from the fence and you were
not allowed to touch that railing, not allowed to go
near it. And one day a group of GIs were standing
next to the fence having a conversation, and one of
the guys completely forgot and evidently got a little
tired and he sat down on the warning rail and he was
shot through the head immediately. So there were
some ugly things like that that happened. But on the
other hand, one day a German maintenance man was
working on the electric wires coming into the camp
and all of a sudden there was a flash and he was
electrocuted and all of the GI's gathered around and
started to watch and, of course, they immediately
cleared the compound. And so there was a lot of, you
know, very, very unpleasant memories, but all in all
we got along and low (sic.) and behold in February we
started to hear the guns of the Russian Army from the
east. And it was at that time that rumors started to spread in the camp that we were going to be marched
out. The Germans, we surmised, felt that if the
Russians took control of our camp, all they would do
would be issue rifles to us and have us fight a
alongside their own men. The Germans obviously
didn't want this to happen so the rumors were that
the Germans would evacuate the camp and we would be
put on marches towards the interior of Germany as the
Russian forces from the east and the American,
British and Canadian and French forces from the west
closed in around Germany proper. Well, lo and
behold, this was what happened. And early in
February, we got notice that we were going to be
leaving the camp the next day, marching towards the
interior of Germany. They issued all of the food
they could to us, which was not much. They told us
to dress as warmly as possible. Incidentally, this
was one of the coldest winters in German history and
we had had some horrifically cold days and so we were
told to dress as warmly as possible but to take all
clothing items that we could and change of clothing
as much as we could carry, because we were probably
going to get wet and we were probably going to be on
the road for a long time. Well, the next morning we
left and in a long, long line about four abreast.
Now, our compound left, which was 2400 men, and four
abreast makes quite a long column. And about 7:00
at night we stopped marching and they put us in an
open field, and that day the weather was terrible.
It was one of those days. It was probably in the low
30s or very high 20s. We had no way of knowing what
the temperature was but precipitation was falling and
it was half sleet and half rain. And we had to spend
the night in an open field. Well, it was really,
difficult because the field was muddy, it was wet, it
was uneven. So there were puddles all over and most
of the men spent most of the night standing up
because they didn't want to get their clothing wet.
The next morning we started off again. Well, this
went on for several days. One night we would be in a
barn, another night in stables. They would try to
find shelter for us wherever they could but they
couldn't always and as the march went on and it was
about, as I recall, around the sixth or seventh day,
the men were getting extremely tired and footsore and
our guards, the same thing was happening to them.
Most of the guards were older men. And as this
happened, we started to get stragglers. The guards
had dogs. But even the dogs got tired and sort of
inattentive. And as we walked, the line began tostretch out because of the straggling and because
some men were starting to limp and were walking more
slowly, some men were falling, and their buddies
would be by them and try to urge them on. But as the
line spread out, the line of guards also spread out,
and I suddenly realized that there was maybe a 150 to
200 feet, sometime 300 feet, between guards. And we
were walking on narrow, two lane roads through these
pine forests of northern Germany and we came across a
curve or came to a curve and I looked ahead of me and
I could see no guards and I looked behind me and I
could see no guards, and just to the right of me was
the edge of the road and five feet in from the edge
of the road were dense pine forest and I said to
myself, go for it, and I did. I jumped into the
forest and unfortunately I only got about 6 or 8 feet
into the forest, I fell and the strap on my -- the
pack that I had on my back, a strap on my chest
caught on a root and I couldn't quickly get loose so
I laid there until the rest of the column passed by
and then I stood up and walked into the woods. Not
realizing -- maybe I realized but I didn't care --
that I really wasn't prepared for what I had done. I
did not have much food. I was wet, my clothes were
wet, I was cold. But I said maybe I've got a chance.
If I can get to -- some of the farms in the area had
mostly polish/slav laborers working for them in the
fields. Now, there weren't as many in the fields in
the wintertime as there were in the summertime but
there were still some around. They were used to
shovel manure and do all the things that you have to
do around a farm, even in the wintertime. And after
two days when I was really cold and I was out of
food, I came to a farm and I saw four men and a girl
standing outside one of the barns. And I said to
myself, they must be Polish, and so I went up to them
and I said to them Americanski. One of them pulled
out a gun, turned out to be a German, and I was
recaptured. It was that simple. It was very quick
and he simply took me into the next town and they put
me in a jail and held me there for about a week and a
half and then sent me on to another prison camp. But
at least I had escaped from the march. And the
horror, I was no longer with Americans, I was with
British and eastern Europeans of all kinds, Serbs,
and even some Indians, and some soldiers from New
Zealand and also a number of Canadians, and I spent
quite sometime there. And as the war started to wind
down, discipline in the German forces became quite
loose. I shouldn't say discipline became loose, it became disorganized. And we had -- I volunteered to
go on work parties because if you would go on work
parties you could manage to maybe steal a little wood or maybe something to eat. One day we were told we
were going to move coal from one railroad boxcar to
another railroad boxcar. And although this is
spring, it was still sometimes quite cold, and I
said, well, we can get some coal for the stove. And
we could fill our overcoat pockets and come back for
some coal. Well, when we got to the boxcar, I found
out that coal was actually cabbage, which was -- and
coal is the German word for cabbage, and we were
moving cabbage from one boxcar to another. Well, I
managed to steal a number of heads of cabbage and get
them back and so we had a little more food. And so
this kind of living went on and finally on a work
detail one day, we talked to a young lady who walked
by and the Germans let us do it, we said to her when
the war is over, can we -- would you shelter us until
we can make contact with the Americans. I was with
two Canadians, and she said yes, she would do that.
And she pointed out where she lived. So on the work
detail next day as the Germans were not looking --
that we had one guard to maybe 15 men -- the Germans
were not aware exactly what we were doing. They were distracted, the three of us, myself and two
Canadians, walked away from the work party and went
to this girl's house where she admitted us and, sure
enough, gave us a bedroom. Now, the German
population at that time knew the war was over and
they knew that they had lost, there was no doubt
about it. And they knew also that it was to their
advantage to make points with particularly Americans.
They were very fearful of the Russians and they had
every right to be. The Russians were very, very
vicious, but this girl, her name was Maria, which I
thought was rather strange for a German girl to have
a name of Maria, but any way, she herded the three of
us into a room where there were cots, three cots, and
a table. And she brought in a little tin we could
use for a bathroom in case we needed it during the
night because she said in the next room there were
soldiers because that was the rule in those days, if
they were traveling, German soldiers, they could
knock on any residence in Germany and the residence
had to give them shelter for the night and food. So
she had German soldiers in the next room so we went
to bed and the next morning there's a vicious
pounding on our door and gutteral German voices and
we all looked at each other and gave ourselves a
signal to be quite, and pretty soon the shouting and
the pounding on the door stopped and then 20 seconds
or 30 seconds later pounding on my window, which is
right above my bunk, and I pulled the curtain back
and sure enough there was a German soldier all
outfitted in his helmet and his rifle on his shoulder
and screaming at me. He didn't know who I was. He
was pointing to the table in the center of the room
and on the table was a sweater, so I got out of bed
and picked up the sweater and opened the window and
handed the sweater to the German soldier and he
raised his hand and said danke schon, thank you very
much, and he left. And I was pretty relieved to say
the least, and then I realized that I had answered
the window and opened the window and handed the
sweater to him and at the time I was wearing my U.S.
olive drab GI underwear and if he would have
recognized it I could have been really in big
trouble. About seven or eight days later we were
able to make contact with the Russian forces and we
did that. We sewed American flags to our uniforms.
We no longer had American coats and trousers and
jackets and shirts and trousers, we had Serbian
uniforms on but we had made small American flags and
sewed them to the breast of our jackets and hid in
the woods and when we thought the sound of the
fighting had passed over us, we went out to the road,
which is maybe 50 yards away from where we were
hiding and started to walk east towards Russia. And
within 10 minutes we came across a Russian patrol
walking along the road all with tommyguns. Their
leader must have been 6 feet, 6 inches tall, and he
had a big fur hat on with a red star in the center of
the fur hat. We put our hands up and started yelling
Americanski, Americanski, Americanski, over and over,
over and over again, and the Russian looked
bewildered, and then he threw his tommygun down on
the road, put his arms around me and kissed me full
on the lips. Well, I was so he relieved that I got
to confess, I kissed him back I was so relieved but
they took us back to their unit headquarters and
they, in honesty, I've got to say they treated us
royally. We told them we were American airmen. Now,
two of the guys were Canadians who had been captured
in the DF raid which was the famous raid that had
gone bad. Sort of a trial raid before the invasion
that was conducted by the Canadians on the coast of
France and many, many, many Canadians were killed.
It was an absolute disaster and many were captured
and these two fellows, Canadians that were with me,
were captured in that raid. But we were fearful the
Russians wouldn't understand what a Canadian was but
we knew they knew what Americans were so that's why
we all decided to assume the identity of Americans.
And when they found out we were fliers, although it
was a lie in the case of the two Canadians, they
really treated us well because they told us that they
felt that the American fliers had done more to win
the war than any of the other allied forces so we
were treated very well, very royally. Given the best
of food, everytime they would have a party, we were
at the head table along with the big officers and the
generals, but it was quite an experience being with
the Russians. Although I will say that we were
pressured constantly to go on into Russia. Well, I
wanted no part of that because I was fearful that --
in fact, there had been talk in the prison camp that
the war may not even end, that after the Germans are
defeated the adversaries would become the allied
forces of the west as opposed to Russia and Japan.
And I was somewhat fearful of that and I wanted to
stay as close as I could to the front lines and
knowing that they would eventually meet up with the
American forces or at least some other western allied
forces. But one of the guys, Charlie, one of the
Canadians who was more or less a soldier of fortune
type of guy, he didn't have a family, he didn't have
an immediate or close family, and had no particular
ties, he was older, he was probably in at that time
in his early 30s, he decided to take them up on their
offer and he decided to go to Russia to see mother
Russia as they spoke of it. Well, he took off one
day and we waived (sic.) good-bye, shook hands and so forth
and wished each other luck, and Charlie obviously had
never been seen or heard from since. In checking
with the Canadian Legion, they have no record of him,
he's still missing. However, eventually, the war
ended and the Russian forces that I was with met up
with the American forces in a town called on
the Oder River. And then we started to run into some
problems. The Russians all of a sudden started to
turn a little cold on us and they would not allow us
to cross the bridge across the Oder to the American
forces. And we didn't know what to do. The guards
at the bridge said no, no passing. Said even though
we said we are Americans, Americans, Americans, they
would not allow it. Although I did have dog tags and
we started to plan the possibility of swimming the
river at night, which some Germans were doing every
night because they wanted to get under American
control as opposed to being under Russian control
because they felt they had a better chance and they
were right, they did. So we decided to swim the
river. And then just by chance, I heard that the
American General of the -- from the American Infantry
Division on the other side of the river was coming
across the next morning to confer with the Russian
general and I decided to try to intercept him. And
sure enough, about 10:00 o'clock the next morning,
here comes the convoy of American trucks and Jeeps
and out of one of them steps the general and a major
and a master sergeant and starting striding up the
steps of the City Hall where I had stationed myself
where I had been told the meeting was going to be
held. And as he walked up the steps I stepped in
front of him, sir, general, may I have a word with
you, and I saluted. And he said you speak good
English, and I said I should, sir, I'm a tech
sergeant radio operator from the 386th Bomb Group,
9th Air Force, and I said I was shot down. I've been
a prisoner for almost a year and these Russians won't
let us come home. And the general turned around to
the major and said, major, check this out. And the
major turned around to the master sergeant and said,
sergeant, check this out. So the sergeant says okay,
tell us your story, guys. And I did, Charlie and I,
I mean Eddie and I. Charlie had gone to Russia. And
we told him our story and he said as soon as the
general comes out, he said be by one of the trucks
and he said get back in the back of the truck. And
we did. They lowered the curtain and we drove across
the river and we were back to the American forces.
So that's what it is like. That's what it was like
in World War II.
- Swope:
-
Now, you said you flew 55 missions. Didn't you have enough points to go back at 50?
- Guinther:
-
I did. I had completed--that's right, when we originally went over, the tour of missions for medium bombardment was 35. And then it was raised to 50. And when I completed my 50th mission I walked into the orderly room and I said to the guys, hey, I'm done. I finished. I get to go home, and they all stood up and congratulated me and we shook hands and so forth. And then they said, by the way, we are short of radio operators, so we're going to arrange transportation right away but while you are awaiting transportation, you have to keep flying. So I was awaiting transportation. I could have been going the next day, I don't know. But that's the breaks of the game.
- Swope:
-
And you flew five more missions?
- Guinther:
-
Well, I had to keep flying until they arranged transportation and they got me on the 55th.
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